What is *Social: Why Our Brains Are Wired to Connect* about?

*Social* explores how human brains evolved to prioritize social connections as a survival mechanism. Matthew Lieberman uses fMRI research to show how neural circuits process social pain/pleasure like physical sensations, why social cognition dominates brain activity during rest, and how this wiring shapes learning, workplace dynamics, and well-being.

Who should read *Social: Why Our Brains Are Wired to Connect*?

Educators, leaders, psychologists, and anyone interested in neuroscience or social behavior will benefit. It offers insights for improving team collaboration, classroom engagement, and personal relationships by leveraging our biological need for connection.

Is *Social: Why Our Brains Are Wired to Connect* worth reading?

Yes. Lieberman’s accessible blend of neuroscience and real-world examples reveals why social bonds govern happiness and success. Critical takeaways include strategies to harness social thinking in education, reduce workplace alienation, and improve mental health.

What is the “default network” in the brain?

The default network activates during mental downtime to analyze social interactions, relationships, and past/future social scenarios. This neural circuitry proves social cognition is the brain’s baseline mode—not just an occasional focus.

How does social pain affect the brain?

Social rejection or loneliness triggers the same dorsal anterior cingulate cortex regions as physical pain. Lieberman argues this overlap evolved to prioritize group survival, making social bonds as vital as food or shelter.

What practical applications does the book suggest?

Schools and workplaces should prioritize social engagement over isolation. For example, collaborative learning activates the social brain, improving retention, while empathy-driven leadership boosts team productivity.

How does *Social* redefine human self-interest?

Lieberman challenges the “selfish” brain narrative, showing how prosocial behaviors (e.g., altruism, conformity) are neurologically rewarded. Harmonizing with groups often overrides individual logic, ensuring collective survival.

What criticisms exist about *Social: Why Our Brains Are Wired to Connect*?

Some reviewers note Lieberman occasionally overextends fMRI data into broad societal claims. Others argue evolutionary psychology aspects lack cross-cultural validation, risking oversimplification of social behaviors.

Социальный вид

Почему наш мозг запрограммирован на общение ### Социальная природа человека Люди — существа глубоко социальные. На протяжении всей эволюции наша способность формировать связи и сотрудничать была ключом к выживанию. Современная нейронаука показывает, что наш мозг обладает специализированными механизмами, предназначенными исключительно для социального взаимодействия. ### Ключевые нейронные механизмы Существует несколько факторов, объясняющих, почему мы ищем связи с другими: 1. **Система вознаграждения**: Когда мы взаимодействуем с другими, наш мозг выделяет *дофамин* и *окситоцин*. * **Дофамин** заставляет нас чувствовать удовольствие. * **Окситоцин**, часто называемый «гормоном любви», способствует укреплению доверия и привязанности. 2. **Зеркальные нейроны**: Эти клетки активируются как тогда, когда мы совершаем действие, так и когда мы наблюдаем, как его совершает кто-то другой. Это позволяет нам: * Сопереживать чужим эмоциям. * Понимать намерения окружающих. * Обучаться через наблюдение. ### Последствия социальной изоляции Поскольку наш мозг так сильно ориентирован на связь, отсутствие социального взаимодействия может иметь серьезные последствия: * **Повышенный уровень стресса**: Одиночество активирует реакцию «бей или беги». * **Когнитивный спад**: Длительная изоляция связана с ухудшением памяти и исполнительных функций. * **Физическое здоровье**: Исследования показывают, что слабые социальные связи могут быть так же вредны для здоровья, как курение. ### Заключение Понимание того, что наш мозг «запрограммирован» на общение, подчеркивает важность поддержания здоровых отношений. Это не просто вопрос личного предпочтения; это фундаментальная биологическая потребность. --- *Хотите узнать больше? Ознакомьтесь с нашими ресурсами по [социальной нейробиологии](https://example.com).*

Мэттью Либерман

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Обзор книги Социальный вид

Узнайте, почему социальная боль ранит так же сильно, как физическая, в новаторском нейробиологическом исследовании Либермана. Бросая вызов традиционным моделям образования и бизнеса, книга «Социальный вид» (Social) раскрывает, что наш мозг фундаментально настроен на общение — это откровение меняет подход ведущих организаций к человеческому потенциалу и благополучию.

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Глава 1

The Wired Connection: Why Our Social Nature Defines Us

Imagine living a life where you're physically healthy but completely isolated from other humans. No conversations, no shared laughter, no meaningful glances, no comforting touch. Despite having all physical needs met, you'd likely experience profound suffering. This isn't merely a philosophical thought experiment-it's a biological reality hardwired into our neural architecture. When Irv died after a half-century marriage to Gloria, she didn't just feel sad; she transformed entirely, becoming unrecognizable to family members who wondered if she had dementia. In reality, she was experiencing what our brains register as genuine physical pain-the agony of broken social bonds. Matthew Lieberman's groundbreaking work reveals that this response isn't a design flaw but a crucial evolutionary adaptation. "Social: Why Our Brains Are Wired to Connect" has influenced everyone from business leaders like Arianna Huffington to psychologists and educators worldwide, offering a revolutionary framework for understanding human motivation that challenges centuries of philosophical assumptions about rational self-interest.

Глава 2

The Brain's Default Mode: Social Thinking as Our Natural State

When not focused on specific tasks, what does your brain naturally do? The answer reveals something profound about human nature. In 1997, researchers made a counterintuitive discovery: certain brain regions consistently become more active during rest periods than during focused tasks. This "default network" doesn't represent mental rest but rather intense social cognition-thinking about ourselves and others. This network appears almost immediately at birth, even in two-day-old infants (though not in premature babies), suggesting it's an evolved mechanism rather than learned behavior. It activates reflexively the moment we finish tasks, even with just seconds of downtime, priming our brains for social thinking. The default network's relationship to social cognition is more profound than initially thought. Rather than merely reflecting our interest in the social world, it may actually cause that interest. The network's presence in newborns before they develop conscious interests suggests it drives our social focus rather than resulting from it. Like Malcolm Gladwell's 10,000-hour rule for expertise, our brains invest enormous time in social cognition. With 70% of conversations being social and roughly three hours daily spent on social thinking, we reach 10,000 hours before age ten. The default network's instant activation between tasks functions like priming-preparing our brains for effective social engagement. Traditional psychology views humans as hybrids of primitive reptilian drives (fighting, fleeing, feeding, and mating) and advanced analytical abilities. Our large prefrontal cortex is often portrayed as an all-purpose computer that can solve any problem, including social ones. But our social nature appears fundamental rather than accidental. Nearly universal human traits like friendship-a peculiar phenomenon where we trust and depend on genetic strangers-suggest evolved sociality. The phenomenal success of Facebook (with users spending 56 billion minutes monthly compared to 84 billion on religious activities) demonstrates our intrinsic social orientation. While we've traditionally believed our enlarged brains evolved for abstract reasoning and problem-solving, mounting evidence suggests social cognitive skills may have been the primary evolutionary driver. Robin Dunbar proposed that the neocortex grew larger primarily to enable primates to live in larger, more socially complex groups. When comparing potential drivers of brain size-innovation, social learning, and group size-group size emerged as the strongest predictor of neocortex size, particularly in the frontal lobes.

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Глава 3

When Connection Hurts: The Neural Basis of Social Pain

Our fear of public speaking reveals a profound truth about human nature: social rejection hurts as intensely as physical pain. While fearing physical harm makes evolutionary sense, our terror of public humiliation stems from the brain's response to social threats, which mirrors its reaction to physical injury. Our large brains come with a biological tradeoff: human infants must be born with brains only a quarter of adult size to pass through the birth canal. This means most brain development happens after birth, allowing fine-tuning to specific cultural environments but leaving babies helpless for years. Human prefrontal cortex development continues into our twenties, representing the most extended period of immaturity among mammals. Maslow's hierarchy of needs places physiological needs like food and water at the foundation, with social needs higher up. But this gets it backward for mammals, especially humans. Infants cannot meet their own basic needs and require caregivers committed to their survival. Social connection isn't a luxury-it's our most fundamental need, the bedrock upon which our sophisticated sociality is built. Pain, while unpleasant, serves as a crucial survival adaptation. For every fundamental survival need, there's a corresponding pain that motivates us to address it. If social needs truly are survival needs, then unmet social needs should trigger genuine pain responses. When investigating the neural basis of social pain, researchers have focused on the dorsal anterior cingulate cortex (dACC) and anterior insula (AI). The dACC plays a crucial role in both physical pain processing and mother-infant attachment behaviors. When a mother's dACC is damaged, she becomes unresponsive to her young's needs. To investigate whether social pain links to physical pain in humans, Lieberman and Eisenberger adapted Kip Williams' Cyberball paradigm for fMRI research. Despite the seemingly trivial nature of this exclusion, participants experienced genuine distress. The brain scans revealed striking similarities between social and physical pain processing-both activated the dACC during distress. The connection between social and physical pain has been replicated across numerous studies involving grief, romantic breakups, negative evaluation, and even disapproving faces. Remarkably, taking acetaminophen (Tylenol) actually reduces social pain. These findings convincingly demonstrate that social and physical pain share the same neural equipment.

Глава 4

The Pleasure of Fairness: Social Rewards and Cooperation

When professional advancement hinges on fair treatment, our emotional response involves more than just material gain. Being passed over unfairly creates both material loss and social pain-a rejection that everyone witnesses. But does fairness itself generate positive feelings? Our need for social approval runs deep. Brain imaging reveals that receiving affection activates our reward system similarly to physical pleasures. When participants read heartfelt messages from loved ones while in an MRI scanner, their ventral striatum activated just as it would for basic rewards like food. Many subjects were even willing to forfeit their entire study payment just to read these loving messages. Money functions as a social reward-payment for providing value to others. In neuroscience terms, rewards divide into primary reinforcers (things that directly satisfy basic needs like food and water) and secondary reinforcers (things that predict access to primary rewards). Social regard, however, appears to function as both types of reinforcer. The Prisoner's Dilemma game illustrates cooperation that reduces personal benefit. Rational self-interest suggests always defecting, yet studies show people cooperate over a third of the time. Brain imaging reveals that mutual cooperation activates the ventral striatum (reward center) more than defection, even when earning less money, indicating we genuinely prefer cooperation rather than merely feeling obligated to cooperate. Is altruism-helping others at a personal cost-ever truly selfless? Skeptics argue that apparent altruism always hides selfish motives like future reciprocity or reputation building. Daniel Batson's ingenious experiments tested this by having observers watch "victims" receive painful shocks. When given the choice between switching places with the victim or leaving without watching more shocks, most observers chose to leave. However, when first induced to feel empathy for the victim, 91% chose to switch places even when they could leave-suggesting genuine altruism. The brain's reward system activates more strongly when giving money to charity than when receiving money, and even teenagers show increased reward activity when donating to their families. As the Dalai Lama suggests, the "intelligent way to be selfish" may be helping others, since doing so is intrinsically pleasurable.

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Глава 5

Mind Reading: The Remarkable Ability to Understand Others

In this chapter, I explore how humans possess an innate ability to read minds-not through supernatural means, but through our remarkable capacity to understand others' thoughts, intentions and mental states. From the strategic mindreading of rock-paper-scissors champions to our automatic tendency to attribute intentions to simple geometric shapes, our brains are wired to perceive and interpret the minds of others. Our minds possess a unique quality that philosopher Franz Brentano called "Intentionality"-our thoughts are always about something else. But equally remarkable is our inescapable tendency to see others in terms of their mental processes. When shown simple animations of moving shapes, people automatically perceive intentions, emotions and relationships rather than mere geometric objects. For decades, researchers have investigated who possesses Theory of Mind and when humans develop it. Studies with chimpanzees like Sarah showed impressive abilities to anticipate human solutions to problems, but debate continues about whether this truly constitutes understanding others' minds. The Sally-Anne task shows that while three-year-olds struggle with understanding false beliefs, five-year-olds excel at it. How do we perform the trick of understanding others' minds? Early theories focused on our general abstract reasoning abilities supported by the prefrontal cortex. Since working memory and reasoning abilities correlate with general intelligence, it seemed logical that these same brain regions might support social reasoning about others' minds. Surprisingly, the brain handles social and nonsocial thinking using entirely different neural systems. When people read stories requiring mentalizing (understanding others' beliefs and intentions), they don't primarily activate the lateral prefrontal regions associated with general reasoning. Instead, a different network activates, including the dorsomedial prefrontal cortex (DMPFC), temporoparietal junction (TPJ), posterior cingulate, and temporal poles. The mentalizing system is actually the same network previously identified as the "default network"-regions that activate whenever we have a moment of mental rest between cognitive tasks and during dreaming. Evolution appears to have designed our brains to reset to social thinking during every mental break, preparing us to see the world in terms of others' mental states. Our mentalizing abilities evolved not just for passive observation but for practical social coordination. In cooperative tasks like the "Stag Hunt" game, where players must predict their partner's moves without communication, the mentalizing system activates more when prediction becomes difficult. While the mentalizing system activates spontaneously, it functions like a "social working memory system" requiring mental effort. Because mentalizing requires effort, we often rely on mental shortcuts that trade accuracy for efficiency. Even adults with fully developed mentalizing capacity frequently fail to use it effectively-in Keysar's "director's task" experiments, adults made mistakes 45% of the time when asked to move objects that weren't visible to their partner.

Глава 6

Mirror Neurons: The Second System for Understanding Others

Our brains may have evolved redundant systems for understanding others, similar to how airplanes have backup systems for safety. While mentalizing helps us understand others' thoughts, a second neural system with radically different architecture also helps us make sense of people. In the 1980s, Giacomo Rizzolatti's lab made a serendipitous discovery that changed our understanding of social cognition. They found neurons in macaque monkeys that responded both when the monkey performed an action (like grabbing a peanut) and when it watched someone else perform the same action. These "mirror neurons" challenged the traditional view that brain regions for perception and action were separate. Though the human brain reached its modern size around 200,000 years ago, complex culture only emerged about 50,000 years ago. Some scientists suggest a genetic change affecting mirror neurons may have driven this "great leap forward" by enhancing our capacity for imitation. Mirror neurons seem ideally suited for imitation-based learning, allowing innovations to spread between individuals and across generations. Beyond imitation, mirror neuron researchers claim these neurons help us understand others' minds. This connects to a philosophical debate from the 1980s between two theories of mindreading: Theory of Mind (using logical inference to understand others' mental states) and Simulation theory (imagining ourselves in others' situations). Vittorio Gallese argues mirror neurons implement Simulation theory by creating "motor resonance"-when you see someone reach for a cup, your "reaching-for" neurons activate, automatically simulating their mental state. Critics increasingly challenge the mirror system's central role in mindreading. Oxford psychologist Cecilia Heyes suggests mirror neurons aren't intrinsically wired for understanding others but are motor neurons conditioned through experience to respond to actions we've seen ourselves perform thousands of times. When observing behavior, we can ask three questions: what someone is doing (basic action description), why they're doing it (higher-level intentions requiring mentalizing), or how they're doing it (motor mechanics requiring the mirror system). In studies by Spunt and Lieberman, asking "why" questions activated the mentalizing system while "how" questions recruited the mirror system. While the mirror system doesn't generate high-level mindreading on its own, it performs the essential function of translating complex body movements into coherent actions that can be psychologically interpreted. By synthesizing movements into actions (turning finger movements into "typing"), the mirror system provides the premises that the mentalizing system can then use to answer "why" questions.

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Глава 7

Empathy and Autism: The Peaks and Valleys of Social Connection

Lieberman opens with a personal story of depression during his early graduate school days when, despite feeling broke and miserable, he was moved to donate money to help starving children in Africa after watching a late-night infomercial. This seemingly irrational act was driven by empathy that momentarily broke through his self-pity, compelling him to help strangers he would never meet without expectation of reward or recognition. The term "empathy" entered English just over a century ago as a translation of the German "einfuhlung" (feeling into), originally describing our capacity to mentally experience art or nature from within. Unlike the social rewards that come after helping others, empathy is the front-end process that motivates helping behavior. It comprises three psychological processes: mindreading, affect matching, and empathic motivation. While affect matching is remarkable, it doesn't always lead to prosocial responses. Sometimes when we feel others' distress, we focus on alleviating our own discomfort rather than helping them. True empathy requires both affect matching and sustained focus on the other person's situation. The septal area, though currently overlooked in social neuroscience, may become a critical focus in coming years. Evolutionarily enlarged in primates and directly connected to the DMPFC (the brain's mentalizing CEO), it's been linked to multiple functions that initially seem unrelated. Early research found it central to reward processing-rats and even a human subject would press stimulation buttons relentlessly for the intense pleasure it provided. In 1992, after graduating from Rutgers, Lieberman experienced one of the worst days of his life. While attending a pre-graduation celebration with roommates, they all took the same drug they had used before. Unlike his friends who enjoyed themselves, Lieberman had a "bad trip" that he could only endure until it passed. Years later, reflecting on this experience, he realized he must have appeared odd, awkward, and antisocial-perhaps even somewhat autistic-keeping his distance, giving short answers, and avoiding eye contact. While scientists agree that autism is associated with impaired Theory of Mind abilities, debate continues about whether these impairments fully explain autism's symptoms and whether they're a cause or consequence of the condition. Evidence suggests Theory of Mind deficits aren't the complete picture: some autistic children pass Theory of Mind tests while still qualifying for autism diagnosis. The intense world hypothesis offers a counterintuitive explanation for autism: rather than being insensitive to the social world, autistic individuals may actually be hypersensitive. Like my experience during a "bad trip" at Rutgers where I appeared antisocial but was actually overwhelmed by sensory input, autistic children might withdraw from social contact because it's too intense and distressing.

Глава 8

The Trojan Horse Self: How Social Influence Shapes Identity

Rene Descartes' mind-body dualism proposed that minds are animated by an immaterial soul distinct from physical processes. Unlike the discredited phlogiston theory, dualism persists in popular thinking despite scientific rejection. This reflects how our brains naturally represent ourselves as having both mind and body as separate components. Gordon Gallup's mirror experiments with chimpanzees demonstrated bodily self-recognition, but fMRI studies reveal that recognizing oneself visually activates different brain regions than conceptual self-awareness. Visual self-recognition engages lateral prefrontal and parietal regions, while thinking about oneself conceptually activates medial prefrontal cortex (MPFC) and precuneus. The medial prefrontal cortex (MPFC) appears in 94% of all studies on self-reflection, making it the brain's central hub for conceptual self-awareness. Unlike most brain regions, BA10 is dramatically larger in humans than other primates-occupying 1.2% of human brain volume compared to 0.2-0.7% in other primates. The ancient Greek myth of the Trojan horse illustrates how our sense of self may be evolution's sneakiest ploy for ensuring successful group living. While we think of our self as a hermetically sealed treasure chest providing unique destiny and personal goals, it may actually be a cleverly disguised deception allowing the social world to overtake us without our noticing. Just as in a card game where participants must infer their own value from others' reactions, we often learn about ourselves by looking to others rather than looking inward-a process called reflected appraisal generation. In an fMRI study with thirteen-year-olds and adults, researchers found that adolescents activated the mentalizing system even when making direct appraisals about themselves, suggesting they spontaneously considered what others thought of them when answering questions about themselves. Our susceptibility to social influence is demonstrated through experiences like the Blue Man Group's ability to guide audience members through complex interactions without verbal instructions. Brain imaging studies show that the medial prefrontal cortex (MPFC) is central to both self-knowledge and being influenced by others. The MPFC's role in predicting behavior extends beyond individuals to populations. When testing antismoking ads on smokers attempting to quit, MPFC activity predicted which campaigns would be most successful-contradicting participants' conscious evaluations. Campaign C, which participants rated worst but triggered the strongest MPFC response, increased calls to the quit-smoking hotline thirty times over, vastly outperforming campaigns A and B.

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Глава 9

Self-Control for Society's Benefit: The Social Origins of Willpower

The author observes his son's social brain development with professional interest, noting milestones like imitation, mirror self-recognition, and theory of mind development. He describes the "Popsicle test"-a variant of Walter Mischel's famous marshmallow test-where his nearly three-year-old son chose an immediate Popsicle over a trip to Disneyland the next day, despite Disneyland being his favorite place. Self-control dramatically influences life outcomes. In Mischel's original marshmallow tests with preschoolers, only one-third could wait the full fifteen minutes for two marshmallows instead of ringing a bell for one immediate marshmallow. Children who lasted longer at age four scored over 200 points higher on SATs years later. Self-control involves restraining impulses that seem to have minds of their own. Though we experience different types of self-control as distinct efforts, one brain region consistently activates across all forms: the ventrolateral prefrontal cortex (VLPFC), especially in the right hemisphere. This region is the brain's central braking system, activating during various forms of self-control from motor restraint to cognitive override. Suppression and reappraisal represent two distinct approaches to emotion regulation. Suppression controls external expressions while hiding inner turmoil-like Dan Reeves' advice to "never let them see you sweat." Reappraisal takes a more cerebral approach, changing how we interpret situations, as Marcus Aurelius noted: "If you are distressed by anything external, the pain is not due to the thing itself but to your estimate of it." The term "self-control" contains two meanings: the self being in control (willpower) or the self being controlled (self-restraint). Through hypothetical alien abduction scenarios, we can explore which matters more. If forced to choose between losing all impulses/emotions or losing all self-control, many would keep their emotions despite the embarrassment of lacking control. Yet when the choice shifts to what others should lose, the preference flips. Jeremy Bentham's panopticon design brilliantly demonstrated that people restrain themselves when they merely believe they might be observed. Modern research confirms this evolutionary wiring: people are 30% more likely to help someone when security cameras are present, twice as likely to cheat in dimmed lighting, and less likely to look at risque posters when wearing eye trackers. Our own self-awareness acts as an internal panopticon. When we see ourselves as others would see us, we engage self-restraint to conform with social norms. College students were ten times less likely to cheat on tests with mirrors present (7% versus 71%), and people are more likely to conform to others when mirrors are present.

Глава 10

Redesigning Society for Social Brains: Applications for a Better World

Our brain's profound sociality goes far deeper than most of us realize, with social wiring dating back over 100 million years. While we've been taught to see humans as primarily motivated by pleasure and pain, this view is woefully incomplete. Understanding our social nature isn't merely an intellectual exercise-it affects everything we do and every organization we're part of. Society has a vested interest in people's happiness and health, as happy, healthy individuals are more productive and less costly. When surveyed in 1989, the predominant life goal among over 200,000 college freshmen was to be financially well-off. Money certainly provides access to resources and experiences, from exotic travel to space tourism. But the crucial question remains: does wealth actually make us happy? Despite our intuitive belief that more money leads to greater happiness, research consistently shows this relationship is remarkably weak. While income and well-being correlate across nations, within countries income explains only about 2% of happiness variation. The situation is worse than initially apparent-American well-being has actually decreased despite rising incomes. Robert Putnam in "Bowling Alone" identified what's missing: social connection. Unlike income, social factors consistently correlate with happiness. Volunteering weekly provides well-being equivalent to jumping from a $20,000 to $75,000 salary. Having a friend you see regularly equals the happiness boost of an extra $100,000 income. Most organizations fail to create positive social environments despite the workplace being where adults spend most of their waking hours. The business world's dominant productivity model-pay for performance-often proves ineffective despite its intuitive appeal. Financial incentives frequently produce minimal performance improvements, yet remain the default solution to workplace problems. Beyond the SCARF model, there's another counterintuitive social motivator in the workplace: opportunities to care for others. Adam Grant's research shows that helping others powerfully motivates employees. In one study with university fundraisers, a brief five-minute meeting with a scholarship recipient increased phone time by 142% and donations by 171%-effects that persisted a month later. Despite spending over $800 billion annually on public education, U.S. students rank 25th in math, 17th in science, and 14th in reading internationally-a poor return on investment. Junior high (ages 12-14) represents a critical period where educational engagement declines, and addressing this could yield immeasurable societal benefits. Schools typically treat social urges as distractions to be suppressed during learning, but this approach fights against our fundamental nature. Instead of making the social brain the enemy, we should engage it as part of the learning process. Research shows the "social encoding advantage"-people trying to form social impressions of information consistently outperform those explicitly trying to memorize the same material. The fundamental paradox of human intelligence is that despite our rationality, we can't outthink our basic social needs. We require love and respect from others to thrive-Mother Teresa called life without other people "the worst disease." These social needs guide us from birth to death, even when we don't recognize their influence.

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Ключевые темы в Социальный вид

social cognitive neuroscience
default mode network
evolutionary sociality
neural pain overlap
human connection biology

Цитаты из Социальный вид

The need to belong is a fundamental human motivation.
Social connection isn't a luxury-it's our most fundamental need.
Social rejection hurts as intensely as physical pain.
Our social nature appears fundamental rather than accidental.
The agony of broken social bonds [is] genuine physical pain.

Персонажи в Социальный вид

Matthew D. LiebermanAuthor and neuroscientist studying social nature
IrvMan whose death illustrated the pain of loss
GloriaIrv's wife who suffered from social disconnection
EisenbergerResearcher who studied the neural basis of pain

Об авторе

Мэттью Д. Либерман, автор бестселлера Social: Why Our Brains Are Wired to Connect («Социальный вид: почему мы нуждаемся в обществе»), — выдающийся психолог и нейробиолог, известный как основатель области социальной когнитивной нейробиологии.

Являясь профессором факультетов психологии, психиатрии и биоповеденческих наук Калифорнийского университета в Лос-Анджелесе (UCLA), а также директором Лаборатории социальной когнитивной нейробиологии UCLA, Либерман использует передовые исследования фМРТ, чтобы расшифровать, как социальные связи формируют человеческое познание и поведение. Его книга обобщает десятилетия работы над такими темами, как регуляция эмоций, убеждение и самосознание, позиционируя социальную связанность как биологическую необходимость.

Лауреат премии Американской психологической ассоциации (APA) за выдающийся научный вклад и книжной премии Общества психологии личности и социальной психологии, Либерман делится своими идеями на страницах Time, The New York Times и в документальных фильмах BBC. Он является редактором-основателем журнала Social Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience и часто выступает в качестве эксперта на своей платформе @social_brains. Книга Social стала финалистом книжной премии LA Times и остается обязательным чтением для понимания нейронных основ человеческих взаимоотношений.

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The Wired Connection: Why Our Social Nature Defines Us

The Brain's Default Mode: Social Thinking as Our Natural State

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When Connection Hurts: The Neural Basis of Social Pain

The Pleasure of Fairness: Social Rewards and Cooperation

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Mind Reading: The Remarkable Ability to Understand Others

Mirror Neurons: The Second System for Understanding Others

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Empathy and Autism: The Peaks and Valleys of Social Connection

The Trojan Horse Self: How Social Influence Shapes Identity

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Self-Control for Society's Benefit: The Social Origins of Willpower

Redesigning Society for Social Brains: Applications for a Better World

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The Wired Connection: Why Our Social Nature Defines Us

The Brain's Default Mode: Social Thinking as Our Natural State

Следите за каждым словом во время прослушивания

When Connection Hurts: The Neural Basis of Social Pain

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Mind Reading: The Remarkable Ability to Understand Others

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Следите за каждым словом во время прослушивания

Empathy and Autism: The Peaks and Valleys of Social Connection

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