
Pulitzer winner Hedrick Smith exposes who hijacked America's middle-class prosperity in this bestseller that shocked Washington insiders. Tracing how trillions transferred from homeowners to banks, Smith reveals the policy shifts that dismantled the American Dream - and how we might reclaim it.
Hedrick Smith, Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist and bestselling author of Who Stole the American Dream?, is renowned for his incisive analyses of American politics and economics. A former New York Times correspondent and bureau chief in Moscow and Washington, Smith brings decades of frontline reporting experience to his exploration of systemic inequality and corporate power in modern America. His expertise spans global affairs, investigative journalism, and documentary filmmaking, with prior works like The Russians and The Power Game: How Washington Works establishing him as a leading voice in political commentary.
Beyond his Pulitzer-winning coverage of the Pentagon Papers and Soviet politics, Smith has produced over 50 PBS documentaries, including Emmy-winning investigations into Wall Street practices and grassroots reform movements. As executive editor of ReclaimTheAmericanDream.org, he continues to advocate for economic justice through nonpartisan analysis. Smith’s 1974 international reporting Pulitzer and two duPont-Columbia Awards underscore his journalistic authority.
Who Stole the American Dream? became a national bestseller, translated into 16 languages, and remains pivotal in debates about wealth disparity. His PBS specials on economic themes have reached millions, cementing his role as a trusted explainer of complex societal shifts.
Who Stole the American Dream? by Hedrick Smith examines the systemic dismantling of middle-class prosperity since the 1970s, tracing how corporate lobbying, shifting political policies, and financial deregulation concentrated wealth among the top 1%. Smith highlights pivotal moments like the 1971 Powell Memo and tax reforms favoring corporations, arguing these actions eroded economic equality and democratic stability.
This book is essential for readers interested in economic inequality, political science, or modern U.S. history. Policymakers, educators, and activists will find its analysis of corporate influence on democracy and actionable solutions like a "Domestic Marshall Plan" particularly valuable.
Yes. Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Hedrick Smith combines rigorous research with accessible storytelling, offering a compelling critique of wealth disparity. The Seattle Times praised its "precision, detail, and accessibility," while Kirkus Reviews called it "brilliant" for linking historical policies to today’s economic challenges.
Smith identifies corporate lobbying, tax policies favoring the wealthy, offshoring of jobs, and financial deregulation as key drivers. He argues that initiatives like the 1971 Powell Memo—a corporate blueprint to influence politics—redirected economic gains upward, stagnating wages and shrinking middle-class opportunities.
Smith advocates for a New Deal-style "Domestic Marshall Plan" to revive manufacturing, invest in infrastructure, and prioritize middle-class needs. This includes public-private job creation, fairer tax laws, and challenging unfair trade practices like China’s currency manipulation.
He contends that government has historically been central to economic growth, citing the New Deal and interstate highway system. Smith urges a proactive industrial policy to counterbalance corporate power and rebuild equitable growth, rejecting laissez-faire approaches.
These underscore Smith’s focus on systemic inequity and collective action.
Unlike purely theoretical analyses, Smith blends data with human stories—e.g., factory closures—to show policy impacts on everyday Americans. While Thomas Piketty’s Capital focuses on wealth trends, Smith emphasizes actionable reforms and historical turning points.
Some argue Smith’s call for grassroots activism understates entrenched corporate power. Critics also note his solutions—like infrastructure investment—require political unity, which remains elusive in polarized climates.
With rising income inequality and debates over tax reforms, Smith’s analysis of corporate lobbying and wage stagnation remains urgent. The book’s 2023 resurgence reflects ongoing concerns about automation, globalization, and fair wages.
Smith identifies lobbying as a primary tool for reshaping laws to benefit corporations, such as tax breaks and deregulation. The U.S. Chamber of Commerce and Walmart are cited as key players in undermining labor rights and outsourcing jobs.
He argues that a thriving middle class is vital for democracy, as economic stability fosters civic engagement. Concentrated wealth, however, distorts political representation, privileging corporate donors over ordinary voters.
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Constant conflict has replaced common purpose.
America is "coming apart at the seams".
Concentrated wealth actually works against economic growth.
We've lost our status as "the land of opportunity".
"Money is color-blind," he reasoned.
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In 1971, a confidential memo by corporate attorney Lewis Powell ignited a business revolution that would fundamentally transform America. Written shortly before his Supreme Court appointment, this document sparked a seismic power shift that reversed decades of middle-class prosperity policies. The result? A New Economy tilted dramatically toward financial elites. This wasn't a natural evolution but a deliberate reengineering of American society. For thirty years after World War II, the United States had enjoyed unprecedented shared prosperity. Workers' wages rose alongside productivity, and CEO pay remained reasonable. The middle class flourished under what business leaders called "stakeholder capitalism" - a philosophy that balanced the interests of shareholders, employees, customers, and communities. What happened? How did we transition from an economy that worked for everyone to one that primarily benefits the wealthy? The transformation began not under Reagan, as many assume, but under Democrat Jimmy Carter. The pivotal year was 1978, when business interests, energized by Powell's memo, defeated labor reforms, deregulated industries, rewrote bankruptcy laws to favor corporations, and slashed capital gains taxes for the wealthy. Most consequentially, they introduced the 401(k) - initially a tax break for executives that would eventually dismantle America's corporate pension system. This wasn't just an economic shift but a profound political one. The high-visibility grassroots power game of mass movements gave way to a low-visibility insider game dominated by elite lobbyists. The result? A nation divided by power, money, and ideology - with the American Dream increasingly out of reach for ordinary citizens.
In the 1960s and 1970s, middle-class Americans believed in their power to change policy through collective action - unlike today's political alienation. The 1963 March on Washington exemplified this when 200,000 civil rights protesters gathered in a "festival of democracy," breaking congressional gridlock on civil rights. In Birmingham, a 90-day boycott by 100,000 Black citizens targeting non-essential goods forced business leaders to support desegregation, proving that "money is color-blind." Earth Day 1970 mobilized twenty million Americans - the largest single-day grassroots demonstration in U.S. history - leading to landmark environmental legislation and the EPA's creation. Ralph Nader's consumer advocacy made him America's fourth most influential person by 1974. This era was defined by its effectiveness - ordinary citizens successfully challenged powerful institutions and achieved concrete policy changes, a sense of agency largely absent today.
Henry Ford pioneered "the virtuous circle of growth" with his $5-a-day wage in 1914, believing well-paid workers become good customers. "If you cut wages, you just cut the number of your customers," he explained. From the 1940s to 1970s, "stakeholder capitalism" balanced the interests of all parties - stockholders, employees, customers, and the public. The 1950 "Treaty of Detroit" between GM and UAW exemplified this, providing workers with raises, health insurance, and pensions for labor peace. This approach delivered shared prosperity. Between 1948-1973, worker productivity grew 96.8% alongside a 93.7% rise in compensation. With the minimum wage at nearly half the average hourly wage, income growth spread across all classes. The results were remarkable: by 1959, three-quarters of Americans owned homes, with 56 million cars and 50 million televisions nationwide. Despite high tax rates - 92% under Eisenhower and 77% under Kennedy - the economy thrived while fostering unprecedented economic equality.
"Cut-cut-cut" became the New Economy CEO's mantra. Al Dunlap exemplified this at Scott Paper, eliminating 11,000 jobs, R&D, and charitable giving for quick profits. The stock doubled within a year, and his Kimberly-Clark sale netted him $100 million personally. This shift embraced Milton Friedman's shareholder-first doctrine over stakeholder capitalism. At General Electric, Jack Welch cut 130,000 jobs while earning $123 million in 2000. CEO pay exploded from 40 times the average worker's salary in the 1970s to 367 times by the early 2000s, with Walmart's Lee Scott earning 900 times his typical employee's pay in 2005. This abandonment of capitalism's social contract created two realities - one for Wall Street, another for Main Street - ignoring Henry Ford's wisdom that workers are also consumers.
Pam Scholl's story captures America's economic decline. Her 1971 job at an RCA plant in Circleville, Ohio, provided a stable middle-class life with benefits. After the plant's closure and a 2009 layoff, she found only temporary work. "The hardest thing is not being wanted - not feeling worthy," she confessed. Her colleague Mike Hughes, despite retraining, now works two part-time jobs earning $17,000 - less than half his previous income. "They cut off the dream," he said. They represent "the New Poor" - middle-class Americans sliding downward. In six years, they fell from middle to bottom income quintile, reflecting a decade that produced fewer jobs in 2011 than 2001. America has become a "low-mobility country" where parental earnings largely determine children's futures. While productivity rose 80.1% from 1973-2011, average wages grew just 4.2%. Most Americans now view 2000-2009 as the worst decade in over fifty years.
The 2008 financial crisis, which cost American households $5.1 trillion in wealth, exemplified how economic risk had shifted from institutions to individuals. The most dramatic change occurred in retirement benefits. During the 1990s bull market, despite having surplus pension funds, companies like GE, Verizon, and IBM switched to 401(k)s - transferring billions in costs to employees without compensation. Politicians framed this as "personal responsibility," with President Bush promoting an "ownership society" where individuals shouldered financial risks. The impact was severe: MetLife's 2007 study showed Americans felt economic security had declined by a 3-to-1 margin. Bankruptcy filings rose sevenfold between 1984 and 2005, surpassing rates of heart attacks, cancer diagnoses, and college graduations. Pam Scholl's story illustrates this burden: after losing her job in 2009, she accumulated $50,000 in credit card debt despite $500 monthly payments. Though bankruptcy protected her core assets, her new job paid half her previous salary. This transformation undermines corporations' basic purpose of pooling risk. While businesses maintain limited liability protection, they've offloaded economic risks to individuals who lack such safeguards.
Rebuilding an inclusive economy requires structural reforms and citizen engagement. Business leaders must share profits with workers, while government must invest in infrastructure, research, and retraining. Germany exemplifies this approach's success - their economy has outperformed America's since the mid-1990s, with wages rising 30% versus America's 6%. They maintain 21% manufacturing employment (versus America's 9%) through business-labor-government cooperation. Manufacturing remains vital for America's prosperity. A strong industrial base drives job creation, trade balance, and military independence. The tax system needs reform. Reagan and Bush-era cuts primarily benefited the wealthy while offering little to the middle class. Polls show broad support for increased taxes on the wealthy. Breaking money's influence on politics is crucial, as the Washington-Wall Street alliance has concentrated power among financial elites. Change requires citizen action. Growing awareness of wealth inequality must drive political engagement. While past policies eroded the American Dream, organized citizens can reshape their future.