Chapter 4
Prophets and the Birth of Ethical Monotheism
In the eighth century BCE, amid political turmoil and the threat of Assyrian invasion, Isaiah experienced a profound vision of Yahweh in Solomon's Temple. He saw Yahweh enthroned, attended by seraphs crying "Holy! holy! holy!"-emphasizing not moral excellence but radical otherness. Unlike the Buddha's enlightenment, Isaiah experienced terror before the numinous, what Rudolf Otto called mysterium terribile et fascinans. This Yahweh was no longer merely a tribal war deity but one whose glory "filled the whole earth."
The prophets of Israel's Axial Age delivered a revolutionary message: Yahweh controlled all nations, using even Israel's enemies as instruments of divine purpose. They rejected empty ritual in favor of compassion and social justice. These prophets forced their countrymen to confront uncomfortable realities rather than take refuge in comforting myths.
Amos, seized by Yahweh who "roared like a lion," became the first prophet to emphasize social justice, speaking for the oppressed and voiceless poor. He shattered Israel's complacency, warning that the "Day of Yahweh" would bring darkness, not light, and that the covenant meant responsibility, not privilege.
Hosea, meanwhile, focused on the lack of inwardness in Israelite religion. His troubled marriage to Gomer, who had become a sacred prostitute in fertility cults, became a powerful metaphor for Yahweh's relationship with unfaithful Israel. Despite his wife's betrayal, Hosea's continued love for her revealed Yahweh's enduring tenderness toward his people.
The prophets' hostility toward other gods marked a revolutionary religious attitude. Unlike the tolerant paganism of their time, they condemned idol worship with visceral disgust, mocking foreign deities as mere lifeless objects made by human hands. As Israelite society grew more masculine in tone, Yahweh's battle against the goddesses reflected the declining status of women throughout the Axial Age.
In Babylonian exile, the prophet known as Second Isaiah made a revolutionary theological leap: Yahweh was not merely Israel's god but the only God. With the Temple destroyed and traditional worship impossible, he declared Yahweh supreme, absorbing the mythological powers of pagan deities. He reimagined the Exodus using imagery reminiscent of Marduk's victory over Tiamat, claiming these primordial creative acts for Yahweh alone. Most radically, he envisioned a future where Egypt and Assyria would also become Yahweh's people alongside Israel.
Chapter 5
Jesus and the Christian Transformation of God
At the same time as Philo expounded Platonized Judaism in Alexandria and Hillel and Shammai debated in Jerusalem, a charismatic faith healer began his career in northern Palestine. During his lifetime, many Jews believed he was the Messiah, but his crucifixion seemed to contradict this. Nevertheless, reports of his resurrection maintained his followers' faith, and they continued worshipping in the Temple as observant Jews.
In Jesus' time, Jews were passionate monotheists who expected the Messiah to be human, not divine-a descendant of King David who would be spiritually intimate with Yahweh but not his literal son. Mark's Gospel presents Jesus as a normal man whose remarkable qualities weren't apparent until he began his ministry. After being baptized by John the Baptist, Jesus experienced the Spirit descending upon him and a voice declaring him "my Son, the Beloved." He then began preaching throughout Galilee that "The Kingdom of God has arrived!"
Jesus was likely part of established Jewish religious traditions-either a Galilean faith healer or possibly a Pharisee of Hillel's school. His teachings aligned with Pharisaic emphasis on charity and loving-kindness, and like Hillel, he summarized the Law as "do unto others as you would have them do unto you."
The belief in Jesus' divinity developed gradually after his death, not becoming formal doctrine until the fourth century. Jesus himself never claimed to be God. His baptismal designation as "Son of God" likely confirmed his messianic role rather than divinity. The Gospels describe God giving Jesus certain divine "powers" (dunamis) to heal and forgive sins, making him a living image of God's nature.
After Jesus' death, his disciples couldn't abandon their belief that he had somehow presented an image of God, and began praying to him early on. Paul, who believed God's powers should be accessible to Gentiles, never called Jesus "God" but "Son of God" in the Jewish sense-possessing God's powers and Spirit without being the divine essence itself. In the Gentile world, these subtle distinctions blurred, eventually leading to the belief that Jesus was divine.
This impulse toward humanized religion paralleled similar developments in Buddhism and Hinduism, where bhakti (personal devotion) to exalted beings emerged. Like the Buddhist bodhisattva who sacrifices their own nirvana to help others, Jesus was seen as sacrificing himself for humanity's salvation.
The divinization of Jesus paralleled similar developments in Indian religions during the same period. In both Buddhism and Hinduism, personal devotion to humanized divine figures emerged to satisfy the yearning for accessible religion. Unlike these traditions with their multiple divine manifestations, Christianity focused exclusively on Jesus as the sole mediator between humanity and God-a potential limitation compared to the reminder in other faiths that ultimate reality cannot be adequately expressed in any single form.
Chapter 6
The Trinity: Wrestling with Divine Complexity
Around 320 CE, a theological controversy seized the eastern churches with such intensity that ordinary people everywhere-sailors, bath attendants, money changers, and bakers-passionately debated abstruse theological questions about God's nature. The controversy began when Arius, a charismatic Alexandrian presbyter, challenged how Jesus could be God in the same way as God the Father.
The Arian controversy grew so heated that Emperor Constantine summoned a synod at Nicaea to settle the matter. Christians now believed in creation ex nihilo (out of nothing), emphasizing the vast chasm between God and creation. This new doctrine portrayed humanity as utterly dependent on God, who had summoned everything from nothingness and could withdraw his sustaining hand at any moment. The debate centered on which side of this divine-created divide Christ belonged: Athanasius placed him in the divine realm, while Arius considered him part of the created order, though uniquely exalted.
When bishops gathered at Nicaea in May 325, most held positions between Arius and Athanasius. Nevertheless, with imperial pressure, Athanasius's theology prevailed. The resulting Nicene Creed declared Christ "of one substance (homoousion) with the Father," making creation ex nihilo official doctrine and asserting that Creator and Redeemer were one. Despite this apparent resolution, the controversy continued for sixty more years.
The Cappadocian theologians distinguished between kerygma (public teaching from scripture) and dogma (deeper truths apprehended through religious experience and expressed symbolically). They emphasized that religious truth often couldn't be expressed logically-some insights had an inner resonance apprehended only through contemplation. In the Greek Orthodox tradition, all good theology would be silent or apophatic, recognizing that every concept of God is merely a simulacrum.
The Cappadocians developed the Trinity as one ousia (essence) in three hypostases (expressions). They clarified that God's inner nature remained One with a single divine self-consciousness, but when glimpsed by creatures, appeared as three prosopoi (exterior expressions). The terms "Father," "Son," and "Spirit" were not God himself-whose divine nature remained "unnameable and unspeakable"-but terms describing his energeiai (activities). Ultimately, the Trinity was not a logical formulation but an imaginative paradigm meant to be lived as mystical experience rather than intellectually analyzed.
While Greek Christians approached the Trinity through contemplation (theoria), Western Christianity developed a more rational approach. Augustine defined the Trinity for the Latin Church, beginning with divine unity rather than the three hypostases. Where Greeks refused to analyze God's unrevealed essence, Augustine took a psychological, personal approach. This fundamental difference reflected broader distinctions: in the East, "theoria" meant contemplation; in the West, "theory" became a rational hypothesis requiring logical demonstration.
Chapter 7
Allah: The God of Absolute Unity
In about 610 CE, Muhammad ibn Abdallah, a Meccan merchant from the Quraysh tribe, had a prophetic experience remarkably similar to biblical prophets, despite having never read the Bible. He was deeply concerned about Mecca's spiritual crisis-the tribe had rapidly transformed from nomadic Bedouins to wealthy traders in just two generations, resulting in traditional tribal values being replaced by ruthless capitalism.
Muhammad recognized that the Quraysh were making a dangerous new religion out of money, believing their wealth had "saved" them from the perils of nomadic life. This cult of self-sufficiency (istaqa) threatened tribal cohesion by replacing communal values with individualism and competition. Meanwhile, across Arabia, the traditional ideology of muruwah (courage, endurance, and tribal dedication) was failing to meet modern challenges as Arabs found themselves caught between the mighty empires of Sassanid Persia and Byzantium.
On the seventeenth night of Ramadan in 610, Muhammad experienced a terrifying divine presence on Mount Hira. An angel appeared, commanding "Recite!" (iqra!). After refusing twice and enduring overwhelming embraces that left him breathless, Muhammad finally found himself speaking the first words of a new scripture: "Recite in the name of thy Sustainer, who has created-created man out of a germ-cell!" This was the beginning of the Qur'an (the Recitation), the first divine revelation in Arabic.
Unlike the Torah, revealed to Moses in one session, the Qur'an came to Muhammad gradually over twenty-three years. The revelations remained physically taxing-Muhammad described them as his soul being "torn away" and sometimes arriving like painful "reverberations of a bell" that he had to struggle to articulate into coherent messages.
The Qur'an presents al-Lah as more impersonal than YHWH, lacking the biblical God's pathos and passion. Muslims glimpse God only through nature's "signs" and can speak of him only in "parables." The Qur'an constantly urges believers to see the world as an epiphany-to perceive through fragments to the transcendent reality infusing everything. This sacramental attitude required intelligence and curiosity, later enabling Muslims to build a scientific tradition without Christianity's science-religion tension.
The Qur'an constitutes the greatest divine sign, with its verses called ayat ("signs"). Its dense, elliptical Arabic defies adequate translation, losing the beauty that overwhelms Arabic speakers. Many early converts, including Umar ibn al-Khattab, were transformed instantly upon hearing its extraordinary language.
The perception of God's uniqueness formed the basis of Qur'anic morality. The Qur'an condemns pagan deities as powerless and ineffective, declaring "He is the One God; God, the Eternal, the Uncaused Cause of all being." Unlike Christian trinitarian theology, the Qur'an returns to a Semitic conception of divine unity, refusing the notion that God could "beget" a son.
In the Qur'an, God is given ninety-nine names or attributes emphasizing that He is "greater" and the source of all positive qualities. These names often appear paradoxical-God is both al-Qahtar (dominating) and al-Halim (forbearing), both al-Qabid (taking away) and al-Basit (giving abundantly). These divine names, recited and chanted in Muslim piety, remind believers that God transcends human categories.
Chapter 8
The God of the Philosophers: Reason Meets Revelation
In ninth-century Abbasid empire, Muslims encountered Greek science and philosophy, sparking an intellectual renaissance. Arab scholars made groundbreaking discoveries in astronomy, alchemy, medicine, and mathematics. A new type of Muslim emerged-the Faylasuf-dedicated to living rationally according to cosmic laws.
Unlike Greek Christians who modified philosophical concepts to accommodate biblical paradox, these Muslim philosophers believed rationalism represented the most advanced form of religion. Though we now see science and philosophy as antagonistic to religion, the Faylasufs were devout Muslims who sought to purify faith of primitive elements. They considered God's existence self-evident but wanted logical proof to show Allah's compatibility with rational ideals.
Ibn Sina (980-1037), known in the West as Avicenna, represented the pinnacle of Falsafah. Born to a Shii family near Bukhara, he was a child prodigy who mastered mathematics, logic, and physics by sixteen. Despite his brilliance, he was no dried-up pedant but a sensualist who reportedly died at fifty-eight from excessive indulgence in wine and sex.
Ibn Sina developed a rational demonstration of God's existence that became standard in medieval Islamic and Jewish philosophy. Starting with the observation that our minds seek simplicity in composite beings, he argued that in a rational universe, there must be an Uncaused Being-utterly simple, perfect, and beyond all qualities. This necessary being, which religions call "God," cannot be the object of discursive thought or described in positive terms.
Ibn Sina connected his abstract theology to religious experience through a psychological theory of prophecy. He proposed ten pure Intelligences corresponding to the Ptolemaic spheres, forming an intermediate realm between humanity and God. The tenth Intelligence, identified as Gabriel or the Holy Spirit of Revelation, serves as the source of light and knowledge. The human soul's contemplative intellect can achieve intimacy with this Intelligence, allowing prophets like Muhammad to gain intuitive knowledge of God without logical reasoning.
Al-Ghazzali's legacy was profound, establishing that neither Falsafah nor Kalam could satisfy someone in danger of losing faith. His own brush with skepticism came when he realized God's existence couldn't be proven beyond reasonable doubt. The divine reality lay outside sense perception and logical thought-science and metaphysics could neither prove nor disprove Allah's wujud (existence).
For those without mystical or prophetic gifts, al-Ghazzali created disciplines enabling Muslims to cultivate God-consciousness in daily life. His impact was indelible: Muslims would never again assume God was simply another being whose existence could be scientifically demonstrated. Henceforth, Islamic philosophy became inseparable from spirituality and mystical approaches to the divine.
While philosophical monotheism developed in the Islamic and Jewish worlds, Western Christianity evolved differently. The First Crusade of 1096-99 marked Europe's emergence from the Dark Ages, but with a primitive, martial Christianity. Crusaders viewed Jesus as a feudal lord who had summoned his knights to reclaim the Holy Land from "infidels." Their conception of God resembled the tribal deity of early biblical books-they saw themselves as God's new chosen people.
Chapter 9
The God of the Mystics: Beyond Words and Concepts
Judaism, Christianity and Islam have all developed the idea of a personal God, which has helped monotheists value the sacred rights of individuals and cultivate an appreciation of human personality. Yet a personal God can become a grave liability-a mere idol carved in our own image that endorses our prejudices rather than compelling us to transcend them.
The world religions recognized this danger and sought to transcend the personal conception of supreme reality. Jewish scriptures show the refinement and eventual abandonment of the tribal Yahweh; Christianity qualified its incarnate God with the transpersonal Trinity; Muslims struggled with Koranic passages implying God "sees" and "hears" like humans. All three faiths developed mystical traditions making God transcend the personal category, becoming more like the impersonal realities of nirvana and Brahman-Atman.
Mystical ascent appears across monotheistic traditions. Augustine's description of his ascent with Monica at Ostia used Plotinian language, describing a deliberate mental climb toward "eternal being" that transcended ordinary perception. This type of contemplative experience occurs worldwide-from shamanic trances to Buddhist meditation. The experience culminates in something utterly indescribable, where normal language fails. Such mystical experiences share common traits: they are subjective interior journeys using imagination rather than logic, and are deliberately cultivated through specific practices.
Pope Gregory the Great viewed the divine as hidden in impenetrable darkness, making God a distressing, difficult experience requiring struggle. For Gregory, approaching God meant fighting through darkness with "guilt, tears and exhaustion," finding only brief moments of contemplation after mighty effort. Eastern Christianity, however, developed a mysticism of light rather than darkness. The Greek hesychasts practiced interior silence (hesychia), going beyond all concepts and images to experience God's "energies" (energeiai)-the divine rays that illuminated the world while God's essence remained unknowable.
Symeon, Abbot of St. Macras in Constantinople, embodied the "new theology" that rejected defining God as presumptuous. Having experienced transformation through divine light-not physical light but something intuited through prayer-Symeon taught that union with God was available to everyone in this life, not just monks or the elite. For him, God was simultaneously known and unknown, near and far.
Though Muhammad primarily established a just society, mysticism quickly developed within Islam. During the eighth and ninth centuries, ascetics dressed in wool garments (hence "Sufis") sought to return to the Prophet's simpler lifestyle. Their mysticism arose from "inner rebellion against social injustices" and desire for purification. While the ulema increasingly distinguished Islam from other faiths, Sufis remained true to the Koranic vision of unity across religions, even revering Jesus as the prophet of interior life.
Sufis developed spiritual disciplines-fasting, night vigils, and chanting Divine Names-to achieve altered states of consciousness. Abu Yazid Bistami approached God as a lover but discovered through introspection that "self" melted away in divine presence. This state of annihilation (fana) became central to Sufism, though "sober" Sufis like al-Junayd taught that it must be followed by baqa (revival)-a return to an enhanced self where divine presence fulfills rather than destroys human capabilities.
Chapter 10
From Reformation to Enlightenment: God Under Scrutiny
The fifteenth and sixteenth centuries marked a decisive turning point for all monotheistic faiths, particularly for the Christian West, which was overtaking other cultures through achievements like the Italian Renaissance, the discovery of the New World, and the scientific revolution. Despite unprecedented secular success, Europeans experienced profound religious anxiety. Reformers articulated this disquiet by developing new conceptions of God and salvation, ultimately splitting Europe into hostile Catholic and Protestant camps.
Luther's spiritual breakthrough came through his doctrine of justification-the idea that humans are passive recipients of God's salvation, not active earners through good works. Despite finding relief in this theology, Luther remained deeply pessimistic about human nature, developing his Theology of the Cross which held that "God can be found only in suffering." Faith for Luther wasn't intellectual assent but "a free surrender and joyful bet on his unfelt, untried and unknown goodness"-a leap in darkness rather than rational certainty.
While Luther's influence largely remained confined to Germany, John Calvin's Swiss Reformation had far greater international impact. Beza applied relentless logic: since God was all-powerful, humans contributed nothing to salvation, and God had eternally predestined some to salvation and others to damnation. This literal interpretation transformed the biblical God from a transcendent symbol into what many experienced as a cruel tyrant. Puritans, following Calvin, found God a struggle-their journals reveal obsession with predestination and terror of damnation.
By the late sixteenth century, many Europeans felt religion had been discredited by sectarian violence. The Reformed theology inadvertently encouraged science through its emphasis on God's sovereignty over passive nature. Calvin explicitly commended scientific study, believing nature was where the invisible God made himself known. He viewed the Creation account as "baby talk" (balbutive) accommodating complex processes for simple people, not to be taken literally.
By the eighteenth century, the new religion of reason, Deism, rejected mysticism and traditional mysteries like the Trinity, instead declaring allegiance to an impersonal "Deus" discoverable through reason. Voltaire defined this ideal religion as one teaching morality with minimal dogma, making men just without absurdity, avoiding impossible doctrines, and promoting tolerance and humanity.
Baruch Spinoza, excommunicated from Amsterdam's synagogue at twenty-four, became the prototype of autonomous secular thought. Though labeled an atheist, Spinoza did believe in God-just not the biblical one. His God was the principle of law itself-the sum of eternal laws governing the universe, a material being identical with cosmic order. Though seemingly bleak, this conception inspired Spinoza with mystical awe.
Immanuel Kant argued the only way to God was through moral conscience or "practical reason." He dismissed dogmatic authority, prayer, and ritual as preventing human autonomy. Like al-Ghazzali, he argued traditional proofs for God's existence were useless since our minds can only understand things in space and time. For Kant, God was essentially a convenience that could be misused. The center of religion was no longer God but humanity itself.
Chapter 11
The Death of God? Modern Challenges to Faith
By the early nineteenth century, atheism had firmly established itself in Western intellectual discourse. Scientific and technological advances fostered a new spirit of autonomy that led some to declare independence from God entirely. This was the century of Feuerbach, Marx, Darwin, Nietzsche, and Freud-thinkers who created philosophies and scientific interpretations with no place for God.
Feuerbach claimed God was merely a human projection that alienated us from our nature by positing impossible perfection against human frailty. Marx dismissed God as irrelevant, seeing religion as "the opium of the people" that made suffering bearable. Scientific discoveries further challenged literal understandings of scripture.
Nietzsche violently proclaimed God's death in his parable of the madman who announced, "We have killed him-you and I!" This cataclysmic event had cast humanity adrift in a pathless universe. Freud interpreted God as a psychological projection of infantile desires for a protective father figure, justice, and immortality. He believed mature humanity should abandon this illusion, replacing religion with science as the new logos.
The death of God was attended by strain and dismay across Western literature. In the Muslim world, a similar malaise emerged from different sources-European colonization and cultural hegemony undermined traditional structures, creating societies divided between the Westernized and traditional.
For many Jews, the traditional idea of God became impossible after the Holocaust. Nobel Prize winner Elie Wiesel, who had lived only for God during his Hungarian childhood, lost his faith permanently during his first night at Auschwitz. Watching the crematorium smoke where his mother and sister's bodies would be burned, he knew "the flames had consumed his faith forever."
The horror of Auschwitz directly challenged conventional ideas of God. As Wiesel witnessed the hanging of a child with "the face of a sad-eyed angel," a fellow prisoner asked twice: "Where is God? Where is He?" Wiesel heard an inner voice answer: "Where is He? Here He is-He is hanging here on this gallows."
After Auschwitz, the remote God of philosophers, lost in transcendent apatheia, became intolerable. Many Jews could no longer accept the biblical idea of God who manifests in history. The concept of a personal, omnipotent God created an impossible dilemma: if God could have prevented the Holocaust but didn't, he was monstrous; if he couldn't stop it, he was impotent and useless.
Yet even in Auschwitz, some Jews continued studying Talmud and observing festivals-not from hope of divine rescue, but because it made sense. One story tells of Jews in Auschwitz putting God on trial, finding him guilty of cruelty and betrayal, worthy of death. After pronouncing the verdict, the Rabbi simply stated it was time for evening prayer.
Chapter 12
Does God Have a Future?
As we approach the millennium's end, our world seems to be passing away-nuclear weapons, ecological disaster, AIDS, overpopulation, famine. Though previous generations have felt apocalyptic, our challenges seem uniquely unimaginable. How will the idea of God survive when religious ideas fade when they cease being effective?
In Europe, atheism has become the prevailing mood rather than an intellectual position. Unlike historical atheism that responded to particular conceptions of God, modern atheism has become an automatic response to living in a secularized society. Many find liberation in rejecting the vengeful deity of their childhood, though they may not realize this represents an aberration rather than authentic monotheism.
The radical theologians of the 1960s followed Nietzsche in proclaiming God's death. Thomas J. Altizer claimed in "The Gospel of Christian Atheism" that God's death had freed us from a "tyrannical transcendent deity." He spoke of this death as necessary silence before God could become meaningful again-we needed to abandon old conceptions of divinity before theology could be reborn.
Richard Rubenstein believed the God of History died forever in Auschwitz, yet felt Jews couldn't abandon religion entirely. Rejecting the "nice, moral God" of liberal Judaism as too antiseptic, he turned to Jewish mysticism, particularly Isaac Luria's doctrine of tsimtsum-God's voluntary self-estrangement that created the world. This view of God as a Nothingness aligned with Sartre's existentialism while providing an imaginative way to engage with the experience of emptiness.
Paul Tillich argued the personal God of Western theism must go, calling the concept of a "Personal God" interfering with natural events destructive to any meaningful idea of God. He preferred defining God as the "Ground of being" or "ultimate concern"-not a being among beings but Being itself. This God wasn't separate from human experience but fundamental to all our emotions of courage, hope and despair.
Even atheistic philosophers in the twentieth century found themselves drawn to God-concepts. Martin Heidegger approached Being as distinct from particular beings and normal thought categories, describing it as "Wholly Other"-essentially Nothing (no-thing), yet making all existence possible. Marxist philosopher Ernst Bloch saw the God-idea as natural to humanity, reflecting our future-directed nature. Unlike animals, humans experience life as incomplete, always wanting more-this transcendent quality drives our development.
The idea of a personal God seems increasingly unacceptable for moral, intellectual, scientific and spiritual reasons. Feminists reject a deity who has been male since pagan times, yet simply switching to "she" remains limiting. The metaphysical notion of God as Supreme Being feels outdated, with traditional "proofs" no longer working.
The mystics' God might offer an alternative. They've long insisted God isn't another Being but rather Nothing-a subjective experience in the ground of being approached through imagination, like an art form expressed through music, dance, poetry, fiction, stories, and visual arts. This requires intelligence and discipline to avoid emotionalism and projection.
Even if we can't achieve mystics' higher consciousness states, we can learn that God doesn't exist simplistically and that "God" is merely a symbol of ineffable transcendent reality. Mystical agnosticism could teach restraint in approaching these complex matters. But without personal appropriation, these notions become meaningless abstractions-secondhand mysticism is like reading a poem's critical explanation rather than the original.
Humans cannot endure emptiness; they will fill the vacuum by creating new meaning. Fundamentalism's idols make poor substitutes for God. To create vibrant faith for the twenty-first century, we should study God's history for lessons and warnings.
