
Obama White House veteran Dan Pfeiffer's witty, insightful roadmap through America's political chaos. Endorsed by political heavyweights and praised by Pod Save America cohosts who admitted, "We learned a lot, and we literally host a show with him every week."
Dan Pfeiffer, bestselling author of Yes We (Still) Can: Politics in the Age of Obama, Twitter and Trump, is a seasoned political strategist and former White House communications director under President Barack Obama.
His book, a sharp political memoir, blends insider perspectives on Obama’s presidency with incisive analysis of digital media’s transformative role in modern politics—themes rooted in his eight years shaping presidential communications and pioneering social media strategies.
Pfeiffer co-hosts Pod Save America, a top-rated progressive podcast with over 300 million downloads, and has appeared as a CNN political commentator.
A Georgetown University graduate, he previously served as Vice President of Communications at GoFundMe and advises organizations like the Center for American Progress Action Fund. Yes We (Still) Can became a New York Times #1 bestseller and inspired HBO specials on the 2018 midterms.
Yes We (Still) Can combines memoir and political analysis to explore Barack Obama’s presidency, the rise of social media’s influence on politics, and strategies for Democrats to counter Republican tactics in the Trump era. Pfeiffer, Obama’s former communications director, shares insider anecdotes about navigating Fox News, Twitter trolls, and GOP obstructionism while advocating for progressive resilience.
This book is ideal for politically engaged readers, Obama admirers, and those interested in digital media’s role in modern politics. It appeals to Democrats seeking actionable insights for combating Republican narratives and activists motivated by Pfeiffer’s optimistic call to action.
Yes. Critics praise its blend of humor, nostalgia, and practical advice, with Esquire calling it a “hopeful must-read” and Kirkus highlighting its forward-looking optimism. Pfeiffer’s firsthand accounts of Obama’s leadership and candid take on Trump-era challenges make it compelling for political enthusiasts.
Key themes include adapting political messaging for the digital age, combating disinformation, and maintaining hope amid partisan polarization. Pfeiffer emphasizes Obama’s belief that progress requires persistent effort, epitomized by the rephrased MLK quote: “The arc of the universe bends toward justice, but it doesn’t bend on its own.”
Pfeiffer critiques Trump’s divisive tactics but rejects fatalism, arguing Democrats can reclaim power by learning from Obama’s playbook: leveraging grassroots organizing, mastering digital outreach, and framing policies around shared values rather than partisan fights.
The book examines how platforms like Twitter transformed politics during Obama’s tenure, enabling direct voter engagement but also amplifying misinformation. Pfeiffer details strategies to counter right-wing media ecosystems, including partnerships with digital outlets like Vox and BuzzFeed.
Yes. He reflects on Obama’s successes (Affordable Care Act, climate diplomacy) and challenges (Republican obstructionism), framing his presidency as a model for principled leadership. Pfeiffer also defends Obama’s pragmatic idealism against progressive critiques.
Some reviewers note Pfeiffer’s partisan lens and limited scrutiny of Obama’s failures, such as deportation policies. However, his candidness about internal White House debates and Trump’s norm-breaking tactics adds credibility to his analysis.
Yes We (Still) Can expands on themes from the podcast, including grassroots activism’s power and the dangers of political complacency. Pfeiffer’s co-hosts praise the book for offering deeper insights into Obama-era strategies.
Notable lines include Obama’s reimagined MLK quote and Pfeiffer’s advice: “Hope is not a strategy—it’s a discipline.” These underscore the book’s thesis that progress demands relentless effort, not passive optimism.
With ongoing debates about democracy, misinformation, and GOP tactics, Pfeiffer’s analysis remains timely. The book’s lessons on digital campaigning and resilient messaging offer a blueprint for current Democratic strategies.
Fans of Shattered (Allen/Parnes) or A Promised Land (Obama) will appreciate Pfeiffer’s blend of memoir and strategy. However, its focus on post-Obama politics and tactical optimism sets it apart.
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I walked out with a new job and renewed hope.
No assholes allowed.
Obama was a "Chess Player in a city of Checkers Players"
the easy part was over.
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Walking through the White House doors for the final time during Obama's presidency, the weight of Donald Trump's imminent inauguration hung heavy in the air. This wasn't the triumphant conclusion we had imagined to a historic era, but rather a sobering reminder of America's political transformation. How did we get from "Yes We Can" to "Make America Great Again" in just eight years? This question forms the backbone of Dan Pfeiffer's political memoir, which examines how the forces that shaped Obama's presidency ultimately enabled Trump's rise. Beyond partisan talking points, this insider account reveals the deeper currents reshaping our democracy - from media fragmentation to the rise of social platforms to the Republican Party's transformation into something unrecognizable to previous generations.
My political journey began with defeat in seventh grade, playing Michael Dukakis in a mock debate where policy details couldn't compete with simple messaging. This lesson stayed with me through college and various political roles until meeting Barack Obama in 2007. Despite my skepticism about a rookie politician with a vague message of hope, I left with a new job and renewed purpose. The 2008 Obama campaign operated like "the greatest start-up in history," revolutionizing politics with five essential elements: fearlessness (our unofficial "WTF" motto prioritizing high-risk/high-reward); exponential scaling (building while flying); culture ("No Drama Obama"); strategic vision (Obama as "a Chess Player in a city of Checkers Players"); and authentic messaging (emphasizing narrative over focus-grouped sound bites). "I just banned torture. That's pretty cool, huh," Obama casually remarked during my first week as deputy communications director. When he encountered a reporter moments later, he added: "I guess we better figure out how to tell the country about what I just did." This exchange defined my job - communicating a transformative presidency in a rapidly changing media environment. Despite being the greatest communicator of the modern political era, Obama struggled to effectively tell his presidency's story. The presidential bully pulpit had died. Unlike Reagan's era when presidential addresses commanded national attention, Obama faced a fragmented landscape with countless entertainment choices. Political journalism increasingly resembled sports coverage - focusing on who's winning, highlights, and bloopers. This "SportsCenter Effect" created a cycle where outrageous statements garnered attention while thoughtful policy work went ignored.
In April 2011, I distributed Obama's birth certificate at the White House podium - a surreal moment marking the rise of "fake news" and post-truth politics. The birther conspiracy began as malicious email chains during Obama's first campaign. When mainstream media ignored it, Trump adopted birtherism during his Celebrity Apprentice tour, forcing media coverage. Despite releasing Obama's birth certificate, 40% of Republican voters still refused to believe Obama was American-born. Similarly, 29% of voters continued believing in healthcare reform "death panels" years after the law passed. This phenomenon wasn't due to declining intelligence but resulted from media and technology changes weaponizing our political impulses. Republican-fostered distrust in mainstream media undermined their role as factual referees, while Facebook's emergence as a news source accelerated conspiracy theories' spread. By 2016, this transformed media ecosystem created the perfect environment for Trump's rise.
Fox News operates as a Republican propaganda machine disguised as news. Unlike mainstream media's bias toward conflict, Fox systematically flips positions based on party control-defending Bush's anti-terrorism strategies then criticizing Obama's identical approaches, and celebrating under Trump economic indicators they dismissed under Obama. Fox created Trump's environment by constructing an alternative reality that distorted politics and swayed Republican voters and politicians. They established a "Cycle of Bullshit" where fringe internet falsehoods get amplified by Fox, then cited by Republican politicians who reference Fox as their source. After Trump's election, Fox transformed from opposition force to state-run propaganda. From the start, Republicans opposed Obama despite his bipartisan efforts-consulting McCain, appointing Republicans to his cabinet, and visiting Capitol Hill personally. John Boehner announced opposition to Obama's stimulus before the president even arrived, and every House Republican voted against it despite the economic crisis. Republican opposition intensified as they shut down government over Obamacare, threatened economic collapse by refusing to raise the debt ceiling, and rejected previously supported legislation to deny Obama victories. Republicans avoided White House dinners with Obama fearing voter backlash. The base's antipathy toward Obama paralyzed the party, and the establishment's failure to confront their fringe enabled Trump's rise.
Twitter acts like a performance-enhancing drug for politics - slightly improving the good aspects while dramatically worsening the bad. It democratizes information through citizen journalism and removes filters between politicians and the public. However, it simultaneously makes politics "louder, meaner, and faster," distorting reality by amplifying trivial matters while obscuring important issues. During Obama's first debate with Romney in 2012, I witnessed Twitter's concerning influence. While Obama's performance seemed merely slow-starting, Twitter rapidly shaped a catastrophic narrative. Andrew Sullivan's tweet transformed perception into reality within thirty minutes, potentially altering the election's trajectory. Twitter has also blurred traditional journalistic boundaries between reporters (facts), columnists (opinions), and analysts (expert interpretation). This erosion allows junior reporters to offer unedited opinions, creating openings for Trump and supporters to attack factual reporting.
How should Democrats respond to these challenges? First, "Fox will never be your friend" - they lack shame and aren't influenced by criticism. Second, "Talk to Fox News viewers - just not on Fox" through local TV, Facebook, and in-person campaigning. Third, "Build out a progressive media" to counter right-wing advantage. Though Obama typically prevailed against Republicans, each victory came at a cost as the Republican base grew more radicalized. The lessons: "Can't join 'em, beat 'em" - progress requires defeating Republicans at the ballot box; "Go high" rather than emulate Trump's tactics, which would foster cynicism; "Don't cede the argument" - Democrats must position themselves as the true party of the working class fighting corruption. To win future elections, Democrats must recognize that Obama's unique appeal had retained conservative Democrats, traditional notions of electability are obsolete, elections require telling Americans a compelling story, and Democrats must explain why they're best positioned to guide America through economic uncertainty.
On Election Day 2016, I woke up confident in Hillary Clinton's victory. For months on my podcast, I had reassured nervous Democrats, essentially providing "Xanax for nervous liberals." That evening, I watched in disbelief as Donald Trump was elected president. I couldn't have been more wrong, though I wasn't alone. Hillary would have made a great president - qualified, empathetic, and intellectually curious. Our path forward requires audacity, authenticity, and inspiration. The America I saw traveling with Obama bears no resemblance to Trump's dark vision. We must stand against racism and misogyny while acknowledging real economic anxiety. Most importantly, we must never lose hope in the American people's fundamental goodness and ability to overcome dark political moments. The Women's March - millions strong across America, hopeful and joyful rather than angry - showed that one day into the Trump era, we were already bending the arc toward justice. Yes, we still can.