
Phyllis Schlafly's final testament, published one day after her death, argues Trump could be "the most conservative president since Reagan." The book split the Eagle Forum organization she founded, with Trump himself urging Americans to read this controversial conservative manifesto.
Phyllis Schlafly (1924–2016) was the bestselling author of The Conservative Case for Trump and a leading conservative political activist who shaped American conservatism for over five decades.
Published in 2016, The Conservative Case for Trump defends Donald Trump as a conservative candidate worthy of Republican support, drawing on Schlafly's decades of experience as founder of the Eagle Forum and publisher of The Phyllis Schlafly Report newsletter.
Known as the "sweetheart of the Silent Majority," she first rose to national prominence with A Choice Not an Echo (1964), which sold over three million copies and helped propel Barry Goldwater to the Republican nomination.
A lawyer with degrees from Radcliffe and Washington University, she authored or co-authored 27 books on topics ranging from national defense to feminism. Her most famous political victory was leading the successful grassroots campaign that defeated the Equal Rights Amendment in the 1970s, cementing her legacy as a transformative figure in conservative politics.
The Conservative Case for Trump by Phyllis Schlafly presents a conservative argument supporting Donald Trump's 2016 presidential candidacy. Published in 2016, this book represents Schlafly's final work before her death at age 92, making the case that Trump aligned with grassroots conservative values. The book draws on Schlafly's decades of conservative activism and political experience to defend Trump's candidacy from a traditionalist perspective.
Phyllis Schlafly was a prominent conservative activist, lawyer, and writer who became a leading voice in American conservatism for over 60 years. Born in 1924, she gained national prominence with her 1964 bestseller A Choice Not an Echo and successfully led the campaign against the Equal Rights Amendment in the 1970s. She founded the Eagle Forum in 1972 and authored or co-authored 27 books on conservative politics, national defense, and traditional family values.
The Conservative Case for Trump appeals to readers interested in understanding conservative perspectives on Trump's candidacy, particularly those examining the intersection of traditional conservatism and populist politics. The book suits political historians studying the 2016 election, conservatives seeking intellectual frameworks for Trump's platform, and anyone exploring Phyllis Schlafly's legacy as a grassroots conservative organizer. Readers interested in Republican Party dynamics and conservative movement evolution will find valuable insights.
The Conservative Case for Trump offers historical value as the final work of one of conservatism's most influential figures, providing insight into how traditional conservatives reconciled their principles with Trump's candidacy. For readers studying the 2016 election, conservative intellectual history, or Phyllis Schlafly's six-decade career in grassroots activism, the book presents a significant perspective. However, its relevance depends on your interest in conservative political thought and election analysis.
The Conservative Case for Trump was published in 2016, making it Phyllis Schlafly's final book before her death on September 5, 2016, at age 92. What makes this work particularly unique is its timing—Schlafly completed it just months before passing away from cancer, representing her last political statement after six decades of conservative activism. The book serves as both a campaign document and a capstone to her influential career that began with A Choice Not an Echo in 1964.
Based on Phyllis Schlafly's established conservative philosophy, The Conservative Case for Trump likely emphasizes principles she championed throughout her career:
Schlafly historically opposed what she called "Eastern elites" within the Republican Party and advocated for candidates who represented ordinary Americans. Her support for Trump aligned with her decades-long advocacy for conservative populism over establishment politics.
The Conservative Case for Trump follows similar themes to Schlafly's groundbreaking 1964 work A Choice Not an Echo, which sold three million copies and helped Barry Goldwater secure the Republican nomination. Both books criticize Republican establishment elites and advocate for grassroots conservative candidates who challenge party insiders. While A Choice Not an Echo targeted "Rockefeller Republicans" and northeastern elites, The Conservative Case for Trump applies these same anti-establishment arguments to defend Trump's outsider candidacy against traditional Republican opposition.
Phyllis Schlafly brought extraordinary political credentials to The Conservative Case for Trump, including founding the Eagle Forum in 1972, defeating the Equal Rights Amendment through grassroots mobilization, and authoring 26 previous books on conservative politics.
Phyllis Schlafly supported Donald Trump because she saw him as representing the same grassroots conservative revolt against Republican establishment elites that she championed since 1964. Throughout her career, Schlafly opposed what she viewed as corrupt, globalist northeastern elites controlling the Republican Party nomination process. Trump's outsider status, nationalist rhetoric, and opposition to establishment Republicans aligned with Schlafly's longstanding belief that grassroots conservatives deserved authentic representation rather than choices dictated by party insiders.
Critics questioned how Phyllis Schlafly reconciled traditional conservative principles with Trump's personal history and unconventional political positions, particularly given her lifetime advocacy for traditional family values and Christian morality. Some argued the book represented an ironic parallel to criticisms Schlafly faced throughout her career—opponents had noted the contradiction between her anti-feminist stance and her active professional career. The book's release during the contentious 2016 campaign made it controversial among conservatives who opposed Trump's nomination.
Understanding Phyllis Schlafly's legacy as the "godmother of grassroots conservatism" who mobilized ordinary Americans for over 60 years provides essential context for The Conservative Case for Trump. Her successful defeat of the Equal Rights Amendment demonstrated her ability to organize effective opposition to establishment consensus. Schlafly's consistent pattern of supporting outsider conservative candidates—from Barry Goldwater in 1964 to Donald Trump in 2016—reveals The Conservative Case for Trump as the culmination of her lifelong anti-establishment conservative philosophy.
The Conservative Case for Trump remains relevant in 2025 as a historical document capturing how traditional conservative activists navigated Trump's rise and as insight into the ongoing tension between establishment and populist wings of Republican politics. The book preserves Phyllis Schlafly's perspective on conservatism's evolution and provides context for understanding current debates about the Republican Party's direction. For scholars studying the transformation of American conservatism and the 2016 election's lasting impact, Schlafly's final work offers valuable primary source material.
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A nation without borders is not a nation.
This election may represent America's last chance.
Immigration represents an existential challenge to America's future.
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In 2016, America faced a pivotal moment. After eight years under Obama's "fundamental transformation," the nation stood at a crossroads between continued decline or reclaiming its former greatness. Enter Donald Trump - a voice for millions who felt abandoned by their government, offering what Phyllis Schlafly famously called "a choice, not an echo." Unlike typical politicians constrained by political correctness, Trump spoke boldly on issues many Americans cared deeply about but rarely heard addressed in mainstream politics. His straight-talking approach resonated across party lines, particularly on immigration, trade, and national security. "My father's not politically correct - he says what he means and he means what he says," explains Ivanka Trump. With 80% of Americans believing political correctness is crippling the nation, Trump's willingness to speak uncomfortable truths represents a strength, not a weakness. Political correctness isn't about politeness but control - a mechanism for silencing dissent. We see it on college campuses where free speech zones restrict conservative expression, in climate change debates where questioning orthodoxy can lead to legal persecution, and most dangerously in discussions about Islamic terrorism. After the Orlando nightclub shooting, while the Left blamed guns or "toxic masculinity," Trump asked questions others avoided: "Why would we admit people who support violent hatred?" and "How does this kind of immigration make our country better?" He correctly identified radical Islamic terrorism as the problem while others danced around it. Haven't we reached a point where honest conversation matters more than comfortable falsehoods? What if the very qualities establishment figures dismissed - Trump's bluntness, business background, and outsider status - were exactly what America needed? Reagan faced similar skepticism in 1980, yet transformed the nation. With the Supreme Court, border security, and economic revival hanging in the balance, this election represented what many conservatives viewed as America's last chance to peacefully reclaim its constitutional heritage. The stakes couldn't have been higher.
"A nation without borders is not a nation." This principle anchors Trump's immigration stance as an existential challenge to America's future. Since Kennedy's 1965 Immigration Act, demographic shifts have transformed states like California from Reagan Country to a progressive stronghold. Today's immigration system favors volume over assimilation. Sanctuary cities harbor criminal aliens, as evidenced by Kate Steinle's tragic death at the hands of a five-time deportee. Between 2011-2015, 121 released criminal aliens faced murder charges. Birthright citizenship exacerbates this issue, with 340,000 children of illegal immigrants becoming automatic citizens annually - creating what Trump calls "the biggest magnet attracting illegal immigrants" and enabling parents to access benefits while avoiding deportation. Once-thriving Midwest industrial towns reveal the human cost of America's trade policies. Since 2001, approximately 6 million manufacturing jobs have disappeared overseas, with over 3 million going to China. These represent devastated communities with eroded tax bases and declining living standards. The Trans-Pacific Partnership epitomizes this problem, linking high-wage America with countries like Vietnam, where workers earn just $1,890 annually, for a projected GDP increase of merely 0.15% by 2032. China poses the greatest challenge through currency manipulation, illegal subsidies, and industrial espionage. Intellectual property theft alone costs America $300 billion annually. Trump's approach isn't protectionist but pragmatic - trade deals must benefit American workers, not just corporations. When 84% of Americans prioritize protecting manufacturing jobs over cheaper imports, shouldn't our trade policy reflect these values?
Imagine the impact of three or four Supreme Court appointments over the next presidential term. The next president would shape American jurisprudence for generations, determining the fate of immigration policy, abortion, gun rights, religious liberty, and presidential power. Trump released an impressive list of potential nominees compiled with help from respected conservative legal authorities. These judges demonstrated commitment to interpreting the Constitution as written rather than inventing new rights or importing foreign concepts - a stark contrast to the activist judges Clinton would appoint. The Supreme Court has evolved far beyond what the Founders intended, with liberal justices unrestrained by law, precedent, or the Constitution. As constitutional scholar Larry Kramer explains, the Court declared itself supreme in Cooper v. Aaron (1958), manufacturing judicial supremacy that wasn't in Marbury v. Madison. When judges view themselves as social engineers rather than interpreters of law, doesn't democracy itself suffer? Trump's commitment to appointing constitutionalist judges represents one of the strongest arguments for conservative support of his candidacy.
Despite outspending most developed nations per student, American education shows troubling results: students rank 26th globally in mathematics and science. While official graduation rates reach 85%, only 37% of graduates are college-ready. The system's failure is evident when 25% of university freshmen need remedial classes-essentially repeating high school at college prices-costing $1.5 billion annually plus significant indirect expenses. Trump proposes introducing market competition through comprehensive school choice programs, comparing education to Bell Telephone's monopoly that required breaking up. His framework includes returning to traditional academic standards, measuring achievement, restoring discipline, implementing performance-based teacher pay, strengthening civic education, and expanding school choice. Trump attributes his success to family values instilled by his homemaker mother who encouraged happiness and his driven father who pushed him toward achievement. Despite his celebrity, he draws strength from family relationships, keeping their photos in his office during negotiations. As a self-described proud Christian, Trump states, "I go to church, I love God, and I love having a relationship with Him." He promises Americans will freely say "Merry Christmas" again and pledges to defend Christianity. On abortion, Trump identifies as pro-life, promising to appoint pro-life Supreme Court judges, support legislation like the Pain-Capable Unborn Child Protection Act, and defund Planned Parenthood's abortion services. His pro-life stance developed through personal stories, particularly a friend who initially rejected his wife's pregnancy but later cherished the child as "the apple of his eye."
Trump's "America First" approach prioritizes national interests over globalist ideologies. On entitlements, he insists on honoring commitments to seniors who paid into Social Security their whole lives, promising to save the program by reviving America's economy and eliminating waste, fraud, and abuse. His healthcare vision would replace Obamacare with a consumer-focused, competitive system that wouldn't force unwanted coverage, would allow insurance companies to compete across states, and implement other market-based reforms. For veterans, Trump promises to reform the "absolutely unacceptable" VA system that left 300,000 veterans dying while waiting for medical care. The 2016 election represented "the last chance for Americans to get control of their government." Trump presented himself as both a realist and an optimist who believed "America's best days are still to come" if tough decisions were made. His vision promised to rebuild infrastructure, revitalize manufacturing, support law enforcement, and make America "rich again," "safe again," and "Great Again for EVERYONE." What if this wasn't just campaign rhetoric but a genuine opportunity to restore American greatness? What if the very qualities establishment figures dismissed were exactly what the country needed? The choice was clear: continue down the path of decline or embrace a vision of American renewal that put citizens first. Which future would you choose?