
When a massive earthquake devastated Haiti, AP reporter Jonathan Katz witnessed how international aid became a second disaster. Jon Lee Anderson called it "THE book" on Haiti's reconstruction failure - revealing why billions in relief created more problems than solutions.
Jonathan Myerson Katz is the acclaimed author of The Big Truck That Went By: How the World Came to Save Haiti and Left Behind a Disaster, a seminal work of narrative nonfiction that exposes the failures of international aid and disaster response. An award-winning journalist and foreign correspondent, Katz draws on his firsthand experience as the Associated Press bureau chief in Haiti during the catastrophic 2010 earthquake, where he provided critical reporting and uncovered the UN’s role in a deadly cholera outbreak. His expertise in global affairs, conflict, and post-colonial history is reflected in his penetrating analysis of humanitarian crises.
Katz’s work has earned the Cornelius Ryan Award, the J. Anthony Lukas Work-in-Progress Award, and the Medill Medal for Courage in Journalism. He is also the author of Gangsters of Capitalism, which traces America’s imperial history through the life of Marine General Smedley Butler.
A frequent commentator on CNN, MSNBC, and NPR, Katz shares incisive political analysis in his newsletter, The Racket. The Big Truck That Went By remains a definitive account of modern disaster capitalism, praised for its rigor and narrative force.
The Big Truck That Went By chronicles the aftermath of Haiti’s 2010 earthquake, exposing systemic failures in the $16.3 billion international aid response. Journalist Jonathan M. Katz combines firsthand reporting with sharp analysis to reveal how well-intentioned efforts trapped Haiti in cycles of poverty, prioritized donor interests over local needs, and left the country more vulnerable to future disasters.
This book is essential for readers interested in humanitarian aid, global development, or modern Caribbean history. Policymakers, nonprofit workers, and students will gain critical insights into how aid structures often perpetuate dependency, while general audiences appreciate its gripping narrative of disaster, politics, and resilience.
Yes. Winner of the Overseas Press Club’s Cornelius Ryan Award and shortlisted for the PEN/John Kenneth Galbraith Award, the book is praised as “the most important written work to emerge from the rubble” (Miami Herald). It balances rigorous investigative journalism with vivid storytelling about Haiti’s struggle for recovery.
Jonathan M. Katz is an award-winning journalist and former Associated Press bureau chief in Haiti. As the only full-time U.S. correspondent during the 2010 earthquake, he broke major stories, including the UN’s cover-up of its role in a post-quake cholera epidemic. His work has appeared in The New York Times, The Guardian, and Foreign Policy.
Katz argues that aid often prioritizes donor visibility over sustainable change, bypassing local governments and creating chaotic short-term projects. He highlights how 99% of U.S. earthquake relief funds flowed back to American contractors, while Haitian-led initiatives were sidelined—a pattern reinforcing poverty and disempowerment.
As co-chair of Haiti’s reconstruction commission, Clinton promoted export-oriented industrial parks and luxury hotels, which Katz argues catered to foreign investors rather than addressing housing or infrastructure needs. The book critiques Clinton’s “disaster capitalism” approach for deepening economic inequality.
Katz uncovered that UN peacekeepers introduced cholera through improper waste disposal at their base. Despite overwhelming evidence, the UN denied responsibility for years, exacerbating an outbreak that killed 10,000+ Haitians. This scandal underscores the book’s theme of accountability in aid operations.
Unlike academic analyses, Katz blends investigative rigor with narrative-driven journalism, offering a ground-level perspective akin to Evicted by Matthew Desmond. It contrasts with Dead Aid by Dambisa Moyo by focusing on systemic failures rather than opposing aid outright.
With climate disasters increasing, the book’s lessons about aid inefficiency remain urgent. Katz’s critique of “savior complexes” and his call for locally led solutions align with today’s emphasis on decolonizing aid and funding grassroots organizations.
Some policymakers argue Katz underestimates logistical challenges in crisis zones. However, critics widely praise his accountability-focused reporting, particularly his exposure of the UN’s cholera denialism and the Clinton Foundation’s missteps.
The title refers to Haitians’ sarcastic nickname for aid convoys that “went by” without stopping. One pivotal scene describes Katz witnessing a celebrity aid worker’s empty pledges while homeless earthquake survivors received no help—symbolizing the disconnect between intentions and impact.
Katz advocates for “smarter aid”:
These principles resonate with current movements to shift power to local leaders in global health and climate resilience.
저자의 목소리로 책을 느껴보세요
지식을 흥미롭고 예시가 풍부한 인사이트로 전환
핵심 아이디어를 빠르게 캡처하여 신속하게 학습
재미있고 매력적인 방식으로 책을 즐기세요
“To understand Haiti, one must understand the Duvaliers.”
“Aristide was no saint, but he was the closest thing to a popular leader Haiti had ever known.”
“In Haiti, the line between reality and make-believe is often so thin as to be nonexistent.”
“Haiti was not merely poor. It was broken.”
“Haiti is a country where the past is always present.”
Big Truck That Went By의 핵심 아이디어를 이해하기 쉬운 포인트로 분해하여 혁신적인 팀이 어떻게 창조하고, 협력하고, 성장하는지 이해합니다.
생생한 스토리텔링을 통해 Big Truck That Went By을 경험하고, 혁신 교훈을 기억에 남고 적용할 수 있는 순간으로 바꿉니다.
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On January 12, 2010, the ground beneath Port-au-Prince convulsed with terrifying force. "Tu panse se yon gwo machin ki pase?" my Haitian colleague Evens asked as we stumbled from my collapsing house. "You think it was a big truck going by?" The question seemed absurd-this was clearly an earthquake-but revealed how unprepared Haiti was for a disaster that would claim over 200,000 lives. With no major tremors in living memory, many initially mistook the shaking for a passing vehicle. That night, hundreds of thousands gathered silently at the crumbled National Palace, its collapsed dome symbolizing the fall of Haiti's central institution. The earthquake had been a great leveler-destroying government ministries and luxury hotels alongside modest homes. Whether in Haiti for decades or hours, in slums or five-star accommodations, survival depended solely on the strength of the structures around you when the fault gave way. Despite an unprecedented $5.2 billion in emergency relief and $10 billion pledged for reconstruction, Haiti remained broken years later. Nearly a million remained homeless, political riots erupted, and a devastating cholera epidemic emerged-likely caused by the very UN peacekeepers sent to help. How could such massive humanitarian efforts lead to such profound failure?
Haiti's vulnerability predated the earthquake by centuries. Port-au-Prince sits on a narrow lowland between tectonic plates that collided 60 million years ago. Though earthquakes destroyed the French colonial capital twice in the 1700s, the underlying fault went dormant for centuries, allowing the risk to fade from memory. Haiti's revolutionary triumph in 1804 brought hostility from slavery-dependent nations like the United States, which later occupied Haiti from 1915-1934 and centralized power in Port-au-Prince. The Duvalier dictatorships further weakened the nation - "Baby Doc" Duvalier's manufacturing-focused policies led to agricultural decline and mass urban migration. By 2010, nearly 3 million people crowded Port-au-Prince in unregulated concrete structures. The state had effectively collapsed, operating on an annual budget smaller than Miami-Dade County's despite having quadruple the population.
"I've directed my administration to launch a swift, coordinated effort to save lives," President Obama declared after the earthquake. With funding that grew from $100 million to $3.5 billion, he promised Haitians they wouldn't be forgotten. Operation Unified Response became one of the largest humanitarian missions in modern military history: 22,000 personnel, 33 ships, and 300 aircraft distributed aid - including 2.6 million water bottles and 17 million pounds of food. The mission successfully maintained civil order with no major riots. The transition to reconstruction faltered. Camps expanded from 107 to 1,500 by July, housing 1.5 million people - many who moved there for services despite having intact homes. Land ownership paralyzed rebuilding efforts. The earthquake destroyed Haiti's land registry - 2,500 handwritten logs - with less than 5% of land properly documented before the disaster, making property rights nearly impossible to determine. In the vacuum of governance, self-appointed "camp committees" emerged, controlling aid distribution through intimidation. The wealthy received priority while poorer regions were neglected, revealing a failure to engage local communities in recovery planning.
Of the $1.1 billion U.S. emergency assistance after Haiti's earthquake, half went to U.S. agencies, with the rest divided between UN agencies, contractors, and NGOs - leaving little for Haiti's government directly. The UN's "cluster system" proved deeply flawed. UN humanitarian chief John Holmes privately criticized its poor planning, while the English-language meetings effectively excluded Haitians. Leslie Voltaire, a Cornell-educated architect, observed that endless meetings prevented actual progress. At a March 2010 UN donors' conference in New York, Hillary Clinton pledged $1.15 billion, framing Haiti's future as either "an engine for progress" or a regional liability. While Haiti scored poorly on Transparency International's Corruption Index, researchers noted this measured perception rather than reality. A Harvard study revealed inherent bias favoring Protestant, wealthy nations with British legal systems. The eventual compromise created a World Bank-managed fund and the Interim Haiti Recovery Commission, co-led by Prime Minister Bellerive and Bill Clinton, balancing Haitian and international oversight.
Bill Clinton brought intense focus to Haiti, demonstrated by his hands-on approach during a hospital visit where he connected specific needs with donor solutions. His persistent optimism about Haiti's investment potential, rather than aid needs, led some to view him as the country's savior, earning him the nickname "Le Gouverneur" among skeptical Haitians questioning his UN Special Envoy role. Clinton adopted economist Paul Collier's development strategy, which centered on expanding Haiti's garment industry to compete with China through low wages, supported by the HOPE II trade agreement for duty-free exports to the U.S. This vision faced local resistance when parliament proposed raising the daily minimum wage from $1.79 to $5. After pressure from foreign investors and the U.S. ambassador, President Preval reached a compromise: $5 for most workers, but only $3 for garment workers - revealing how economic recovery plans depended on maintaining low wages.
Nine months after the earthquake, disaster struck Haiti again when Rosemond Lorime, a 41-year-old from Meille village, fell severely ill while traveling. His family soon developed the same symptoms - severe diarrhea and vomiting. Despite seeking medical help, Rosemond died on October 17, 2010. Tests confirmed cholera had reached Haiti for the first time in a century. The outbreak's timing and rural origin raised suspicions, leading investigators to a UN Nepalese battalion base near Mirebalais. There, broken pipes leaked sewage toward the river, while the UN's waste contractor dumped excrement in open pits that often overflowed into water sources used by millions downstream. The Nepalese unit had arrived shortly before the epidemic, having been stationed in Nepal during a cholera outbreak. The disease spread swiftly through the immunologically naive population, with victims succumbing within days. As bodies entered mass graves, UN spokesman Pugliese revealed the Nepalese soldiers had never been tested for cholera - contradicting previous statements. Officials dismissed investigating the outbreak's origin, despite this being standard epidemiological protocol.
Three years post-earthquake, Haiti's recovery faltered. Michel Martelly, the musician "Sweet Micky," won a controversial presidency amid foreign interference. At his blackout-plagued inauguration, he declared: "This is a new Haiti open for business!" The United States backed the Caracol Industrial Park with South Korean tenant Sae-A Trading Co. Despite promises of 20,000 jobs, the project drew criticism for tax-free profits and low wages, while Sae-A's labor practices raised concerns. UN peacekeepers brought cholera, devastating the population. As luxury hotels rose, most Haitians remained in unsafe housing. The recovery commission expired with unfunded projects, while camps were cleared without sustainable solutions. Haiti's experience offers vital lessons: post-disaster riots rarely occur, rushed aid can harm, and donations often miss survivors. As climate disasters increase globally, we must choose between building resilience or dependency, strengthening local institutions or weakening them. True recovery demands supporting local leadership, preserving dignity, and addressing the structural inequalities that turn natural events into catastrophes. Our responsibility extends beyond immediate aid to fostering resilient communities.