
Tim Alberta's explosive expose reveals how evangelical Christianity surrendered to political power. A pastor's son himself, Alberta chronicles a movement that traded gospel for glory, sparking controversy and earning a Goodreads nomination. What happens when faith becomes a weapon?
Tim Alberta, bestselling author of The Kingdom, the Power, and the Glory: American Evangelicals in an Age of Extremism, is an award-winning journalist and staff writer for The Atlantic. Born in Brighton, Michigan, Alberta combines his background as the son of an evangelical pastor with decades of political reporting to critique the fusion of faith and partisan power. His work, including the New York Times bestseller American Carnage (2019), dissects cultural and ideological shifts in American institutions, from the Republican Party to megachurches.
A former chief political correspondent for POLITICO and contributor to outlets like The Wall Street Journal and Sports Illustrated, Alberta has moderated presidential debates and earned a 2024 National Magazine Award for his profile of CNN’s chairman.
His reporting blends grassroots storytelling with incisive analysis of national trends. The Kingdom, the Power, and the Glory—hailed by The Washington Post as “searingly perceptive”—debuted as a national bestseller, cementing Alberta’s reputation for untangling America’s most polarizing forces.
The Kingdom, The Power, and The Glory examines the fragmentation of American evangelical Christianity, exploring its entanglement with partisan politics, cultural fears, and institutional scandals. Author Tim Alberta, a practicing Christian and pastor’s son, documents empty churches, hyper-politicized congregations, and leaders prioritizing power over spiritual integrity. The book argues that evangelicalism has strayed from biblical principles to embrace grievance-driven extremism.
This book appeals to readers interested in religion’s role in politics, journalists analyzing cultural shifts, and Christians grappling with modern faith crises. It’s particularly relevant for those seeking to understand evangelicalism’s influence on U.S. elections, societal polarization, and the erosion of institutional trust.
Yes: It’s a New York Times bestseller, named one of Barack Obama’s favorite books (2023), and praised for its brave reporting on evangelical extremism. Critics highlight Alberta’s access to influential religious figures and his balanced critique of a movement he personally understands.
As the son of an evangelical pastor and a veteran political reporter (The Atlantic, Politico), Alberta combines theological literacy with sharp political analysis. His Midwest roots and firsthand experience reporting from churches nationwide lend authenticity to stories of congregants disillusioned by extremist rhetoric.
Alberta argues many evangelicals have abandoned Jesus’s teachings on humility and love, instead embracing “owning the libs” as a spiritual mandate. He documents how fear-mongering replaces gospel messages and how leaders monetize outrage through media empires.
Yes: Alberta interviews celebrity pastors, small-town preachers, and influential figures like Russell Moore and Beth Moore. These conversations reveal tensions between doctrinal traditionalists and those conflating Christianity with far-right ideology.
While American Carnage analyzed GOP fractures during Trump’s rise, this book examines parallel upheavals in evangelicalism. Both works critique institutions sacrificing core values for power, but The Kingdom adds personal reflection from Alberta’s faith journey.
With ongoing debates about church-state separation and evangelical influence in the 2024 election, the book provides frameworks to understand current conflicts. Its analysis of conspiracy theories infiltrating churches remains urgent amid new cultural crises.
Non-religious readers gain insights into how 28% of Americans drive national policy, while progressive Christians find strategies to reclaim faith from extremism. Alberta shows how partisan capture of institutions affects all citizens, regardless of belief.
Alberta delivers talks nationwide, including a 2025 lecture at Hope College analyzing evangelicalism’s political future. His podcast appearances and Atlantic articles provide ongoing commentary on religion’s cultural role.
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Politics had become their religion.
too many American evangelicals "worship America."
America an idol.
"the enemies aren't those outside of the Church; it's people in your church who don't think exactly the way you do."
"Why do we want to be a part of this?"
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The church was dying. Not metaphorically, but literally-Cornerstone Evangelical Presbyterian Church in Brighton, Michigan was hemorrhaging members. After the death of beloved pastor Richard Alberta in 2019, his successor Chris Winans faced an exodus of congregants who viewed his compliance with COVID restrictions as capitulation to godless government. The situation worsened during racial justice protests and throughout Trump's 2020 campaign, with members demanding political statements from the pulpit. By early 2021, Winans had developed an anxiety disorder, confiding to journalist Tim Alberta (Richard's son) that too many American evangelicals "worship America." This crisis in a single Michigan church would prove to be a microcosm of a much larger fracture running through American evangelicalism-one that would prompt Alberta to spend four years embedded in churches nationwide to understand how a faith centered on Jesus Christ had become so entangled with partisan politics and nationalism.
The 2016 election revealed a critical shift in American evangelicalism. Rather than condemning Trump's moral failings, evangelical leaders embraced him. At a New York meeting, figures like Franklin Graham portrayed Trump as another flawed man used by God-comparing him to King David while conveniently sidestepping character concerns. This alliance exposed a fundamental confusion about Christian identity. Many evangelicals had conflated national and religious identity, elevating America to idol status-evident when congregations give standing ovations to military personnel but only "golf claps" for missionaries. Yet didn't Jesus teach that "His kingdom is not of this world"? The perceived threats to Christianity had shifted from external forces to internal cultural battles. As evangelical leader Martin Sanders noted: "The enemies aren't those outside the Church; it's people in your church who don't think exactly the way you do." This mentality led to members leaving because pastors weren't "interpreting the Bible in light of the Constitution"-as if the Constitution had become equal to scripture.
Liberty University exemplifies how pursuing political power corrupted evangelical institutions. Under Jerry Falwell Jr., the university transformed from a Christian leadership training ground into a political operation that abandoned core spiritual principles. Mark DeMoss, a longtime Liberty board member and Falwell family advisor, faced consequences after criticizing Trump's behavior. Falwell's response was swift: "Mark, I'm very disappointed in you." DeMoss was forced from the board within months - political loyalty had trumped Christian character. This pattern extended beyond Liberty. Russell Moore, head of the Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission of the Southern Baptist Convention, faced intense scrutiny for investigating racial tensions and sexual abuse cover-ups. The campaign became so severe his teenage son once asked if his father was having an affair. Moore concluded: "I believed, and still believe, what the Southern Baptist Convention claims about Jesus is true. But what the Southern Baptist Convention claims about itself? I couldn't no longer believe that."
The merging of Christian identity with American nationalism transformed many churches from worship spaces into political rallies. At Greg Locke's Global Vision Bible Church in Tennessee, armed guards patrolled a "mask free" campus while Locke rallied hundreds as "soldiers rising up in God's army" - many literally carrying guns. During Alberta's visit, "Dukes of Hazzard" actor John Schneider suggested Christians prepare for violent uprising: "We have a country to get back. And if that fails, we have a country to take back." This rhetoric contradicts Jesus's teachings of nonviolence and loving enemies. Orthodox monk Cyril Hovorun explained how Putin similarly weaponized religion to define Russia's enemies, creating identitarian programming that sanctified Ukraine's invasion. Putin manipulated Russians with a revisionist "founding myth" to "Make Russia Great Again" - with unmistakable parallels to America.
The religious right's embrace of Trump revealed politics overtaking spiritual considerations. At Ralph Reed's Faith and Freedom Coalition conference, merchandise merged Christianity, patriotism and violence-flags reading "God, Guns & Trump" and shirts declaring "Faith Over Fear" and "This Means War." Trump energized the crowd by attacking Mike Pence for lacking "courage" to overturn the 2020 election. The crowd booed Pence despite his evangelical credentials, revealing how evangelicals compartmentalize standards, treating politics as "a place where the rules and expectations of everyday life do not apply." Reed's support of Senate candidate Herschel Walker exemplified this approach. Despite Walker's history of lying, threatening his ex-wife, and fathering multiple unacknowledged children, Reed portrayed him as a Christian martyr persecuted by liberal media. When questioned about Christian standards, Reed deflected: "Individual Christians have to make that decision about their own conduct"-effectively embracing moral relativism and abandoning absolute truth.
Those who challenged the marriage of evangelical Christianity with right-wing politics paid a steep price. Adam Kinzinger, a Republican congressman from Illinois, became a pariah despite his conservative stance on abortion and taxes - simply for criticizing Trump and voting to impeach him after January 6th. The backlash was severe. His family accused him of fighting for "the devil's army" and "embarrassing the Kinzinger family name!" Death threats followed. At dinner with Russell Moore, the combat veteran appeared broken: "I'm not gonna run as a Republican again. I just - I can't do it." Cal Thomas, once among America's most widely-read columnists and former spokesman for Jerry Falwell Sr.'s Moral Majority, co-authored "Blinded by Might" in 1999. This confessional detailed their disillusionment with the religious right. Thomas and Ed Dobson concluded the country had grown "angrier, more antagonistic, more fearful, more divided - less Christlike - because of the Moral Majority." They warned against confusing "spiritual authority for political authority." Thomas's principle remained simple: "I want to be like Jesus... so that they will be attracted to Him."
Despite the dark picture, Alberta found signs of hope within American evangelicalism. At Broadmoor Baptist Church, leaders handled abuse allegations properly-immediately contacting experts, commissioning outside investigations, and publishing transparent statements. Though they initially lost members, Broadmoor ultimately grew in both membership and finances. Brian Zahnd, pastor of Word of Life Church in Missouri, offered another model. After building a megachurch, he realized they'd become "Republicans with Jesus fishes on our SUVs" rather than radical disciples. After praying at a Dick Cheney rally in 2004, he felt Jesus asking "why are you politicizing me?" and committed to a new direction, critiquing "American empire as biblical Babylon." This cost his church 1,500 members. Zahnd explained that Christianity thrives as a countercultural force, not as dominant culture. "You can take up the sword of Caesar or you can take up the cross of Jesus. You have to choose." The evangelical embrace of Trump has accelerated Christianity's institutional collapse in America, with belief in God reaching historic lows. Yet Jesus's message remains countercultural. The Church's true purpose is not political victory but spiritual transformation-making disciples and training followers to become more like Christ. What if we stopped trying to win elections and started winning hearts? What if churches became known for their love rather than their politics? Perhaps then we might rediscover what Jesus meant when he said, "My kingdom is not of this world."