What is *Work: A Deep History* by James Suzman about?

*Work: A Deep History* explores humanity’s relationship with labor from prehistoric hunter-gatherer societies to modern automation. Anthropologist James Suzman argues that today’s work culture, rooted in agricultural practices, prioritizes productivity over purpose, creating unsustainable habits. He contrasts ancient egalitarian societies like the Ju/’hoansi with modern overwork, highlighting how energy use and technological advancements reshaped work’s meaning.

Who should read *Work: A Deep History*?

This book suits readers interested in anthropology, economics, or work-life balance. Professionals grappling with burnout, historians analyzing labor trends, and advocates for sustainable living will find Suzman’s insights transformative. Its blend of evolutionary biology and cultural critique appeals to fans of Yuval Noah Harari or David Graeber.

Is *Work* by James Suzman worth reading?

Yes—Suzman’s interdisciplinary approach challenges assumptions about productivity and progress. By linking modern work habits to humanity’s 300,000-year history, he offers a fresh lens to rethink overwork, automation, and fulfillment. The book’s mix of anthropological fieldwork and sharp critique makes it a standout in labor studies.

How does *Work* critique modern work culture?

Suzman argues post-agricultural societies normalized excessive work hours to chase material gains, unlike hunter-gatherers who prioritized leisure. He critiques “bullshit jobs” (a concept from David Graeber) and automation’s unequal benefits, stressing that modern work often lacks purpose despite technological advances.

What role does the agricultural revolution play in *Work*?

The shift to farming marked a turning point: humans began stockpiling resources, leading to social hierarchies and longer work hours. Suzman explains how agriculture’s demands created a “surplus mindset,” driving inequality and shaping today’s work ethic. This contrasts sharply with foraging societies’ minimal labor needs.

How does Suzman describe hunter-gatherer societies in *Work*?

The Ju/’hoansi of the Kalahari, studied by Suzman, worked just 15 hours weekly, sharing resources egalitarianly. Their “modesty of material needs” and sustainable practices challenge modern notions of scarcity and productivity. Foragers viewed nature as abundant, avoiding the stress of surplus accumulation.

What is the “black masked weaver” metaphor in *Work*?

Suzman uses this bird’s compulsive nest-building to illustrate how humans waste energy on unnecessary tasks. Like the weaver, modern workers often labor without clear purpose, driven by ingrained habits rather than survival needs. This metaphor underscores his argument for redefining work’s role.

How does *Work* address automation’s impact?

While automation could reduce drudgery, Suzman warns it risks concentrating wealth and eroding job meaning. He urges rethinking work distribution to prioritize creativity and community, learning from foraging societies that balanced labor with leisure.

Теневая работа. Второе издание: руководство по интеграции и преодолению своих теней

# Полное руководство по работе с тенью

Джеймс Сузман

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В книге «Работа» антрополог Джеймс Сузман раскрывает, как наши отношения с трудом эволюционировали от охотников-собирателей до современного капитализма. В условиях, когда автоматизация угрожает рабочим местам, а неравенство растет, это глубокое исследование бросает нам вызов: какова истинная цель работы в мире, где продуктивность больше не гарантирует процветание?

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Глава 1

Beyond the 9-to-5: Our Evolutionary Relationship with Work

In a world where artificial intelligence and automation threaten to make countless jobs obsolete, James Suzman's "Work" couldn't be more timely. This anthropological exploration of humanity's relationship with labor has become a favorite among tech CEOs like Mark Zuckerberg and thought leaders across Silicon Valley, who see in it a roadmap for navigating our automated future. The book challenges our fundamental assumptions about work-that humans are naturally industrious, that scarcity is inevitable, and that more productivity should be our goal. Drawing on Suzman's three decades studying hunter-gatherer communities in Africa's Kalahari Desert, particularly the Ju/'hoansi Bushmen, the book offers a provocative alternative: for 95% of human history, we worked far less than we do today, and were arguably happier for it. As we stand at the precipice of the fourth industrial revolution, this perspective couldn't be more valuable-or more challenging to our work-obsessed culture.

Глава 2

The Paradox of Modern Work

Why do we work so hard despite unprecedented prosperity? This question sits at the heart of our modern predicament. In 1930, economist John Maynard Keynes predicted that by now, we'd be working just 15 hours weekly, with technology handling the rest. We've long since surpassed the productivity thresholds he anticipated, yet we work as hard as ever-sometimes literally to death, as evidenced by the Japanese phenomenon of karoshi (death by overwork). The answer lies in what economists call "the economic problem" or "the problem of scarcity"-the belief that humans have infinite desires but face limited resources. This assumption drives our financial systems and labor markets, suggesting we work because scarcity forces us to bridge the gap between our wants and means. But this gloomy assessment isn't universal. The Ju/'hoansi 'Bushmen' of the Kalahari, who lived as hunter-gatherers into the late twentieth century, demonstrate a radically different relationship with work and desire. Unlike our scarcity-focused economy, these hunter-gatherers had few material desires that could be satisfied with minimal effort. They organized their economic life around abundance rather than scarcity. This suggests our modern preoccupation with scarcity likely originated with farming, not in our evolutionary nature. For over 95% of human history, our ancestors hunted and gathered without such concerns. The transition to agriculture-which we typically celebrate as progress-may have fundamentally altered our relationship with work for the worse, creating artificial scarcity where none needed to exist. What's most striking is that the Ju/'hoansi weren't outliers. Anthropological research across hunter-gatherer societies worldwide reveals similar patterns-people working just enough to meet their needs, typically 15-17 hours weekly, with abundant leisure time. These findings challenge our assumption that hard work and material accumulation are intrinsic human traits rather than cultural constructs of relatively recent origin.

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Глава 3

Life's Work: Energy and Evolution

To truly understand work, we must recognize it as a fundamental property of all life. Every living organism must capture and use energy to survive, making work-in its broadest sense-a universal biological imperative. From bacteria harvesting geochemical energy to plants capturing sunlight through photosynthesis, life is defined by energy transformation. Ludwig Boltzmann's groundbreaking work on entropy revealed that life doesn't violate thermodynamic laws but contributes to universal entropy by capturing free energy, using it for work, and generating heat. More complex organisms require more energy and thus contribute more to entropy-making humans, with our enormous energy footprint, the ultimate entropy accelerators. Earth's biological history represents increasingly complex energy harvesting-from simple bacteria using geochemical energy 3.5-4.2 billion years ago, to cyanobacteria harnessing sunlight through photosynthesis 2.7 billion years ago. These organisms transformed Earth by converting atmospheric nitrogen into organic compounds and carbon dioxide into oxygen, triggering the "great oxidation event" around 2.45 billion years ago. This oxygen-rich environment enabled more complex, energy-hungry eukaryotic cells to evolve, eventually leading to multicellular organisms. What distinguishes humans from other species isn't our need to work but how we work-our unique capacity to transform energy through tool use, cooperation, and cultural innovation. While many animals use tools, humans are the only species to develop complex, cumulative technologies that dramatically expand our energy-capturing abilities. From simple digging sticks to nuclear power plants, our technological evolution represents an unprecedented acceleration in energy harvesting. This evolutionary perspective reveals something profound: work isn't just something we do-it's what we are. Our bodies and brains have been shaped by the work our ancestors performed, from persistence hunting that selected for our unique running abilities and sweat glands, to tool-making that influenced our manual dexterity and cognitive capacities. We are, in a very real sense, built to work-but not necessarily in the ways modern society demands.

Глава 4

Tools, Skills, and Human Evolution

The story of human evolution is inseparable from the story of our tools. The Acheulean hand-axe, humanity's most enduring tool design, persisted virtually unchanged for 1.5 million years-from 1.6 million years ago in Africa to just 130,000 years ago. These teardrop-shaped implements represent a significant advance over the cruder Oldowan tools associated with earlier hominins, demonstrating our ancestors' growing cognitive abilities. Yet stone tools tell only part of the story. Most ancient human tools were made from organic materials-wood, leather, sinew, and plant fibers-that decompose rapidly, leaving no archaeological trace. The digging stick, a ubiquitous tool among hunter-gatherers like the Ju/'hoansi, was likely humanity's most enduring technology, predating even stone tools. Occasionally, extraordinary preservation conditions reveal these lost wooden technologies, like the 300,000-year-old wooden spears discovered in Germany's Schoningen coal mine-sophisticated javelins with tapered points and forward centers of gravity that could be thrown up to seventy meters. Some ancient artifacts transcend mere utility. The "Kathu Pan hand-axe," crafted from tiger-striped ironstone between 750,000-800,000 years ago, required hundreds of precise, skillful blows to achieve its perfect symmetry and balance. This prehistoric work of art testifies to extraordinary skill that transcends mere survival needs-evidence that aesthetic sensibility and craftsmanship have deep evolutionary roots. Unlike gorillas or chimps, who could never fashion even a basic hand-axe regardless of practice, humans can master countless complex skills that eventually function as instinct. Our extraordinary capacity for skill acquisition is written into our physical form-our evolutionary dependency on tools redirected natural selection toward bodies optimized for toolmaking and brains that grow to accommodate the work we do. This plasticity explains why habits acquired young are difficult to break when old, and why we become more resistant to change as we age. Our brains undergo frenzied development during infancy, forming countless synaptic connections until puberty, when synaptic pruning streamlines neural architecture to better meet environmental demands. The development of language likely evolved alongside toolmaking, as both require organizing elements according to hierarchical rules. Broca's area, once thought exclusively for language processing, also plays a substantial role in tool-making and use, suggesting selective pressures for tool use may have driven language development. This connection between language and tools further emphasizes how work shaped our evolution as a species.

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Глава 5

Fire: The Energy Revolution That Made Us Human

While tools expanded our ancestors' available food sources, no physical tool compares to fire in evolutionary importance. Cooking food through mastery of fire launched our greatest energy revolution, enabling the brain growth that made us distinctly human. We don't know precisely when or which ancestors first controlled fire-whether they were drawn by the smell of wildfire-cooked meat or hypnotized by flames. Creating fire requires sophisticated understanding of causality beyond simple tool use, suggesting it was likely discovered accidentally while crafting something involving wood friction. Wonderwerk Cave in South Africa's Northern Cape holds crucial evidence of our ancestors' relationship with fire. Archaeologists have uncovered fire-charred bones and plant ash from about 1 million years ago-the oldest reliable evidence for systematic fire use by humans anywhere. These remains were likely left by Homo erectus, the first humans with upright posture and limbs proportioned similarly to modern humans. The most compelling evidence for fire mastery a million years ago is the period of rapid brain growth it enabled. Until 2 million years ago, our Australopithecus ancestors had brain volumes of 400-600 cubic centimeters, similar to modern apes. Homo habilis emerged 1.9 million years ago with slightly larger brains averaging 600cm3, but Homo erectus appeared 1.8 million years ago with significantly larger brains. Our brains constitute only 2% of body weight but consume 20% of our energy. This growth would have been impossible on a raw vegetarian diet-even gorillas and orangutans couldn't fuel human-sized brains on raw plants alone. Cooking made this possible by making meat more digestible and expanding the range of edible plants. This nutritional revolution also reshaped our physiology, reducing our intestinal length and shrinking our jaws as we no longer needed powerful mastication for tough raw foods. Perhaps fire's greatest gift was free time. While gorillas spend 8-10 hours daily foraging (equivalent to a 56-70 hour workweek), hunter-gatherers like the Ju/'hoansi need only 15-17 hours weekly to feed themselves and their dependents. This leisure likely shaped our evolution as much as labor did, creating time for social engagement, language development, and creative expression. Fire enabled language development-our vocal apparatus evolved alongside our diet of cooked foods. It also allowed communities to support non-productive members like storytellers and the elderly, establishing uniquely human non-reciprocal sharing relationships that eventually led to cultural concepts distinguishing between "work" and "leisure."

Глава 6

The Original Affluent Society: Hunter-Gatherer Economics

In October 1963, anthropologist Richard Borshay Lee established a camp in northeastern Botswana to study one of the world's last isolated hunting and gathering societies-the northern Ju/'hoansi. Lee was frustrated that the fragmented archaeological record offered little insight into how our hunter-gatherer ancestors actually lived. He believed studying the few remaining hunter-gatherer societies might illuminate a way of life that was "until 10,000 years ago a human universal." His research wasn't motivated solely by academic curiosity. Born during World War II, Lee questioned the progress narrative that shaped his parents' generation's attitudes toward life, work, and well-being. He wondered if understanding hunter-gatherer life might reveal something fundamental about humanity "stripped of the accretions and complications brought about by agriculture, urbanization, advanced technology, and national and class conflict." Eighteen months later, Lee presented his findings at the "Man the Hunter" conference he convened with Irven DeVore at the University of Chicago. He explained that contrary to received wisdom, "life in a state of nature is not necessarily nasty, brutish and short." Despite conducting his research during a severe drought that left most of Botswana's farming population dependent on emergency food aid, the Ju/'hoansi needed no assistance and easily sustained themselves on wild foods and hunting. Each individual consumed an average 2,140 calories daily-nearly 10% higher than the recommended intake for people of their stature. Most remarkably, they acquired all necessary food with "modest effort"-economically active adults spent just over 17 hours weekly on food procurement, plus roughly 20 hours on other chores like food preparation, gathering firewood, building shelters, and making tools. This totaled less than half the time employed Americans spent working, commuting, and doing domestic chores. Marshall Sahlins, an attendee at the conference, declared that foragers like the Ju/'hoansi represented "the original affluent society." What fascinated Sahlins most wasn't the abundant leisure time hunter-gatherers enjoyed compared to agricultural or industrial workers, but the "modesty of their material requirements." Hunter-gatherers had more free time primarily because they weren't plagued by desires beyond meeting immediate material needs. "Wants may be easily satisfied," Sahlins noted, "either by producing much or desiring little." Hunter-gatherers achieved affluence by desiring little, making them in some ways more affluent than Wall Street bankers who, despite owning numerous properties, boats, cars, and watches, constantly strived for more. Sahlins concluded that in many hunter-gatherer societies, and potentially for most of human history, scarcity was not the organizing feature of economic life. Therefore, "the fundamental economic problem," as described by classical economics, was not humanity's eternal struggle.

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Глава 7

Sharing Economics: The Foundation of Hunter-Gatherer Life

Hunter-gatherer societies like the Ju/'hoansi and BaMbuti Pygmies maintained a fundamentally different relationship with their environments than agricultural or industrial societies. Where modern economics assumes scarcity as the organizing principle, these societies operated from a position of environmental confidence-a belief that their landscapes would provide for them like nurturing parents. The BaMbuti saw the forest as "mother and father"-generous with food, water, clothing, warmth and affection. They had found something in the forest that made life "a wonderful thing full of joy and happiness and free of care." This perspective wasn't unique to them-from the Baka and Biaka Pygmies of Cameroon to the Nayaka of Kerala and the Batek of Malaysia, forest-dwelling foragers often described themselves as children of landscapes that loved and provided for them. This confidence in environmental providence meant hunter-gatherers never stored food or gathered more than needed for immediate consumption. Anthropologist James Woodburn described their system as an "immediate return economy" where people obtain direct and immediate returns from labor, eating food the same day it's acquired using simple, portable tools. This contrasted with the "delayed return economies" of agricultural and industrial societies where labor focuses primarily on future rewards. Woodburn observed that all immediate-return societies spurned hierarchy, lacked chiefs or institutional authority, and were intolerant of material wealth differentials. Their attitudes toward work were sustained not only by environmental confidence but by social norms ensuring even distribution of resources-particularly through "demand-sharing." The Ju/'hoansi rejected the concept of "tolerated theft," explaining that in their society, one simply had to ask to receive. Unlike modern societies where "freeloaders" are scorned, foraging societies considered such distinctions relatively unimportant. By granting individuals the right to spontaneously "tax" others, these societies ensured wealth was distributed evenly, everyone ate regardless of productivity, valuable objects circulated widely, and accumulation of wealth served no purpose. Beyond demand sharing, mockery served as hunter-gatherers' most important weapon for maintaining egalitarianism. Among Ju/'hoansi, hunters never received praise for their kills. Instead, they were mocked, with others complaining the kill was scrawny or insufficient regardless of its actual size. The hunter was expected to remain humble about his achievements. The Ju/'hoansi explained this practice prevented hunters from developing superiority complexes: "When a young man kills much meat, he comes to think of himself as a chief or a big man... We can't accept this... So we always speak of his meat as worthless. This way we cool his heart and make him gentle." These practices created societies that were simultaneously highly individualistic and intensely egalitarian-a combination that challenges our modern assumptions about the inevitability of inequality and the necessity of hierarchical control.

Глава 8

The Agricultural Revolution: Humanity's Great Gamble

The transition from foraging to food production was revolutionary yet occurred gradually across human lifetimes. Beginning over ten millennia ago, unrelated populations in at least eleven distinct locations across the globe independently began cultivating crops and domesticating animals over a 5,000-year period. This near-simultaneous development was likely catalyzed by climatic, environmental, cultural and demographic factors rather than mere coincidence. The oldest evidence of plant domestication comes from the Levant region, where people experimented with wild wheat and legumes around 12,500 years ago. Animal domestication began with dogs (at least 14,700 years ago), followed by goats and sheep in the Middle East around 10,500 years ago. It took four millennia for agriculture to become the dominant subsistence strategy across the Middle East, with barley, lentils, peas, beans, wheat, pigs, cattle, goats and sheep all becoming domesticated. The Natufians, believed to be the first systematic farmers, initially thrived by harvesting abundant wild cereals. When temperatures suddenly plunged around 12,900 years ago (the Younger Dryas period), they were forced to abandon their villages as food yields declined dramatically. After 1,300 years of harsh conditions, temperatures surged upward again, but the experience had fundamentally changed their relationship with their environment. They built sophisticated granaries capable of storing up to ten tonnes of wheat, showing they had lost faith in nature's providence. The most compelling evidence of this fundamental change is Gobekli Tepe in southeastern Turkey-the oldest known monumental architecture in the ancient world. Built beginning in the tenth millennium BC, this "Stone Age zoo" features approximately 240 limestone monoliths organized into imposing enclosures, each carved with diverse animal imagery. Its significance lies in being the first evidence of humans securing sufficient surplus energy to work across generations toward a grand vision unrelated to immediate survival needs. It represents the first unambiguous evidence of specialized labor divisions-skilled masons, artists, carvers, designers-dependent on others for food, essentially the first society with specialized full-time jobs. Contrary to improving human welfare, the agricultural revolution often made life harder and shorter. Skeletal evidence from early farming communities shows systematic nutritional deficiencies, anemia, bone deformations from repetitive labor, and work-related injuries. Life expectancy among early farmers was no better-and often worse-than that of foragers like the Ju/'hoansi, who could expect to live well beyond sixty if they reached puberty. Farming societies were far more vulnerable to catastrophes than foragers. Zoonotic diseases from domestic animals introduced numerous pathogens to humanity-including gastrointestinal diseases, anthrax, tuberculosis, measles and influenza-which now account for nearly 60% of all human diseases. These "accomplished and invisible murderers" appeared as divine punishment to pre-industrial farmers. Genetic evidence confirms these ancient agricultural catastrophes, showing population collapses that wiped out 40-60% of established farming populations in Europe.

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Глава 9

Time, Money, and the Transformation of Work

Benjamin Franklin's conflicted relationship with work epitomizes our modern paradox: believing both in leisure's possibility and work's virtue. Despite inventing labor-saving devices and envisioning a four-hour workday providing life's necessities, Franklin remained committed to industriousness as a virtue, meticulously tracking his daily activities and warning that "time is money." The equation of time with money represents a fundamental shift from hunter-gatherer perspectives. While foragers understood the relationship between effort and reward, they experienced two critical differences: they enjoyed immediate returns from their labor rather than delayed compensation, and they lived in a world where time was abundant rather than scarce. To hunter-gatherers, time couldn't be "spent," "budgeted" or "wasted"-concepts that emerged from agricultural societies where seasonal urgency made time precious and finite. Stonehenge and similar Neolithic monuments represent humanity's evolving relationship with time. These massive stone calendars marked the critical seasonal transitions that governed agricultural life. Unlike hunter-gatherers who could spontaneously take days off without consequence, farmers lived hostage to inflexible seasonal cycles where missing critical windows for planting, harvesting, or tending could mean the difference between prosperity and starvation. The transition to farming fundamentally transformed humanity's relationship with time. While foragers lived primarily in the present with minimal concern for distant past or future, farmers necessarily inhabited all three temporal dimensions simultaneously. Every agricultural task connected past experience to present action for future reward, creating a mindset where possibilities-both promising and threatening-constantly loomed. Farming also created a fundamental division between "nature" and "culture" that foragers never recognized. While the Ju/'hoansi had no words distinguishing between natural and cultural realms, seeing themselves as integral parts of "the earth's face," farmers necessarily separated themselves from their environment. They transformed "wild" spaces into "domesticated" ones through constant labor, creating boundaries marked by fences and walls. This division established a transactional relationship with the land-farmers "exchanged" their work for harvests, viewing the environment as indebted to them rather than as an unconditional provider. This transactional mindset extended to human relationships, where sharing beyond immediate family became framed as exchanges where everyone was expected to work. Money originated not in barter but in credit and debt arrangements between farmers who were waiting for their land to pay them for their labor. The earliest Mesopotamian city-states like Uruk were the first societies with evidence of money in the form of inscribed clay ledgers. Transactions often took the form of IOUs logged by temple accountants, enabling value to exchange hands virtually.

Глава 10

The Urban Revolution: Cities and Specialization

In 2007, Thadeus Gurirab left his family farm in Namibia for the capital city Windhoek, joining the global rural-urban migration that pushed humanity past a historic threshold in 2008 when more people lived in cities than countryside for the first time. This unprecedented urbanization happened in evolutionary terms at lightning speed, with humans transforming from environmental minimalists to dwellers of complex manufactured colonies in mere millennia. The story of human urbanization unfolds in two contrasting scripts: the chaotic freehand of sprawling shanty towns housing up to 1.6 billion people in places like Kibera (Kenya) and Dharavi (Mumbai), and the orderly calligraphy of planned developments like those in modern China, where 250 million rural Chinese moved to cities between 1979-2010 in history's largest migration event. Vere Gordon Childe described the "urban revolution" as the second phase of the agricultural revolution, occurring only after farmers could generate consistent surpluses to support non-farming specialists like bureaucrats and artists. Cities emerged in regions with favorable geography-high-yielding crops like rice in China versus lower-yielding taro in Papua New Guinea, and fertile floodplains of major rivers that naturally refreshed topsoil. Until the Industrial Revolution, even in sophisticated agricultural civilizations like Rome, 80% of people worked the land. The 20% living in cities pioneered entirely new ways of working, using their energy for creative endeavors beyond food production. This led to specialized trades like carpentry, stonemasonry, architecture, and engineering, as well as roles in maintaining social order through bureaucracy, law enforcement, and religion-all novel challenges for a species whose ancestors had lived in small bands for 300,000 years. Cities gave rise to an explosion of specialized professions. In ancient Uruk, as in pre-industrial London, people in similar trades clustered in specific neighborhoods, forming communities of practice based on shared skills and experiences. Unlike foragers or villagers whose identities came from shared geography and kinship, urban dwellers' identities merged with their trades. Imperial Rome had 268 different career paths, many in service sectors. These professional communities provided belonging and identity, with Roman artisan collegia offering civic identity and mutual support rather than cutthroat competition. Writing systems emerged independently in the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and Mesoamerica as cities developed. The Sumerian cuneiform script evolved from clay tokens used for accounting to pictographs representing spoken language. Beyond enabling history, philosophy and complex mathematics, writing created entirely new high-status professions. "Put writing in your heart that you may protect yourself from hard labour," advised an Egyptian father, recognizing literacy's power to free one from manual work. Cities breed a different kind of scarcity than that experienced by subsistence farmers-one articulated through aspiration, jealousy and desire rather than absolute need. While most economists avoid examining the specific desires that make things scarce, Keynes distinguished between two components of the economic problem: "absolute needs" (universal requirements like food and shelter that are finite) and "relative needs" (status-driven desires that are truly infinite). These relative needs motivate people to work harder even after basic needs are met.

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Глава 11

The Future of Work: Automation, Inequality, and Possibility

John Maynard Keynes warned in the 1930s about "technological unemployment"-a "new disease" where labor-saving technologies outpace our ability to create new jobs. While Keynes underestimated how the service sector would absorb workers displaced from farms, mines and factories, recent research suggests his prediction may finally be materializing. In 2013, Oxford University researchers Carl Frey and Michael Osborne published a groundbreaking study concluding that 47% of all US jobs faced "high risk" of automation by 2030. Subsequent studies confirmed this gloomy assessment while adding nuance. The OECD found automation's impact would vary geographically-some regions might lose 40% of jobs while others might lose under 5%. The most vulnerable sectors include waste management, transportation, storage, retail, and manufacturing, with 40-50% of roles at immediate risk. Automation will likely entrench inequality both between and within countries. By removing labor advantages of lower-wage countries and increasing returns on capital rather than labor, automation will generate further wealth for the already wealthy while disadvantaging those without means to invest. The wealthiest 10 percent already own about 85 percent of global assets, with the top 1 percent owning 45 percent. Keynes imagined a utopian future where automation eliminated scarcity, making inequality irrelevant. In his vision, people would work only as needed, and the pursuit of wealth for its own sake would be viewed as "a somewhat disgusting morbidity"-a mental disorder rather than a virtue. He anticipated the end of scarcity economics and all the institutions built around it. John Kenneth Galbraith later made similar arguments, suggesting the transition to an economics of abundance would occur naturally as people chose meaningful work over wealth pursuit. He believed this shift was already happening in post-war America through what he called the "New Class"-those selecting jobs for pleasure, satisfaction and prestige rather than money. While some signs of this transformation exist-millennials prioritizing fulfilling work and employers offering greater flexibility-working hours remain stubbornly fixed around forty per week, only 15 percent of people globally report being engaged in their jobs, and the "malady of infinite aspiration" has found fertile new ground in digital ecosystems like Instagram and Facebook. When anthropologists began studying forager societies like the Ju/'hoansi in the 1960s, they hoped to understand how our ancestors lived in the distant past. Now this research might offer insights about organizing ourselves in an automated future with environmental constraints. The Ju/'hoansi are descendants of a population that has lived continuously in southern Africa since the emergence of modern Homo sapiens, possibly 300,000 years ago. Their hunting and gathering lifestyle represents the most sustainable economic approach in human history. While we can't return to foraging, these societies hint at what a post-scarcity society might resemble-one that moderates material aspirations, addresses inequality, and values ends above means. Our uncertain automated future has sparked numerous proposals, from post-capitalism models to universal basic income to extending fundamental rights to ecosystems. By recognizing that many core economic assumptions are artifacts of the agricultural revolution amplified by urbanization, we're free to imagine more sustainable futures that harness our restless energy and creativity while avoiding the traps of artificial scarcity that have defined our relationship with work for the past 10,000 years.

★★★★★

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Ключевые темы в Теневая работа. Второе издание: руководство по интеграции и преодолению своих теней

hunter-gatherer anthropology
evolutionary biology of labor
scarcity vs abundance
energy harvesting history
technological automation future

Цитаты из Теневая работа. Второе издание: руководство по интеграции и преодолению своих теней

We are, in a very real sense, built to work-but not necessarily in the ways modern society demands.
Humans are the ultimate entropy accelerators.
The transition to agriculture may have fundamentally altered our relationship with work for the worse.
Our extraordinary capacity for skill acquisition is written into our physical form.

Персонажи в Теневая работа. Второе издание: руководство по интеграции и преодолению своих теней

James SuzmanAuthor and anthropologist who studied the Ju/'hoansi
Ludwig BoltzmannPhysicist whose work on entropy explains energy

Об авторе

Джеймс Сузман, автор книги «Работа. Глубокая история от каменного века до эпохи роботов», — известный антрополог и эксперт по обществам охотников-собирателей, в частности по народам койсанской группы в Южной Африке. Бывший стипендиат Смэтса в области африканистики в Кембриджском университете, Сузман сочетает антропологические полевые исследования с данными эволюционной биологии и археологии, чтобы исследовать отношения человечества с трудом.

Его получившая признание критиков книга «Affluence Without Abundance: The Disappearing World of the Bushmen» (2017) рассматривает социальные и экологические проблемы, с которыми сталкивается народ сан, закрепив за автором репутацию исследователя, умело сочетающего строгий научный подход с доступным повествованием.

В качестве директора Anthropos Ltd. Сузман применяет антропологические методы к современным экономическим вопросам — этот фокус отражен в книге «Работа», которая прослеживает эволюцию труда от предыстории до автоматизации. Его статьи публиковались в The New York Times, а его выступления на темы человеческой продуктивности и социальной организации широко цитируются в академическом и общественном дискурсе. Книга «Affluence Without Abundance» была признана основополагающим трудом о коренных культурах и их значимости для современных дискуссий об устойчивом развитии и балансе между работой и личной жизнью.

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Теневая работа. Второе издание: руководство по интеграции и преодолению своих теней

ОбзорОбзор книги Теневая работа. Второе издание: руководство по интеграции и преодолению своих теней

Одна книга. Множество способов её услышать.

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