What is *We Were Eight Years in Power* about?

*We Were Eight Years in Power* by Ta-Nehisi Coates is a collection of essays examining race, white supremacy, and the Obama presidency’s legacy in America. It blends historical analysis with personal reflections, exploring themes like reparations, systemic racism, and the cultural backlash that followed Obama’s tenure. The book also critiques policies and societal structures that perpetuate racial inequality.

Who should read *We Were Eight Years in Power*?

This book is essential for readers interested in race relations, American political history, and social justice. It appeals to those analyzing Obama’s presidency, systemic racism’s roots, or Coates’ influential writing style. Scholars, activists, and general audiences seeking a deep dive into Black intellectual thought will find it particularly impactful.

Is *We Were Eight Years in Power* worth reading?

Yes—Coates’ sharp analysis of racial dynamics and Obama’s complex legacy offers timeless insights. The essays’ historical context, paired with critiques of Trump’s rise, make it a critical resource for understanding modern American politics. Its blend of memoir and journalism provides both intellectual rigor and emotional depth.

What is Coates’ “Case for Reparations” in the book?

Coates argues reparations are owed to Black Americans for centuries of systemic exploitation, including slavery and discriminatory policies like redlining. He frames reparations as a moral debt, emphasizing how wealth gaps and institutional racism stem from deliberate historical plunder. This essay reignited national debates on racial justice and economic equity.

Why does Coates call Trump “America’s first white president”?

Coates contends Trump’s presidency symbolized a white backlash to Obama’s tenure, leveraging explicit racial rhetoric to appeal to voters threatened by progress. Unlike previous presidents, Trump’s platform openly rejected multiculturalism, reflecting a resurgence of white identity politics rooted in fear of diminishing racial hierarchies.

How does Coates’ writing style evolve in the book?

The essays showcase Coates’ transition from cautious optimism to a more confrontational tone, reflecting disillusionment with post-Obama America. His later works, like “The First White President,” adopt urgent, historically grounded arguments, contrasting with earlier pieces that balanced hope with skepticism about racial progress.

How does the book address Obama’s presidency?

Coates praises Obama’s symbolic significance but critiques his adherence to respectability politics and reluctance to confront systemic racism aggressively. The essays highlight Obama’s achievements while questioning whether his presidency substantively altered entrenched racial inequalities.

What role does hip-hop play in Coates’ work?

Hip-hop influences Coates’ rhythm-driven prose and themes of defiance, as seen in essay titles like “My President Was Black.” The genre’s emphasis on storytelling and truth-telling shapes his approach to dissecting race, power, and identity in America.

우리는 8년 동안 권좌에 있었다

미국의 비극

타네하시 코츠

3.5(6 Reviews)

우리는 8년 동안 권좌에 있었다 개요

타네하시 코츠(Ta-Nehisi Coates)의 베스트셀러 선집은 오바마 대통령 재임 기간의 미국과 그 뒤를 이은 인종적 반발을 고찰합니다. 오프라 윈프리의 찬사를 받고 보스턴 글로브가 필독서로 선정한 이 에세이들은 "중력을 거스르는 이 국가의 순간에 꼭 필요한 평형수"가 되었습니다. 권력에 관한 어떤 진실들이 여전히 숨겨져 있을까요?

전달 방식을 선택하세요

한 권의 책, 다양한 듣기 방식.

우리는 8년 동안 권좌에 있었다의 같은 아이디어를 담았습니다. 나에게 맞는 목소리, 깊이, 속도를 고르고 언제든 바꿔 보세요.

1장

America's Racial Reckoning: The Obama Era and Beyond

In 1895, South Carolina congressman Thomas Miller stood before a hostile legislature and made a powerful appeal: "We were eight years in power." His plea to preserve the citizenship rights Black Americans had gained during Reconstruction went unheeded as white supremacy was restored. A century later, Barack Obama's presidency would resurrect this dynamic-eight years of Black achievement followed by a fierce backlash. Ta-Nehisi Coates' collection of essays, hailed by Toni Morrison as "required reading," became an instant New York Times bestseller and cultural touchstone. Through personal reflection and historical analysis, Coates reveals America's fundamental contradiction: a democracy built on racial subjugation. The book resonated deeply with readers across the political spectrum, with Samantha Power calling it "essential reading for all Americans" and David Brooks describing it as "one of the most honest discussions of race in this country."

2장

The Journey from Unemployment to the White House

In February 2007, I sat in a state unemployment office in Harlem, attending a mandatory seminar on "work, responsibility, and the need to stay off the dole." At thirty-one, I had just lost my third job in seven years. Living with my partner Kenyatta and our son Samori in a small apartment, I struggled financially while finding meaning in writing. My education had been a series of failures-I was always the "conduct problem" in school, eventually dropping out of Howard University. What sustained me was curiosity about race in America during this period when civil rights activism seemed stagnant. It was in this climate that Barack Obama launched his presidential bid. I was struck by his unique ability to speak confidently to white America while remaining authentically rooted in his Black identity. Obama's emergence created opportunities for writers like me to explore questions of American identity. The Atlantic offered me a platform to write about race, which eventually pulled me from professional despair. My first major piece examined Bill Cosby's controversial "call-outs" in Black communities. Rather than addressing systemic racism, Cosby focused on holding "lower-economic people" accountable for not upholding their end of the civil rights bargain. Though I objected to this characterization, I was fascinated by how many Black people agreed with him. Cosby's message appealed to white pundits because it made no demands on white conscience. Cosby's philosophy mirrored Booker T. Washington's historic call for Black self-reliance, later embraced by Black Nationalists like Marcus Garvey and Malcolm X. His book advocated internal solutions over government intervention, even suggesting segregation had "some good things" by forcing Black self-sufficiency. This "organic" Black conservatism appealed to culturally conservative Blacks who felt integration weakened community defenses-a message that resonated given stark statistics showing Blacks comprised 13% of the population but 49% of murder victims and 41% of prisoners. This strain of Black conservatism also surfaced in Obama's campaign rhetoric about personal responsibility, though Cosby himself was notably reluctant to endorse Obama. While cultural factors matter, structural inequality remains compelling-studies show white men with criminal records have similar employment chances as Black men without them. Yet Cosby's message resonated because the liberal focus on persistent discrimination offered little hope for immediate change.

들리는 모든 단어를 눈으로 확인하세요

우리는 8년 동안 권좌에 있었다의 각 단어가 오디오에 맞춰 실시간으로 강조되어 편하게 따라 읽을 수 있습니다.

3장

The South Side and the First Lady

In summer 2008, I attended the Aspen Ideas Festival as Barack Obama closed out the Democratic primary. Despite having no passport and limited worldly experience at thirty-two, I found myself swept up in the possibility that Obama's candidacy represented a turning point in American history. That summer, two life-changing events occurred: my wife Kenyatta's magazine folded, which we took as a cosmic sign for her to pursue her long-deferred dream of becoming a doctor, and I received an assignment to profile Michelle Obama for The Atlantic. When first encountering Michelle Obama at a Chicago luncheon, I was struck by how she defied stereotypical expectations. Rather than presenting herself as an angry Black woman, she spoke about her idyllic childhood and traditional family values. She focused on her role as a mother rather than emphasizing struggle, casting her story not as a critique of the American dream but as a reflection on modern womanhood and family life. The South Side of Chicago forms the essential foundation of Michelle Obama's American identity. Unlike other Black urban enclaves, the South Side is massive-covering 60% of Chicago and containing numerous distinct neighborhoods with varying economic profiles. It has a proud history of Black entrepreneurship, self-reliance, and achievement. The Robinsons raised their children in an environment of board games and Brady Bunch episodes, protected from both street life and direct personal racism. Their community maintained two-parent households where neighbors looked out for each other's children, creating a secondary line of defense. This protective cocoon explains Michelle Obama's Princeton thesis comments about becoming "more aware of her Blackness" at college. For those raised in functioning, self-contained African American communities, racial identity often recedes in consciousness until one enters predominantly white spaces. Michelle Obama represents a "third road" for Black Americans-neither code-switching completely nor turning every incident into a protest, but simply being authentic. Her sharp humor and grounded perspective were often misinterpreted as anger when they reflected common American traits. As her mother noted: "Michelle, Barack, and my son are not abnormal... there's so much of that in the black neighborhood."

4장

The Civil War's Unfinished Business

The Obama presidency coincided with the 150th anniversary of the Civil War, prompting me to reflect on America's cyclical relationship with white supremacy-moments of progress followed by retrenchment. During the Civil War, the North initially rejected abolition but later embraced emancipation when military necessity demanded it. After 1876, with the need for Black soldiers gone, the country returned to supremacist policies. I hadn't fully understood how central white supremacy was to America's identity. Popular culture had presented the Civil War as "a violent misunderstanding" rather than "a spectacular chapter in a long war that was declared when the first Africans were brought chained to American shores." Works like Gone with the Wind and The Birth of a Nation serve as "palliatives and painkillers" to escape the truth of a war fought explicitly for expanding "African slavery." Through blogging at The Atlantic, I developed an intellectual community that helped me understand that slavery wasn't contrary to American democracy but foundational to it. Reading historians like Edmund Morgan revealed how rights were gradually awarded to poor Europeans while being stripped from enslaved Africans. I became "obsessed and insufferable," visiting Civil War battlefields while noticing how the sites avoided discussing slavery as the war's cause. Confederate leaders like Jefferson Davis and Alexander Stephens rewrote history after the war, minimizing slavery's central role in the conflict. This revisionist history became the foundation of the "noble Lost Cause" narrative-the myth that the South didn't truly lose but was merely overwhelmed by superior numbers, that Robert E. Lee was a heroic figure, and that slavery was benevolent and peripheral to Southern aims. This comfortable narrative served both North and South, allowing white Americans to reconcile while avoiding uncomfortable truths about slavery's centrality to the conflict. By the fiftieth anniversary of Gettysburg, this sanitized history dominated public commemoration, with President Woodrow Wilson celebrating the "splendid valor" of both sides while actively segregating the federal government. The distorted narrative permeated academia and popular culture through films like "Gone with the Wind" and even respected documentaries like Ken Burns's Civil War series. For Black Americans, the message was clear: the Civil War is a story for white people in which Blacks are merely props.

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5장

Malcolm X's America

When my mother was twelve in 1962, she walked from West Baltimore's projects to get her first chemical relaxer. Black, bespectacled, skinny, and bucktoothed, she was considered to have the worst hair in her family. Chemical relaxers promised perfection, lasting longer than hot combs with greater control. The hairdresser applied petroleum jelly to protect her scalp, stroked in lye, and told her to endure as long as possible. On walks home, black boys would turn and smile at her "good hair." By college in 1969, after King's assassination and Baltimore's riots, my mother hung Huey Newton's poster in her dorm and donated clothes to the Panthers. There she met my father, a dissident whose "entanglement" my grandmother saw as rejecting the workhorse ethos that had lifted her from projects to homeownership. My mother's final act of rebellion: letting her relaxer grow out, cultivating her natural hair. The women in my youth community wore their hair in manifold natural styles-all rejecting straighteners as part of a greater repudiation. We belonged to a tribe believing America hated us, plotting our fall while making its views manifest through blackface and Little Sambo. To reject this hatred was to awaken to our original beauty, to be "conscious"-rejecting agents of deceit and celebrating blackness in all forms. Malcolm X covered so much ground that diverse groups still fight over his legacy. Was he a hate-filled bigot who found universal kinship, a self-redeemer rising from pimp to exemplar, or an avatar of collective revenge? His contradictions have inspired countless black artists and intellectuals. I carried Malcolm talismans throughout my youth, coming of age during his revival in hip-hop culture. He promised transcendence from street life, comfort for isolated black students, and individual renewal through collective commitment. But as my life evolved beyond slogans into integrated spaces, I stuffed my Malcolm poster in the closet. On Election Night 2008, watching a black family win America's highest office, some conscious part of me died. The centuries-long debate seemed settled-blacks were undeniably American. Yet Malcolm's influence persists in this new America that allows black people to be publicly American while remaining publicly black. Barack Obama is president, but it's Malcolm X's America.

6장

Fear of a Black President

The irony of President Barack Obama is captured in his comments on Trayvon Martin's death. Despite pitching his presidency as a monument to moderation, citing Reagan and praising American wisdom, Obama's conservative character is most revealed in the sphere where he holds singular gravity-race. For most of his term, he declined discussing how race complicated American life and his presidency. When George Zimmerman killed Trayvon Martin in February 2012, local authorities initially made no arrest. National protests erupted. The reaction was initially bipartisan-conservatives offered tepid support for investigation, and even National Review proclaimed "Al Sharpton Is Right." The belief that a young man should be able to buy Skittles without being killed seemed uncontroversial. Obama, America's first president who could credibly teach black studies and deeply versed in Wright, Baldwin, and Malcolm X, had mostly avoided race discussions. But when Martin died, he spoke: "When I think about this boy, I think about my own kids... If I had a son, he'd look like Trayvon." The moment Obama spoke, consensus crumbled. Rush Limbaugh denounced his empathy. Conservative websites broadcast Martin's tweets and fake photos. Newt Gingrich attacked: "Is the president suggesting that if it had been a white who had been shot, that would be okay?" National Review reversed course, claiming the real problem was interest in black deaths only when non-blacks pulled triggers. Support for Zimmerman grew-his legal defense fund collected $200,000 in two weeks and continued receiving $1,000 daily. Internet vendors sold gun-range targets mimicking Martin's hoodie and Skittles. Before Obama spoke, Martin's death was a national tragedy and Zimmerman was reviled; after, Zimmerman became a conservative patron saint. Obama's distinctive vantage point on race relations stems from his multiethnic upbringing, giving him remarkable dexterity navigating between black and white America. His 2004 DNC speech heralded a nation uncolored by old prejudices, stressing parenting rather than racism's effects. When asked if Hurricane Katrina's response showed racism, he called the ineptitude "color-blind." Yet racism isn't merely simplistic hatred but broad sympathy toward some and skepticism toward others. Black America lives under that skeptical eye, requiring the admonishment to be "twice as good" and needing "the talk" about police interactions. Obama's presidency demonstrated integration's limitation-acceptance depends on being twice as good but half as black.

들리는 모든 단어를 눈으로 확인하세요

우리는 8년 동안 권좌에 있었다의 각 단어가 오디오에 맞춰 실시간으로 강조되어 편하게 따라 읽을 수 있습니다.

7장

The Case for Reparations

By my seventh year writing, I had resolved an internal question: the American story wasn't one of triumph but "a majestic tragedy." The nation's founding dream of freedom required breaking Black backs, taking up "the very cudgel of oppression" the founders had fled. Being Black in America meant being plundered; being white meant benefiting from or executing this plunder. My political thinking had evolved beyond both integration (which depended on white goodwill) and nationalism (which had its own flaws). But nationalism gave me something valuable-a sense of ancestry and tradition, of being part of a resistance "as old as the banditry that made the West." This connection to predecessors like Nat Turner and literary giants from Howard University filled me with purpose, even without hope for America's redemption. I wasn't always a believer in reparations. Though Randall Robinson's work convinced me the negative conditions of black people were tied to slavery, I initially thought recompense was wildly impractical. Later readings-Kenneth Jackson on how black families were excluded from FHA loans and suburban development, Ira Katznelson on discrimination in New Deal programs-revealed how government actions created and maintained the wealth gap. The case for reparations became obvious: slavery was just the initial crime in a long tradition of plunder continuing to the present day. My essay "The Case for Reparations" brought together all my developing threads-the critique of respectability politics, understanding history's inescapable shadow, and the belief that white supremacy was so foundational it might never be defeated. After "The Case for Reparations" was published, I felt the world reacting differently to me. People stopped me on the street, approached my table at cafes, or whispered and later tweeted about seeing me. Once while boarding the subway, two white men approached me-one praising the article, the other confessing, "I'm a pretty educated guy, but I had no idea." Part of me enjoyed the attention and financial security that came with recognition, but my truest self felt mortified by the loss of invisibility.

8장

Mass Incarceration's Devastating Legacy

Daniel Patrick Moynihan-ambassador, senator, sociologist-was himself the product of a broken home. When he was ten, his father abandoned the family, plunging them into desperate poverty. Working grueling shifts at Manhattan docks as a teenager, Moynihan managed to test into City College of New York, later joined the Navy, and through remarkable perseverance eventually landed at the Department of Labor under President Kennedy, where his personal experience would profoundly shape his perspective on poverty and family structure. By 1965, increasingly disillusioned with Johnson's War on Poverty programs, Moynihan authored his controversial report "The Negro Family: The Case for National Action." The report argued that black families were caught in a destructive "tangle of pathology" stemming from "three centuries of sometimes unimaginable mistreatment," including slavery, Jim Crow laws, and systematic economic exclusion. Though intended to rally support for radical social programs and interventions, the report's bombastic language, focus on family structure rather than racism, and notable lack of concrete policy recommendations spectacularly backfired, drawing fierce criticism from civil rights leaders and academics alike. As Moynihan's dire predictions about crime rates and family breakdown seemed to materialize in the following decades, America responded not with the social programs he had advocated for, but with an unprecedented expansion of its criminal justice system. From the 1970s to 2007, America's prison population increased sevenfold to 2.2 million people-representing an astounding 25 percent of the world's incarcerated population despite having only 5 percent of the world's total population. By 2010, the statistics had become even more alarming: a third of all black male high-school dropouts between ages 20 and 39 were behind bars. The "Gray Wastes"-America's massive carceral state-represents a dramatic departure from historical norms. Through the mid-twentieth century, America's imprisonment rate remained relatively stable at around 110 people per 100,000 residents. Today's rate is not only historically unprecedented but internationally extreme: roughly twelve times Sweden's rate, eight times Italy's, seven times Canada's, and even four times higher than Putin's Russia. This explosive growth coincided with the War on Drugs, mandatory minimum sentences, and "tough on crime" policies that disproportionately impacted minority communities. The primary justification for mass incarceration-that it effectively reduced crime-has been thoroughly debunked by research. Crime rates rose and fell in Canada at roughly the same pace as in America, yet Canada's imprisonment rates remained relatively steady. Detailed studies found California's tough "Three Strikes" law reduced felony crime by just 2 percent, while a massive 66 percent increase in state prison population between 1993-2001 reduced serious crime by only 2-5 percent-at a staggering cost of $53 billion to taxpayers. The human cost of mass incarceration has fallen particularly heavily on Black families and communities. Among Black men born since the late 1970s, one in four went to prison by their mid-thirties; among high school dropouts, that number skyrockets to seven in ten. Prison has become what sociologists call "a normal and anticipated marker in the transition to adulthood" for marginalized groups, creating a cycle of poverty and disrupted families that spans generations. This system has effectively created a permanent underclass, stripped of voting rights, employment opportunities, and the ability to build intergenerational wealth.

우리는 8년 동안 권좌에 있었다에서 더 많은 것을 얻으세요

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9장

My President Was Black

He can't win. This is what Obama told me when we first spoke about Donald Trump. But what amazes me now is how easily we both dismissed the possibility of America returning to its old form. Obama saw America through both Black and immigrant eyes, still finding wonder in it. His hero was Lincoln, a man who rose from Illinois backwater to become worthy of assassination for his stance against white supremacy. I too felt wonder. Eight years earlier, fate had plucked me from struggle. The chaos of America-its lack of both ceilings and safety nets-had allowed me to thrive, to declare myself a writer in New York without requiring Harvard credentials. This same chaos likely enabled a Black president. For two years before our lunch meeting, I'd inquired about interviewing Obama. As proud as I was of "Fear of a Black President," it bothered me that the piece relied more on ideas than reporting about the man himself. Despite suspicion among Obama's camp that I was the wrong journalist for a major "Obama and race" story given my previous criticism, he eventually agreed to be interviewed for what became "My President Was Black." When Barack Obama was ten, his father gave him a basketball, creating a direct connection between them. Unlike most Black Americans of his era, Obama was raised by his white mother Ann Dunham and her parents, who loved him fiercely while explicitly telling him he was Black. His mother gave him books about famous Black people and spoke positively about his father-a stark contrast to how interracial relationships were treated elsewhere in America at that time. Basketball became Obama's entry point into Black culture. Though not especially talented, he played with consuming passion. On university courts, Black men taught him attitudes that extended beyond sport: respect came from actions not ancestry, trash talk required backing it up, and one should never reveal vulnerability. "I decided to become part of that world," Obama writes in his memoir-an extraordinary statement in Black autobiography, reflecting a choice few Black Americans have ever had. Traditional Black memoirs describe being forcibly "remanded into the Black race" through trauma. Obama's experience was different-while he encountered some racism, he was largely spared the systemic traumas most Black Americans faced. Obama's embrace of Blackness was facilitated by white people-his mother pointed him toward Black history and culture, while his grandfather Stanley took him to basketball games and Black bars. Obama learned from these experiences that most Black people in those bars "weren't there out of choice." From his mother's extensive travels, he developed a suspicion of rootlessness, viewing integration as a "one-way street" where Black people must abandon themselves to access America's benefits.

10장

The First White President

The epilogue opens with a Du Bois quote: "Their 'honor' became a vast and awful thing." Trump is positioned as America's first white president-not merely a white man who became president, but one whose entire political existence hinges on the fact of a black president. Trump's career began with birtherism and continued through a history of racist actions. His ideology is white supremacy, shepherded by Steve Bannon and embraced by white supremacists who see him as their own. Trump's presidency is built on the negation of Obama's legacy-not merely replacing him but destroying his accomplishments. This is the essence of whiteness: "not being a nigger." Trump's entire political existence hinges on the fact of a black president, making him truly "America's first white president"-one whose commitment to whiteness defines his identity and purpose. The depth of Trump's commitment to whiteness is matched only by intellectual disbelief in it. Historical figures like George Fitzhugh simultaneously deplored exploitation of white workers while defending slavery, calling white capitalists "cannibals" feeding off fellow whites while justifying the exploitation of enslaved Black labor. This contradiction established a durable framework: white suffering is unnatural and demands remedy, while Black suffering is simply the natural order. When Obama took office in 2009, he believed he could work with "sensible" conservatives by adopting their policies. Instead, his very identity made this impossible. McConnell declared the GOP's primary goal was making Obama a "one-term president." A healthcare plan with Republican origins suddenly became "socialism" and "reparations" when proposed by Obama. Trump's genius was recognizing the hunger for revenge was so powerful that a political novice could topple established leaders of both parties. America has handed its entire apparatus-economy, security, infrastructure, nuclear arsenal-to someone who introduced "grab 'em by the pussy" into national discourse. The message: "If a black man can be president, then any white man-no matter how fallen-can be president." Trump's legacy will be exposing how much a demagogue can get away with, potentially paving the way for a more effective demagogue in the future.

★★★★★

우리는 8년 동안 권좌에 있었다 완독을 축하합니다

100만 명 이상의 학습자가 사랑합니다

“23일째 매일 사용하고 있어요. 이제 제 일상의 한 부분이 되었습니다.”

jayallen

우리는 8년 동안 권좌에 있었다의 핵심 주제

racial backlash
black conservatism
structural inequality
reconstruction parallels
american identity politics

우리는 8년 동안 권좌에 있었다의 명언

Obama's emergence created opportunities for writers like me to explore questions of American identity.
Cosby's message appealed to white pundits because it made no demands on white conscience.
Michelle Obama represents a "third road" for Black Americans.
I hadn't fully understood how central white supremacy was to America's identity.
Slavery wasn't contrary to American democracy but foundational to it.

우리는 8년 동안 권좌에 있었다의 등장인물

Ta-Nehisi CoatesThe author, journalist, and narrator
Bill CosbyComedian discussed for his views on race
KenyattaThe author's partner and aspiring doctor

저자 소개

전미 도서상 수상작인 *우리는 8년 동안 권력을 잡았다: 미국의 비극(We Were Eight Years in Power: An American Tragedy)*의 저자 타네히시 폴 코츠(Ta-Nehisi Paul Coates)는 미국의 인종, 정치, 사회 정의에 관한 선도적인 목소리를 내는 인물입니다.

1975년 볼티모어에서 태어나 하워드 대학교에서 수학한 코츠는 *디 애틀랜틱(The Atlantic)*의 전국 특파원으로서의 경험을 바탕으로 체계적 불평등에 대한 예리한 분석을 제시합니다. 오바마 대통령 재임 기간 동안의 획기적인 저널리즘에 뿌리를 둔 이 에세이집은 개인적인 성찰과 역사적 비판의 조화를 통해 권력, 정체성, 그리고 인종적 심판이라는 주제를 탐구합니다.

전미 도서상을 수상한 그의 기념비적인 회고록 세상과 나 사이(Between the World and Me) (2015)와 오프라 북클럽 선정 도서이자 노예제의 유산을 다룬 소설 워터 댄서(The Water Dancer) (2019)는 서사적 깊이와 시급한 사회적 비평을 결합하는 그의 명성을 더욱 공고히 했습니다.

2015년 맥아더 "천재상(Genius Grant)" 수상자인 코츠는 "배상에 관한 논거(The Case for Reparations)"와 같은 에세이와 블랙 팬서를 포함한 마블 코믹스 작업을 통해 국가적 담론을 형성해 왔습니다. 우리는 8년 동안 권력을 잡았다는 포스트 오바마 시대의 미국에 대한 선견지명 있는 고찰을 담아 뉴욕 타임스 베스트셀러가 되었으며, 15개 언어로 번역되었습니다.

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Jodi Kantor

We Are the Change We Seek

E.J. Dionne Jr.

Barack Obama

David Remnick

Barack Obama

Ben Rhodes

이 책에 대한 FAQ

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학습 계획

The Invisible Empire's Political Echoes

This plan is essential for understanding how historical extremist movements shaped the American political landscape. It is ideal for history students, political science enthusiasts, and anyone seeking to understand the sociological roots of modern partisan divides.

1 h 12 m•3 섹션

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Power, Resistance, and the Ordinary Life

This plan traces the evolution of social power from prehistoric cooperation to modern revolutionary strategy. It is essential for students of history and political science seeking to understand how ordinary people disrupt established hierarchies.

30 m•3 섹션

학습 계획

American history

This comprehensive survey of American history provides essential context for understanding current political, social, and cultural debates in the United States. It's ideal for students, professionals working in American contexts, global citizens seeking to understand U.S. influence, or anyone wanting to grasp how historical forces continue to shape contemporary American society and its role in the world.

4 h 43 m•4 섹션

학습 계획

The Psychology of Power

This course is essential for aspiring leaders and strategists who want to understand the deep-seated psychological drivers of influence. It provides a unique lens into how temperament and early experiences shape the world's most dominant figures.

2 h•4 섹션

학습 계획

Power, Blood, and Statecraft

This plan provides a deep dive into the brutal evolution of political authority and the shift from divine right to state sovereignty. It is essential for students of political science, history buffs, or anyone seeking to understand the ruthless mechanics behind how power is seized and held.

1 h 30 m•3 섹션

학습 계획

US History: Independence to Present Day

This plan provides a comprehensive overview of the pivotal events and ideologies that shaped the United States into a global leader. It is ideal for students, history buffs, or anyone seeking to understand the roots of modern American society and politics.

5 h 28 m•4 섹션

학습 계획

History of USA

This comprehensive survey of American history is essential for anyone seeking to understand the forces that shaped the United States and continue to influence global politics today. Perfect for students, educators, professionals working in policy or international relations, and engaged citizens who want to contextualize current events through historical understanding.

3 h 42 m•4 섹션

학습 계획

Robert Greene: The Power & Human Nature Pod

This plan distills Robert Greene's deep research into actionable insights for anyone seeking to navigate office politics or social hierarchies. It is essential for aspiring leaders and strategists who want to master the art of influence and long-term planning.

1 h•4 섹션

샌프란시스코에서 컬럼비아 대학교 동문들이 만들었습니다

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@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

웹에서 BeFreed가 어떻게 논의되고 있는지 더 보기

샌프란시스코에서 컬럼비아 대학교 동문들이 만들었습니다

LOVED BY

1,000,000+ curious minds.

4.7

avg rating

1M+ learners

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

웹에서 BeFreed가 어떻게 논의되고 있는지 더 보기

지금 바로 학습 여정을 시작하세요

8장

우리는 8년 동안 권좌에 있었다

개요우리는 8년 동안 권좌에 있었다 개요

한 권의 책, 다양한 듣기 방식.

America's Racial Reckoning: The Obama Era and Beyond

The Journey from Unemployment to the White House

들리는 모든 단어를 눈으로 확인하세요

The South Side and the First Lady

The Civil War's Unfinished Business

우리는 8년 동안 권좌에 있었다에서 더 많은 것을 얻으세요

Malcolm X's America

Fear of a Black President

들리는 모든 단어를 눈으로 확인하세요

The Case for Reparations

Mass Incarceration's Devastating Legacy

우리는 8년 동안 권좌에 있었다에서 더 많은 것을 얻으세요

My President Was Black

The First White President

우리는 8년 동안 권좌에 있었다 완독을 축하합니다

우리는 8년 동안 권좌에 있었다의 핵심 주제

우리는 8년 동안 권좌에 있었다의 명언

우리는 8년 동안 권좌에 있었다의 등장인물

저자 소개

우리는 8년 동안 권좌에 있었다 요약 다운로드

다른 사용자들도 좋아한 책

이 책에 대한 FAQ

What is We Were Eight Years in Power about?

Who should read We Were Eight Years in Power?

Is We Were Eight Years in Power worth reading?

What is Coates’ “Case for Reparations” in the book?

더 알아보기

1,000,000+ curious minds.

1,000,000+ curious minds.

한 권의 책, 다양한 듣기 방식.

America's Racial Reckoning: The Obama Era and Beyond

The Journey from Unemployment to the White House

들리는 모든 단어를 눈으로 확인하세요

The South Side and the First Lady

The Civil War's Unfinished Business

우리는 8년 동안 권좌에 있었다에서 더 많은 것을 얻으세요

Malcolm X's America

Fear of a Black President

들리는 모든 단어를 눈으로 확인하세요

The Case for Reparations

Mass Incarceration's Devastating Legacy

우리는 8년 동안 권좌에 있었다에서 더 많은 것을 얻으세요

My President Was Black

The First White President

우리는 8년 동안 권좌에 있었다 완독을 축하합니다

다른 사용자들도 좋아한 책

더 알아보기

우리는 8년 동안 권좌에 있었다 개요