第 1 章
The Vanguard's Untold Journey: How Black Women Transformed American Politics
When Barack Obama won the presidency in 2008, a little-known fact emerged: Black women had the highest voter turnout rate of any demographic group in America. This wasn't a fluke but the culmination of a centuries-long struggle. Martha S. Jones' "Vanguard" reveals this hidden history, documenting how Black women fought for political rights while facing both racism and sexism. The book has become required reading in political science programs nationwide and counts Stacey Abrams and Kamala Harris among its most vocal admirers. As America continues to reckon with questions of representation and equality, this work illuminates how Black women have consistently been at the forefront of expanding democracy-often without recognition or reward. Their story isn't just about voting rights but about redefining what political power means in America.
第 2 章
From Slavery to Suffrage: The Foundations of Black Women's Political Activism
Nancy Belle Graves was born enslaved in Kentucky in 1808, yet her descendants would help shape American democracy. Though barred from voting, women like Nancy built power where they could, promoting community well-being through alternative routes. Her daughter Susan Davis, born enslaved in 1840, understood that without the vote, Black Americans needed different paths to influence. She formed a Black women's club connected to thousands nationwide, building political influence focused on human dignity.
Susan's daughter Fannie Williams graduated from Berea College in 1888 before settling in St. Louis. Following her mother's example, she spearheaded construction of St. Louis's first African American YWCA. When Missouri approved the Nineteenth Amendment in 1919, Fannie prepared Black women for the literacy tests designed to block their registration. On Election Day 1920, she understood the stakes, likely dressing carefully for this momentous occasion.
In 1926, Fannie's daughter Susie Jones and her husband David established Bennett College in North Carolina, devoted to Black women's leadership. Susie later supported young civil rights activists, funding Pauli Murray's documentation of Jim Crow laws and endorsing Bennett students' voter registration drives and lunch counter sit-ins in 1960.
These women's stories reveal how African American women viewed political power. They supported women's suffrage, prepared to overcome voting hurdles, and understood that the vote was just one aspect of their broader struggle for equality. Black women constructed political power with one eye on the polls and another on organizing, lobbying, and institution building-committed to using their power to win dignity for all people.
Inspired by Alice Walker's "In Search of Our Mothers' Gardens," Jones uncovers Black women's political worlds across two centuries. These women developed an intersectional perspective that refused to separate racism from sexism, creating a political philosophy rooted in a broad quest for freedom that would benefit all humanity. While racism was a constant, many Black women chose to focus on building power within their own communities rather than being defined by prejudice.
Black women were truly the vanguard in two senses. They blazed trails across two centuries despite racism, becoming "firsts" in public speaking, journalism, banking, and education. They also pointed the nation toward its best ideals as original feminists and antiracists who rejected arbitrary distinctions. Though often disappointed by allies, they persisted in reaching for political power that was redemptive and transformative.
第 3 章
Daughters of Africa, Awake! Early Black Women's Public Voices
In 1827, Black women who stepped into politics risked everything. The editors of Freedom's Journal warned that a woman who would "thunder with her tongue" would lose domestic happiness and respect due to her sex. But their words came too late-women emerging from slavery and servitude were already answering spiritual calls and commitments to collective good.
The American Revolution had sparked an antislavery moment that transformed slaves into soldiers and promoted ideals of equality. In Northern states like Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and New York, slavery was gradually abolished, creating growing communities of free Black people who established themselves in cities, building families and institutions that formed a new African American public culture-churches, fraternal orders, mutual aid societies, political clubs, libraries, and guilds.
By the 1820s, Black men's voting rights had been stripped away in states like New Jersey, Maryland, and New York, even as white men gained greater access to the polls. Despite this marginalization, Black Americans built a "colored" convention movement starting in 1830, bringing together activists from across states to debate civil rights, education, and labor issues.
Black women participated in this new public culture while facing narrow expectations. Men welcomed them as helpmeets who supported ministers and raised funds, while managing families and working essential jobs. Yet some women began questioning these limits, believing their talents and the community's needs demanded they take control of podiums and meeting halls.
Jarena Lee upended church power structures through divine calling. Born free in New Jersey in 1783, she heard a voice commanding her to "go preach the Gospel" after joining Philadelphia's African Methodist Episcopal Church. Though Bishop Richard Allen initially resisted, Lee's breakthrough came when she spontaneously delivered a sermon after a minister faltered. For thirty years, she traveled thousands of miles preaching, defending herself with biblical precedent: "Did not Mary, a woman, preach the Gospel?" Her 1836 self-published memoir became both spiritual testimony and women's rights manifesto.
While Lee claimed the pulpit, Maria Miller Stewart conquered the podium. After her husband's death left her stripped of his estate, Stewart channeled her pain into fiery prose challenging Black Americans to unite and reform. "Oh, ye daughters of Africa, awake! Awake! Arise!" she implored, insisting women must abandon domestic limitations: "How long shall the fair daughters of Africa be compelled to bury their minds and talents beneath a load of iron pots and kettles?" Stewart became the first American woman to address mixed audiences on political matters, but faced such opposition that by 1833, she delivered a defiant farewell speech, reminding critics that "God at this eventful period should raise up your own females to strive."
Some women chose the pen over the podium. Sarah Mapps Douglass demonstrated this power through Philadelphia's Female Literary Association. Writing as "Zillah," she confidently engaged in political debates, challenging opponents on issues like Black emigration. By creating vehicles for women's organization, she became a peer to women like Lee and Stewart.
As Black women became more visible in public spaces, they also faced new forms of racism. Edward Clay's widely circulated "Life in Philadelphia" lithographs weaponized images against Black women, caricaturing them to suggest they could never be more than inadequate imitations of white ladies. In response, women like Lee carefully crafted their public images. Lee's commissioned portrait for her memoir showed her seated with books and holding a quill-a deliberate statement of her intellect that countered the demeaning stereotypes circulating through American cities.
第 4 章
The Cause of the Slave, As Well As of Women
When Black women gathered, they often did so to serve their entire communities. As Elizabeth Wicks put it to the African Female Benevolent Society in Troy, New York: "For are we not a company of sisters united to support and assist each other?" Abolitionism became their most significant cause, requiring them to take extraordinary risks while navigating complex racial and gender politics.
The 1830s saw the birth of radical abolitionism-a movement calling for slavery's immediate end based on the equality of all people. Unlike earlier antislavery efforts that merely sought to regulate slavery's worst abuses, this new movement drew upon Christian ideals and natural rights principles to reject slavery entirely. Abolitionists multiplied their small numbers through print culture and oratory, using newspapers, pamphlets, and lecture circuits to spread their message.
Free Black women found themselves in a unique position within abolitionism. While they shared white women's frustrations with gender restrictions, they faced additional burdens of racial discrimination and often had direct connections to slavery through family members still in bondage. When white women like the Grimke sisters began speaking publicly against slavery-drawing analogies between women's legal disabilities and enslavement-Black women had to navigate both racial and gender barriers.
Boston's Susan Paul exemplified the courage required of Black women abolitionists. As a teacher, she transformed her classroom into a platform for antislavery work, organizing her pupils into the Juvenile Choir of Boston to perform antislavery songs throughout New England. When faced with racism-such as when coach drivers refused to transport her choir-Paul remained resolute, noting: "This is but a faint picture of that spirit which persecutes us on account of our color-that cruel prejudice which deprives us of every privilege whereby we might elevate ourselves-and then absurdly condemns us because we are not more refined and intelligent."
In 1838, Susan Paul joined a new wave of women's activism, traveling to Philadelphia for a national women's antislavery convention. Though Black women like Paul and Martha Ball were welcomed as delegates and elected to leadership positions, their presence provoked violent opposition. Despite placards threatening disruption and a hostile mob that eventually torched Pennsylvania Hall, the women refused Mayor Jonathan Swift's compromise to continue meeting without Black women present. The burning of Pennsylvania Hall taught a harsh lesson-Black women's political participation could provoke violence that neither activists nor officials would prevent.
By 1848, Black churchwomen had organized to demand preaching rights in the AME Church. Unlike Jarena Lee who had worked alone, a sisterhood including the Daughters of Zion and Daughters of Conference challenged men's monopoly on the pulpit. At the 1844 general conference, they enlisted Reverend Nathan Ward to present their petition for women's preaching licenses, causing an uproar among male delegates. Though initially defeated, they persisted. By the 1848 conference, they convinced J.J. Gould Bias to advocate for them, finally winning approval for women's preaching licenses. This victory came months before the Seneca Falls Convention, where white women also demanded churchwomen's rights in their Declaration of Sentiments.
For Black women, "the cause of the slave, as well as of women" were inseparable parts of a whole. At the 1848 National Convention of Colored Citizens in Cleveland, women like Sydna Francis attended but struggled for recognition. When Frederick Douglass, a known "woman's rights man," introduced Resolution 33 affirming "equality of the sexes," it was "indefinitely postponed." Francis left uncertain whether white women or Black men would be reliable allies, but knew Black women could band together to advance their rights while fighting racism.
第 5 章
To Be Black and Female: Navigating the Crossroads of Identity
By the 1850s, Black women were accustomed to being sized up by observers who often failed to see them as both women and African Americans. Their challenge was to develop self-awareness that expressed what it meant to live at this "incongruous crossroads," establishing a foundation for their vision of rights.
In 1850, Black Americans faced a troubled political landscape. The abolitionist movement had fractured, with William Lloyd Garrison and Frederick Douglass ending their alliance. The Compromise of 1850, particularly its harsh Fugitive Slave Act, drove thousands of Black Northerners to flee to Canada. A Black-led emigration movement gained momentum, encouraging relocation to West Africa, Canada, or the Caribbean. Meanwhile, women began organizing national conventions demanding political rights, property rights, education, and employment opportunities.
Establishing a newspaper represented more than a gentle knock on power's door. Mary Ann Shadd exemplified this power when she founded the Provincial Freeman in Canada West. Born free but educated in Pennsylvania to avoid Southern education bans, Shadd initially concealed her editorial role, listing men as editors while she traveled to secure subscribers. Only by 1856 did she openly claim her position as editor Mary A.S. Cary. Through her newspaper, she advocated for women's rights to speak publicly, control property, hold office, and obtain education, while also featuring accomplished Black women like Frances Ellen Watkins Harper and Sojourner Truth.
Standing six feet tall with a Dutch accent from her early life in Upstate New York, Sojourner Truth commanded attention with her frankness, humor and personal testimony. When journalist Jane Swisshelm suggested Black women's concerns were a "distraction" from women's rights, Truth responded by attending the 1851 Ohio Women's Rights Convention in Akron. Though her words were nearly omitted from official proceedings, journalists preserved her speech in the Salem Antislavery Bugle. Truth reframed the convention from a Black woman's perspective, declaring "I am a woman's rights" and noting her labor had made her equal to any man. In 1858, she even bared her breasts before an Indiana audience to prove she had nursed children-her own and those of white women. Truth insisted a women's movement must champion the interests of all humanity.
In the 1850s, a new generation of Black women entered public activism, often inspired by mothers or women preachers and lecturers. The colored conventions movement expanded dramatically, creating opportunities for women to claim space alongside men. At the 1855 National Convention of Colored Men, two Philadelphia women took seats as delegates, and Mary Ann Shadd Cary was admitted as a "corresponding member" after heated debate.
Enslaved women faced unique struggles for bodily integrity and dignity. The case of Celia in Missouri exemplified this reality. After years of rape by her owner Robert Newsom, Celia killed him in self-defense. Her lawyers argued that Missouri law prohibiting rape should protect all women including enslaved ones. However, the judge rejected these arguments, ruling that as a "slave woman," Celia did not share the rights of "free white women." She was executed in December 1855.
In 1854, Frances Ellen Watkins Harper delivered a lecture at Boston's African Meeting House-the same venue where Maria Stewart had faced harsh criticism twenty years earlier. Unlike Stewart, Harper commanded respect, receiving encouragement rather than criticism. Her success stemmed partly from her "unassailably ladylike comportment" combined with sharp political ideas. Audiences praised her "graceful oratory, fervency, pathos, and truthfulness."
By the late 1850s, Black women had made themselves visible in public gatherings from church conferences to political conventions. Though they still served traditional roles, they increasingly claimed their own time at podiums and during deliberations. They remained loyal to organizations where they could battle both racism and sexism, crafting their own definition of women's rights based on their experiences with forced labor, sexual assault, and mistreatment in public spaces.
第 6 章
One Great Bundle of Humanity: Black Women's Civil War Politics
When Frances Ellen Watkins Harper addressed the American Equal Rights Association in 1866, she confronted Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony with unflinching directness. As the only Black woman speaker among skilled orators, Harper famously declared "we are all bound up together in one great bundle of humanity," rejecting divisions of race and sex. Rather than discussing property rights or voting, she focused on everyday indignities Black women faced on streetcars, where she had been mistreated while white women watched. "You white women speak of rights. I speak of wrongs," she declared, leaving her audience speechless.
The Civil War's scope and fury surprised even those who had closely followed the rising tensions of the 1850s. Black Americans viewed the war as a radical opportunity-enslaved people watched for chances to escape, refugees sought safety behind Union lines, and Northern Black Americans eagerly volunteered to serve despite facing execution or re-enslavement if captured.
For women, the war created both new burdens and opportunities. With men absent, women ran farms, workshops, and households. The conflict loosened Black women's bonds-many enslaved women reached Union camps, trading labor for safety, while others established their first households as free people in refugee camps, though freedom's full promise remained unfulfilled.
After Appomattox in spring 1865, the nation faced rebuilding society through interracial democracy. African Americans aspired to autonomy above all, quickly establishing self-sufficient communities, tilling soil, building schools, reuniting families, and forming congregations. Yet the old regime threatened to reinstall itself under the veneer of "freedom." Onerous labor contracts aimed to bind Black families to the soil, while Black Codes marked former slaves as second-class citizens.
Congress responded with constitutional amendments: the Thirteenth abolished slavery (1865), the Fourteenth guaranteed citizenship and equal protection (1868), and the Fifteenth barred racial discrimination in voting rights (1870). This constitutional revolution promised Black Americans a permanent seat at the table of law and policy.
The Civil War set people in motion and transformed Black women's leadership as they stepped into roles as teachers, nurses, and relief workers. Mary Ann Shadd Cary, who had built a life in Canada as the first Black woman news editor there, changed course to become a Union loyalist despite personal turmoil. Recently widowed with a toddler and another child on the way, she nearly withdrew from public life when Martin Delany called upon her to help recruit Black soldiers.
Black women ventured deep into the South to aid in early Reconstruction efforts. Harriet Tubman worked in Beaufort, South Carolina, helping freedwomen become self-supporting while serving as nurse, spy, and scout for the Union Army. Susie King Taylor followed her husband's Black regiment to the Sea Islands, working first as a laundress before teaching soldiers and freed people to read and write, though she received neither salary nor pension for her service.
Frances Ellen Watkins Harper emerged as one of the era's most influential political commentators during the Civil War and Reconstruction. After the war, Harper became a conscience for the entire nation, instructing listeners of all backgrounds about reconstructing America. At the 1866 women's rights convention, Harper helped establish the American Equal Rights Association, warning that any movement that would "trample upon the weakest and feeblest" invited a "curse in its own soul." By 1869, when the AERA split along racial lines, Harper and other Black women realized they needed to build their own movement.
While Harper worked within the American Equal Rights Association, Mary Ann Shadd Cary pursued a different path to political power. As the only female officer at the 1869 Colored National Labor Union meeting, Cary headed the Committee on Female Suffrage. In April 1871, she joined other women, including two other Black women, in confronting the District of Columbia's Board of Registration to demand voter registration. Though rebuffed, Cary persisted in advocating for women's voting rights through legal channels, petitioning Congress in 1872 to strike the word "male" from District voting laws.
第 7 章
Make Us a Power: Building Influence During Reconstruction
When Black women spoke about power, they employed language both blunt and nuanced. As Anna Julia Cooper articulated, their vision of power encompassed self-governance-"Only the Black woman can say when and where I enter"-and dignity achieved "without violence and without suing or special patronage." Their ultimate aim was dignity for all, as Cooper explained that when a Black woman took her seat or cast her ballot, "the whole Negro race enter[s] with me."
Though Black men were the ones casting ballots during Reconstruction, Black women shaped the political landscape in crucial ways. They attended political meetings, helping steer community decisions and preparing men to represent family and community interests. On Election Day, women went to polls to watch for intimidation of Black voters. They understood the power of the vote but faced a dilemma in how to pursue it. While national women's suffrage organizations existed, few Black women joined them due to persistent racism. Instead, they sought the vote on their own terms, with broader goals than suffrage alone.
In 1872, Josephine DeCuir tested Black women's constitutional rights when she challenged a steamboat company that denied her access to the ladies' stateroom while traveling north from New Orleans. Rather than accept segregated "Freedmen's Bureau" quarters, DeCuir sued, relying on Louisiana's 1868 Constitution that guaranteed equal rights on public conveyances without discrimination. At the Supreme Court, her case failed when the justices ruled that state anti-discrimination laws violated the commerce clause, closing one more door to Black women seeking dignity and rights through legal channels.
As courthouses and legislatures closed to Black women, churches offered an alternative path to power. During Reconstruction, Black churches shifted focus southward, with denominations like AME and AME Zion relocating their headquarters from northern cities. Church leaders called upon women to help fill new sanctuaries with converts, though women's status remained unsettled. These churchwomen widened their circles, preaching across denominational and color lines, believing their effectiveness would win them expanded power while insulating them from the worst aspects of white supremacy.
Amanda Berry Smith, born enslaved near Baltimore but later freed when her father purchased the family's liberty, became a powerful evangelist despite personal hardships including the loss of two husbands and four children. Beginning at Philadelphia's Green Street AME Church in 1869, she traveled between churches and camp meetings, eventually taking her ministry to England, India, and Africa. Smith refused to be limited by denominational boundaries or color lines, preaching to anyone who would listen.
Eliza Ann Gardner, raised in Boston's West End, grew up in a household that served as a "Bethel" for fugitive slaves. After her parents' deaths, Gardner maintained her independence as a dressmaker, offering employment to young women while taking in boarders to ensure her financial stability into her eighties. Beginning in 1858 with a church fundraiser where she and others titled themselves "managers," Gardner discovered how to build women's power. By the 1870s, she directly addressed churchwomen's rights, always putting women's concerns first. Her Ladies' Charitable Association made political contributions while emphasizing they had "voted" to assist-operating by democratic principles.
When Julia Foote and Mary Small became the first women ministers in the AME Zion Church in 1899, they sparked a firestorm that tested the limits of women's equality. Emily Bird-Walters defended them by placing them within a pantheon of accomplished Black women, arguing women could "shine as brilliantly on the platform, in the halls of legislation and in the arenas of art, science, literature, philosophy and reform, as man." The debate borrowed directly from suffrage language, with Maggie Hood-Banks warning men that women were "getting very tired of 'taxation without representation'" and would not continue raising money without control over it. Her final demand-"Fair play, brethren"-proved effective, as opposition to women's ordination quietly disappeared before year's end.
第 8 章
Lifting As We Climb: The National Association of Colored Women
The 1890s marked a challenging period as Jim Crow laws and the Plessy v. Ferguson decision entrenched segregation. During this nadir of American race relations, Black women established the National Association of Colored Women (NACW) in 1895 under the motto "Lifting as we climb." The organization united nearly two hundred local clubs, growing to 100,000 members by 1924.
The NACW emerged partly in response to James Jacks's slander of Ida B. Wells and Black women, with first president Josephine St. Pierre Ruffin declaring it a movement "led and directed by women... for the benefit of all humanity." Mary Church Terrell explained that Black women's "peculiar status" necessitated their independent organizing.
Terrell, who became the NACW's most prominent leader, exemplified its mission through her advocacy for both women's rights and racial justice. An Oberlin graduate born to formerly enslaved parents, she was multilingual, cosmopolitan, and diplomatically skilled. In Washington DC, she served on the Board of Education and built influence as an educator, writer, and orator.
Under Terrell's leadership, the NACW consolidated hundreds of Black women's clubs in 1896, creating a national platform addressing both racial and gender injustice. The organization gradually embraced voting rights as central to its mission, though some leaders like Margaret Murray Washington prioritized domestic concerns. Terrell challenged Black men who opposed women's suffrage while seeking their own rights, highlighting the contradiction in their stance.
When James Vardaman attempted to block Judge Robert Terrell's judicial reappointment, Mary Church Terrell leveraged her connections in education, suffrage, and anti-lynching work to secure her husband's confirmation, defeating Vardaman's anti-Black agenda. The NACW's influence extended through its naming practices, with affiliated clubs across America bearing names like the Sojourner Truth Club and Frances Ellen Watkins Harper League, embedding their political heritage into their organizational identity.
第 9 章
Amendment: The Long Road to the Nineteenth Amendment and Beyond
By fall 1920, Hallie Quinn Brown and the National Association of Colored Women fought largely alone for Black women's voting rights, as many were rejected at registration offices despite the Nineteenth Amendment. When Brown reached out to Alice Paul and the National Women's Party about a monument honoring white suffragists, Paul rejected a Black women's delegation's request for federal legislation to protect Black women's voting rights. The NWP declared its work complete and disbanded.
Woodrow Wilson's presidency transformed American political culture, implementing segregation in federal workplaces and allowing Jim Crow to flourish. His endorsement of "Birth of a Nation" revealed his alignment with white supremacy, prompting NAACP opposition. During World War I, Wilson reframed domestic issues around wartime loyalty. The war's industrial demands drew Black Americans north, often triggering racial violence, as seen in East St. Louis.
Suffrage leaders pursued different strategies with Wilson. NAWSA's Carrie Chapman Catt cultivated a quiet alliance, while Alice Paul's National Women's Party staged confrontational protests. Though Wilson endorsed the Nineteenth Amendment in 1918, its ratification brought limited change for Black women, who still faced Jim Crow laws throughout the South.
Black women encountered widespread discrimination when attempting to register. Southern states employed various tactics: Delaware and Alabama used "constitutional tests," Mississippi imposed poll taxes, and Georgia manipulated registration timing to deny all women rather than permit Black women to vote. Despite these barriers, Black women organized through churches and citizenship leagues, creating suffrage schools to prepare for registration challenges. In some areas, they achieved notable success - in Staunton, Virginia, Black women outnumbered white registrants eighteen to one on certain days.
Charlotte Hawkins Brown, educator and clubwoman, became central to the 1920 voting rights struggle when accused of distributing literature encouraging Black women to vote. In Richmond, Maggie Lena Walker, the first Black woman bank president, led registration efforts, confronting officials about discriminatory practices when Black women were segregated to a basement registration area. Walker challenged the registrar who attempted to close before serving the hundred Black women still waiting in line.
第 10 章
Her Weapon of Moral Defense: Black Women's New Deal Politics
As the Depression devastated the nation in 1929, Black women brought their political skills to Washington, where they sought to steer federal resources toward those hardest hit by economic catastrophe. Nannie Helen Burroughs articulated the crisis: "The economic plight of the Negro woman is tragic. During this depression she is bearing the economic burden of the race almost alone." With the longest hours, lowest pay, and neglected homes crowded with relatives, Black women faced dire circumstances that threatened their children's futures.
The Depression, triggered by plummeting stock prices, devastated Americans as incomes dropped and unemployment soared. President Hoover's half-hearted recovery efforts failed, leading to Franklin Roosevelt's election in 1932. Roosevelt's New Deal fundamentally reordered federal power, establishing an extensive administrative state. Yet Roosevelt remained uneasy about trading racial justice for Black support, preferring to maintain alliances with white Southern voters. New Deal programs often discriminated against Black Americans-the National Recovery Act favored white workers, the Agricultural Adjustment Administration left Black sharecroppers without wages, and Social Security excluded agricultural and domestic workers, leaving many Black Americans without safety nets.
During this era, Black women became influential politicians, staffing federal agencies and shaping policy. Some found an ally in First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt. Jane Bolin became the nation's first Black woman judge, and Crystal Bird Fauset the first Black woman elected to a state legislature. In 1935, Mary McLeod Bethune founded the National Council of Negro Women, which shared the National Association of Colored Women's Clubs' view that Black women's political power was a route to economic justice and human rights.
In 1929, Jessie DePriest's attendance at a White House tea hosted by First Lady Lou Hoover sparked controversy. As wife of the only African American congressman, DePriest's invitation required careful planning, as the Hoover administration was cultivating Southern political support. Though the event itself was uneventful, news of a Black woman being received at the White House ignited Southern outrage and Northern political anxiety. DePriest entered Washington politics with support from Chicago's Black women voters, who had helped elect her husband in 1928. Her White House visit demonstrated that Black women expected to stand alongside their white counterparts in the nation's capital.
Nannie Helen Burroughs built her power through alliances with white Baptist women and interracial political partnerships. In 1915, Burroughs articulated her vision in The Crisis magazine, arguing that Black women's votes would serve as their "weapon of moral defence" against sexual exploitation and bring them "respect and protection." She quickly moved into Republican politics after the Nineteenth Amendment's ratification, becoming president of the National League of Republican Colored Women by 1925.
Mary McLeod Bethune's life spanned from Reconstruction to the dawn of the modern civil rights era, linking two moments of optimism for Black Americans. In the 1930s, Bethune joined Roosevelt's "Black cabinet," becoming the highest-placed Black woman in his administration as head of the National Youth Administration's Office of Minority Affairs. By 1943, she expanded her vision internationally, linking domestic anti-racism with global anticolonial movements. Though marginalized by male colleagues like Walter White and W.E.B. DuBois during United Nations planning, Bethune built alliances with international women activists and uniquely emphasized women's rights alongside human rights.
Through the National Council of Negro Women, Bethune showcased Black women's political leadership, honoring twelve distinguished women in 1946 including labor activist Maida Stewart Springer, intellectual Eslanda Goode Robeson, and military pioneer Lieutenant Colonel Charity Adams Earley. She also recognized white allies who worked across the color line for equality. Before her death in 1955, Bethune published her "Last Will and Testament" in Ebony magazine, leaving a legacy of "faith, courage, brotherhood, dignity, ambition and responsibility" that positioned Black women as essential leaders in the modern civil rights movement.
第 11 章
A Way to Express Themselves and Make Change: The Civil Rights Era
The post-World War II civil rights movement saw Black women at the forefront of political struggle. They achieved numerous firsts: Alice Allison Dunnigan became the first Black woman in congressional Press Galleries, Constance Baker Motley became the first Black woman federal judge, and Charlotta Bass became the first Black woman nominated for vice president. The 1965 Voting Rights Act crowned a series of civil rights victories, following Truman's military desegregation, Brown v. Board of Education, and the 1964 Civil Rights Act.
These changes emerged partly due to Cold War dynamics, as American racism became a propaganda liability in the global struggle with the Soviet Union. While the federal government began supporting civil rights, white Southerners resisted through various means, including violence and defunding public education.
The Voting Rights Act's impact was immediate. Joe Ella Moore, after seven failed attempts, finally registered to vote in Mississippi when federal officials took over registration. By 1970, 71 percent of eligible Black voters in Mississippi were registered, a dramatic increase from previous years.
Diane Nash emerged as a powerful force at Nashville's Fisk University, leading student sit-ins and training in nonviolent civil disobedience. When Freedom Riders were attacked in 1961, she courageously sent Tennessee youth to continue the rides. Following the Birmingham church bombing, Nash and her husband James Bevel drafted the Selma voting rights plan.
Rosa Parks confronted both racial and sexual violence, famously refusing to yield to intimidation. After joining the NAACP in 1943, she successfully registered to vote despite Alabama's restrictions. Her Montgomery bus protest led to the landmark Supreme Court ruling in Browder v. Gayle, declaring segregated transportation unconstitutional.
Fannie Lou Hamer's story epitomized the struggle for voting rights. Born to sharecroppers in Mississippi, she faced brutal opposition when attempting to register to vote in 1962. She endured beatings, sexual assault, and unauthorized medical procedures. Her powerful testimony at the 1964 Democratic National Convention, despite President Johnson's attempts to silence her, brought unprecedented national attention to the voting rights struggle. Appearing as a dignified middle-class woman rather than a sharecropper, Hamer elevated Black women's experiences to national significance in the fight for civil rights.
