Eli: Miles, I want to go deeper into something you mentioned—the suffix -(r)are-. I keep seeing it pop up in the potential form, but I also see it in passive sentences. For kuru, the potential is korareru. But isn't that also the passive form? "To be come to"? That sounds like a horror movie title.
Miles: It does sound spooky, doesn't it? This is where Japanese linguistics gets really "Inception"-level deep. The suffix -(r)are- is actually a multi-tool. It’s used for potential, passive, honorifics, and what we call "spontaneity."
Eli: "Spontaneity"? Like, something just happens out of nowhere?
Miles: Exactly. There’s a fascinating study by Ayako Shiba that looks at how this suffix evolved in Old Japanese. Originally, it wasn't about being "able" to do something or having something "done" to you. It was about things happening "spontaneously"—things that just occur without anyone specifically deciding to make them happen.
Eli: Wait, so "I can do it" and "it was done to me" both come from the same root of "it just happened"? How does that work?
Miles: Think about the potential form korareru. If you say you "can come," you’re saying the circumstances allow for your arrival. It’s almost as if your arrival is a spontaneous event that the world is permitting. Shiba argues that in Japanese, the focus has historically been on "human-centered changes." Instead of seeing a passive action as something "done" by an agent, it’s seen as a situation affecting a person.
Eli: So it’s less "The ball was kicked by me" and more "The situation of the ball-being-kicked occurred and it affects me"? That’s a huge shift in perspective.
Miles: It really is. In Indo-European languages like English, we tend to focus on the "agent"—who did what. But Shiba points out that in Japanese, even when the subject is inanimate, like a rock or a building, the sentence often includes a "human topic." The language is built around how these events impact people. This is why the potential, passive, and honorific forms all share that -(r)are- suffix. They all describe a state of being that isn't entirely under the subject’s direct, volitional control.
Eli: So, when I use the potential form of an irregular verb, like korareru, I’m tapping into this ancient idea of "non-volitional" events? I’m saying, "The event of my coming is something that can spontaneously happen"?
Miles: Exactly. And that’s why suru and kuru are so important. They are the most common verbs we use to describe these shifts. Now, remember how we said suru’s potential form is dekiru? Dekiru itself doesn't use the -(r)are- suffix because it’s so old it has its own special word. But kuru stays "regularly irregular" by using korareru.
Eli: But then there’s the "ra-nuki" thing. I hear people say koreru all the time instead of korareru. Is that just them being lazy?
Miles: It’s often called "lazy" by traditionalists, but linguists see it as a natural evolution. People are dropping the ra to distinguish the potential form from the passive form. If I say korareru, am I saying "I can come" (potential) or "I was come to" (passive)? By saying koreru, I’m making it clear: "I’m talking about my ability, not some weird passive event."
Eli: That actually makes so much sense! It’s like the language is trying to fix its own ambiguity. If the "rebel" verbs are too confusing because they have too many meanings, the speakers just start carving out new paths.
Miles: Exactly. But you have to be careful. Koreru is very common in casual speech, but if you’re in a job interview or writing a formal email, you better stick to the standard korareru. Japanese society still values that traditional structure, especially in formal settings.
Eli: It’s a lot to balance. But I’m starting to see a pattern here. All these "irregularities" aren't just mistakes; they’re echoes of how Japanese people have perceived the world for centuries. It’s a world where actions aren't always "done" by people, but sometimes just "arise" from the situation.
Miles: You’ve hit on something profound there. Shiba’s research shows that over 70% of these "intransitive" constructions in Old Japanese involve human topics. The language is deeply concerned with the human experience of change. Whether you’re "doing" (suru) or "coming" (kuru), or finding that something "can be done" (dekiru), you’re part of a narrative of events unfolding.
Eli: It makes me feel less like I’m studying a textbook and more like I’m learning a different way to exist. But let’s get practical for a second. We’ve talked about suru and kuru, but what about those "compound" verbs? You know, the ones where a noun gets married to suru? Do they follow the exact same rules?
Miles: Every single one of them. Benkyou suru becomes benkyou dekiru. Souji suru (to clean) becomes souji dekiru. If you know how to conjugate the "rebel" at the end, you can control the whole army. It’s incredibly efficient once you get over the initial shock of the irregularity.
Eli: So if I want to say "I can’t study," it’s benkyou ga dekinai. Again with the ga! It’s all coming together. The noun plus ga plus the potential form of the irregular verb.
Miles: You’re a pro already, Eli. But wait until we talk about the "passive" side of suru. It doesn't use dekiru for passive. It uses another form entirely: sareru.
Eli: Oh man, another one? Sareru? It sounds like suru but... different. Is that related to the -(r)are- suffix too?
Miles: It is! Sareru is the shortened, fused version of suru plus -(r)are-. It’s used to say things like "I was surprised" (odorakasareta) or "It is said that..." (iwarete iru—though that’s from iu). For suru compounds, it’s how you express being "affected" by an action.
Eli: So, suru is the "king" of the castle, but it has a whole cabinet of different forms for different moods. Shimasu for when he’s being polite, dekiru for when he’s feeling capable, and sareru for when things are happening to him.
Miles: And shiyou for when he’s feeling motivated! "Let’s do it!" The volitional form. It’s a busy life for an irregular verb.