Capitolo 1
A Statesman's Reflection on Power and Purpose
Dick Cheney's memoir "In My Time" offers a rare glimpse into the corridors of power through the eyes of one of America's most consequential yet controversial political figures. As the only person to serve as White House Chief of Staff, House Republican Whip, Secretary of Defense, and Vice President, Cheney's perspective spans nearly half a century of American history. The book has garnered attention from political insiders and historians alike, with Henry Kissinger calling it "a fascinating and important historical document." Even critics acknowledge its value in understanding post-9/11 America. While some view Cheney as a principled patriot who kept America safe after its darkest day, others see him as the architect of policies that undermined American values. What's undeniable is that few modern figures have shaped American policy so profoundly across so many decades.
Capitolo 2
From Wyoming Roots to Washington Power
Born in Lincoln, Nebraska in 1941, Dick Cheney's early life was shaped by the American heartland. His family were staunch New Deal Democrats-his grandfather even wanted to send FDR a telegram about the "little stranger" who shared the president's birthday. After the war, Cheney's family settled in College View, a Lincoln suburb, before moving to Casper, Wyoming when he was thirteen. This move would prove transformative, introducing young Dick to the rugged Western landscape that would shape his character and worldview.
"In Casper, our house sat on the eastern edge of town, with the prairie stretching beyond," Cheney writes. "Bob and I spent hours exploring what might have seemed barren landscape to others but was alive with grasses, sagebrush, scrub pine, antelope, deer, rabbits, and occasional rattlesnakes."
Wyoming instilled in Cheney a love for the outdoors, particularly fishing, which became a lifelong passion. He played football at Natrona County High School, where he was class president and his future wife Lynne was homecoming queen. Their relationship began when he finally summoned the courage to ask her to a formal dance during their junior year.
Despite his promising start, Cheney's path to success wasn't linear. After receiving a scholarship to Yale, he struggled academically and socially, eventually dropping out. This period of his life included two DUI arrests while working as a lineman for electrical utility companies. His wake-up call came in 1963 when he found himself in jail in Rock Springs, Wyoming, while his former classmates were graduating from Yale and Lynne had graduated summa cum laude from Colorado College.
"I drove to Casper Mountain where I could see all the way to the Bighorns, gaining perspective on my self-destructive path," Cheney recalls. This moment of clarity led him to enroll at the University of Wyoming, where he excelled academically and began his journey into politics as an intern in the Wyoming state legislature.
Cheney's rise through Washington's ranks began in 1969 when Donald Rumsfeld, then heading the Office of Economic Opportunity under President Nixon, abruptly told him: "You, you're congressional relations. Now get the hell out of here." This harsh but direct job offer launched Cheney's forty-year career in politics and government, leading to positions of increasing responsibility under Presidents Nixon and Ford.
Capitolo 3
The Ford White House Years
When Gerald Ford became president following Nixon's resignation, Cheney returned to the White House as deputy chief of staff under Rumsfeld. After Rumsfeld moved to the Pentagon, the 34-year-old Cheney became the youngest White House chief of staff in history. This experience gave him unique insight into presidential decision-making and the operations of the executive branch.
"In the White House, the top staff person is still staff," Cheney notes. "I declined Ford's offer to attach cabinet status to my job and initially tried to decline having a White House car and driver, preferring my VW Beetle."
Cheney's time with Ford taught him valuable lessons about governing during crisis. The administration inherited 12 percent inflation, leading to the ill-fated "Whip Inflation Now" campaign. They also faced the fall of Vietnam, which Cheney describes as ending "in an awful way, but at least it had ended." During the Mayaguez incident, when Cambodian communists seized an American merchant ship, Cheney witnessed Ford's decisive leadership firsthand.
The 1976 presidential campaign brought Cheney to the center of Ford's effort to win a full term. Despite coming from behind to nearly catch Jimmy Carter, they ultimately lost in one of America's closest presidential elections. Cheney recalls watching the ceremonial transfer of power on Inauguration Day, including the passing of the nuclear "football" from Ford's military aide to Carter's.
"Though disappointed at coming so close to victory," Cheney writes, "we knew Ford's 895 days in office were complete in every way that mattered."
Capitolo 4
Wyoming's Congressman
After the Ford administration, Cheney returned to Wyoming and successfully ran for the state's lone congressional seat in 1978. His campaign faced challenges-he'd been away from Wyoming for twelve years, and his White House credentials could seem presumptuous. He also suffered a heart attack at age 37 during the campaign, the first of several cardiac events that would mark his life.
Rather than hiding his heart attack, Cheney wrote a personal letter to every registered Republican in Wyoming explaining his health situation and deeper motivations for seeking office. The letter allowed him to connect with voters on a human level, and he won the primary with 42 percent of the vote.
In Congress, Cheney served on the Interior Committee, vital for Wyoming with the federal government controlling 50 percent of the state's surface and 65 percent of its mineral wealth. His proudest legislative achievement was the 1984 Wyoming Wilderness Act, which added almost a million acres to the state's wilderness areas.
Cheney's congressional career advanced rapidly. After the 1980 election, he became policy chairman in the House Republican leadership. In 1987, he served as ranking Republican on the House committee investigating the Iran-Contra affair. His closing statement acknowledged administration errors while noting "congressional vacillation" on Central America policy as a mitigating factor.
By 1988, Cheney had risen to House Republican Whip, positioning him for potentially higher leadership roles. However, his career took an unexpected turn when President George H.W. Bush's nominee for Secretary of Defense, John Tower, failed to win Senate confirmation.
Capitolo 5
Pentagon Leadership
In March 1989, Cheney became Secretary of Defense, responsible for the world's most formidable military and four million personnel. His tenure would be defined by the end of the Cold War and the first Gulf War against Iraq.
"I departed as the lone Wyoming congressman and arrived at the Pentagon fifteen minutes later as Secretary of Defense," Cheney recalls. On his first day, he embarrassingly got lost in the Pentagon basement while heading to meet the President.
Cheney's most crucial early personnel decision was selecting Colin Powell as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. He also recruited Paul Wolfowitz as undersecretary for policy and established his authority early by publicly rebuking Air Force Chief Larry Welch for "freelancing" on missile systems.
The fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989 marked a historic transformation that Cheney had glimpsed during his October visit to Berlin. He firmly believed America's military strength was the preeminent reason for this peaceful end to the Cold War.
In December 1989, Cheney oversaw Operation Just Cause in Panama, which removed dictator Manuel Noriega from power. The operation succeeded, with Noriega eventually surrendering on January 3 after seeking asylum in the Papal Nunciatura.
Cheney's defining moment as Defense Secretary came with Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in August 1990. He traveled to Saudi Arabia to convince King Fahd to allow American troops on Saudi soil. After presenting satellite imagery of Iraqi troops near the Saudi border and outlining America's readiness to deploy forces, Cheney secured the king's agreement with a simple "Okay."
During the Gulf War planning, Cheney insisted on giving military leaders whatever resources they needed, supporting the massive deployment of VII Corps from Germany and additional carrier battle groups. He also advocated for the "left-hook" maneuver that would swing coalition forces wide to attack Saddam from the side rather than confronting his best troops directly.
Operation Desert Storm began on January 16, 1991. The night before, Cheney visited the Vietnam Veterans Memorial, where the 58,000 names etched in black granite reminded him of war's terrible cost and his solemn obligation to provide soldiers with clear mission and resources to prevail.
The war ended after just 100 hours of ground combat, with Kuwait liberated and Iraqi forces in retreat. Though some criticized the decision not to pursue Saddam's forces to Baghdad, Cheney notes that neither the UN nor Congress had authorized anything beyond Kuwait's liberation.
Capitolo 6
Private Life and Return to Politics
After the Clinton administration took office in 1993, Cheney joined the American Enterprise Institute think tank and several corporate boards, including Morgan Stanley and Union Pacific. His transition to the private sector marked a significant shift from his decades in government service. At the American Enterprise Institute, he focused on foreign policy and defense issues, maintaining his connections to Washington's policy circles while building his corporate career.
In 1995, he became CEO of Halliburton, the world's second-largest oil services company. Under his leadership, Halliburton's revenue doubled from $5.7 billion to $12.6 billion, largely through mergers and acquisitions, including the $7.7 billion merger with Dresser Industries. His tenure saw the company expand its operations globally, particularly in the Middle East and former Soviet states.
Cheney briefly considered running for president in 1996 but decided against it. At fifty-three, he felt he'd had a fulfilling twenty-five-year career in public service, including roles as White House Chief of Staff, Congressman, and Secretary of Defense. He was young enough to pursue opportunities in the private sector rather than subject his family to a national campaign. His daughter Mary's sexual orientation was also a factor, as he worried about potential media scrutiny of his family.
His return to politics came unexpectedly when George W. Bush asked him to lead the search for a vice presidential candidate in 2000. As head of the selection committee, Cheney conducted extensive interviews and background checks on potential candidates including governors Tom Ridge, Frank Keating, and John Engler. After vetting numerous candidates, Cheney was surprised when Bush repeatedly told him, "Dick, you're the solution to my problem." Though initially reluctant due to his heart condition and business background, which included controversial aspects of his Halliburton tenure, Cheney eventually accepted Bush's offer after consulting with his family and doctors.
The 2000 election ended in unprecedented fashion, with a 36-day recount battle in Florida that centered on disputed ballots and hanging chads. When the Supreme Court finally ruled in Bush v. Gore on December 12, halting the Florida recount with Bush ahead by 537 votes, Cheney received the news while watching television alone in his kitchen. As vice president-elect, he immediately began assembling the Bush administration's cabinet, selecting Colin Powell as Secretary of State and Donald Rumsfeld for Defense, drawing on his extensive network of Republican policy veterans from previous administrations.
Capitolo 7
Vice Presidency and 9/11
As vice president, Cheney had only two constitutional duties: succeeding the president if necessary and serving as president of the Senate to cast tie-breaking votes. Beyond that, his role depended entirely on George W. Bush, who made clear from day one that he wanted Cheney to help govern. Bush specifically sought Cheney's expertise in national security, energy policy, and legislative strategy, areas where Cheney had decades of experience from his time in Congress and as Secretary of Defense.
"Several factors made our relationship work," Cheney explains. "I had no presidential ambitions of my own, which meant the president never had to worry about my positions being calculated for future campaigns. I also deliberately maintained a low media profile." This unique dynamic allowed Cheney to focus entirely on policy execution rather than political positioning, making him one of the most influential vice presidents in American history.
Everything changed on September 11, 2001. Cheney was in his White House office reviewing intelligence briefings when Special Agent Jimmy Scott burst through the door, rushing him to evacuate to the Presidential Emergency Operations Center beneath the White House. The underground bunker, designed during the Cold War, became the nerve center of the government's immediate response. From there, Cheney coordinated with military commanders, intelligence agencies, and civilian authorities while President Bush was airborne on Air Force One.
During those crucial hours, Cheney faced several unprecedented decisions, including the authorization to shoot down hijacked commercial airliners approaching Washington. When the situation room received reports of additional hijacked aircraft heading toward the capital, the vice president was presented with an unthinkable choice.
"Yes," Cheney answered without hesitation when asked if combat air patrol had authority to shoot down hijacked planes. "The enormity of this order struck everyone in the room." This decision, though ultimately unnecessary as the remaining flights crashed before reaching their targets, demonstrated the grave responsibilities thrust upon leadership that day.
The 9/11 attacks fundamentally altered the Bush administration's priorities and Cheney's role within it. He became a key architect of what would become known as the War on Terror, advocating for expanded presidential powers, enhanced interrogation techniques, and military action against regimes that harbored terrorists. His influence extended to the creation of new security institutions like the Department of Homeland Security and the implementation of controversial programs like warrantless surveillance.
"We needed a new strategy based on recognizing we were at war," Cheney writes, "one requiring us to pursue terrorists where they lived and hold their supporters accountable." This doctrine, later known as the Bush Doctrine, would shape American foreign policy for years to come, leading to military interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq, and fundamentally changing how the United States approached national security in the 21st century.
Capitolo 8
The War on Terror and Iraq
Cheney was instrumental in developing the administration's response to 9/11, including the invasion of Afghanistan, the Patriot Act, expanded surveillance programs, and the detention facility at Guantanamo Bay. He firmly believed these measures were necessary to prevent another attack on American soil. Within hours of the attacks, Cheney had established a secure command center and began coordinating with military and intelligence officials. He pushed for expanded executive authority, arguing that traditional constraints on presidential power were inadequate for this new type of warfare.
By late 2001, Cheney had begun advocating for military planning against Iraq. He viewed Saddam Hussein as a potential nexus between terrorism and weapons of mass destruction, citing Iraq's history of using chemical weapons against its own people and its repeated violations of UN resolutions. In April 2002, Cheney undertook a grueling diplomatic mission to twelve countries in ten days, discussing the threat posed by Saddam Hussein with leaders across the Middle East and Europe. During these meetings, he emphasized intelligence suggesting links between Iraq and Al-Qaeda, though these connections would later be disputed.
The decision to invade Iraq in March 2003 would become the most controversial aspect of Cheney's legacy. He was a key architect of the "shock and awe" campaign and helped shape the administration's public case for war. When weapons of mass destruction weren't found in the quantities expected, critics accused the administration of misleading the country into war. Cheney strongly disputes this characterization, noting that intelligence about Saddam's WMD stockpiles proved wrong, but the threat assessment was reasonable given Iraq's history of deception and the information available from multiple intelligence agencies.
"After experiencing the unprecedented 9/11 attacks," Cheney writes, "no American president could responsibly ignore the intelligence about Saddam Hussein." He maintained that removing Saddam was justified based on the dictator's support for terrorism, human rights violations, and potential to destabilize the region.
As the Iraq War continued and the insurgency grew, Cheney remained a steadfast advocate for the mission, even as public support waned. In 2006, when many were calling for withdrawal, he strongly supported General David Petraeus's "surge" strategy that would eventually help stabilize the country. This decision to deploy an additional 20,000 troops proved crucial in reducing violence and allowing for political reconciliation. He clashed repeatedly with Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice over her diplomatic approach to North Korea and Iran, believing it made too many concessions without achieving denuclearization. Cheney advocated for a harder line, including the possibility of military strikes against nuclear facilities.
Throughout this period, Cheney remained convinced that aggressive counterterrorism measures, including enhanced interrogation techniques and warrantless surveillance, were essential to preventing another major attack. He pointed to the absence of subsequent attacks on U.S. soil as vindication of these controversial policies, though critics argued they compromised American values and damaged international relationships.
Capitolo 9
Legacy and Reflection
In his final years as vice president, Cheney faced increasing criticism over detention policies, enhanced interrogation techniques, and the ongoing wars. His approval ratings dropped, but he remained unwavering in his belief that these policies had kept America safe.
After leaving office in January 2009, Cheney became an outspoken critic of the Obama administration's national security policies. When President Obama ordered Guantanamo closed and enhanced interrogation ended, Cheney felt compelled to respond with facts about the intelligence gained and the attacks prevented.
In 2010, Cheney faced a serious health crisis, descending into end-stage heart failure and undergoing emergency surgery to implant a left ventricular assist device (LVAD). After weeks unconscious in intensive care, he recovered and continued his public engagement, including publishing this memoir.
Reflecting on his career, Cheney acknowledges the controversies surrounding his tenure but expresses no regrets about the difficult decisions made after 9/11. "What a privilege to have spent so much of my career with the men and women of our armed forces, and to have had a place in the room when great issues were debated," he writes.
Cheney concludes his memoir with an affirmation of his belief in America's exceptional role in the world: "We've stood firm against evil and sought freedom for others rather than empire. Yet we face serious challenges-living beyond our means without the political will to change, and the deadly potential of technology that makes mass destruction possible for evil actors."
His final message emphasizes the importance of leadership: "The key is choosing serious, vigilant leaders who have the country's larger cause in mind rather than those offering pleasing promises. Though imperfect, America's founding ideals have unleashed human potential in unprecedented ways, and we have a clear duty to pass this great nation, its possibilities undimmed, to rising generations."
Capitolo 10
The Enduring Controversies
Dick Cheney's memoir presents his unapologetic defense of controversial policies that defined the post-9/11 era. His advocacy for enhanced interrogation techniques, expansive executive power, and preventive war doctrine continue to spark intense debate about the proper balance between security and liberty in American democracy. The memoir details specific instances, such as the authorization of warrantless surveillance programs and the establishment of detention facilities at Guantanamo Bay, where Cheney argues these measures were essential for national security.
Throughout the book, Cheney systematically defends the Bush administration's most contested decisions, including the invasion of Iraq, the interpretation of Article II powers, and the creation of military commissions. He provides detailed accounts of key meetings where these policies were shaped, offering unprecedented insight into the decision-making process within the administration's inner circle. The memoir also reveals his influential role in expanding the CIA's authority and restructuring America's intelligence apparatus.
The book reveals a man of deep conviction who believed that extraordinary times required extraordinary measures. Cheney points to specific intelligence reports and threat assessments that shaped his worldview, particularly in the immediate aftermath of 9/11. He describes in detail the morning of September 11th from his perspective in the Presidential Emergency Operations Center, arguing that this experience fundamentally altered his approach to national security threats.
His stance on executive authority particularly stands out, as he advocates for what became known as the "unitary executive theory." Cheney details his experiences during the Ford administration, including the aftermath of Watergate, which he believes led to dangerous constraints on presidential power. These earlier experiences, he argues, informed his post-9/11 approach to executive authority.
Whether history will judge him as a patriot who kept America safe or an official who overreached in pursuit of security remains intensely debated. Critics argue his policies undermined constitutional principles and America's moral standing, while supporters maintain these measures prevented further terrorist attacks. The memoir addresses these criticisms directly, providing previously unreleased information about foiled plots and security successes.
Through personal anecdotes, policy debates, and historical reflection, "In My Time" offers valuable insight into one of America's most consequential political figures. Cheney's influence extended beyond traditional vice-presidential roles, from his leadership in the administration's response to 9/11 to his significant impact on energy policy and military strategy. His relationship with President Bush, detailed throughout the memoir, reveals a unique partnership that reshaped the vice presidency itself.
The book stands as a crucial primary source for understanding the Bush era's most controversial policies and the philosophical framework that guided them. Cheney's legacy, from his expansion of executive power to his advocacy for aggressive counterterrorism measures, continues to influence contemporary political debates and will be studied by historians and policy makers for generations to come.
