What is *The Case for Trump* by Victor Davis Hanson about?

*The Case for Trump* analyzes Donald Trump’s presidency through a historical lens, defending his policies on immigration, trade, and foreign affairs while framing his unconventional style as a reaction to political stagnation. Hanson argues Trump’s focus on economic nationalism, judicial appointments, and energy independence resonated with overlooked voters, challenging media narratives about his leadership.

Who should read *The Case for Trump*?

This book targets political enthusiasts, conservatives seeking a scholarly defense of Trump’s agenda, and readers interested in populist movements. It’s also valuable for critics aiming to understand 特朗普’s appeal to working-class voters and his disruption of traditional politics.

Is *The Case for Trump* worth reading?

Yes—Hanson’s rigorous historical analysis and firsthand political insights make it a compelling read. Praised by figures like Rush Limbaugh as “the most intelligent defense of Trump,” it combines academic depth with accessible commentary on Trump’s policy successes and controversies.

What are the key arguments in *The Case for Trump*?

Hanson highlights Trump’s economic growth strategies, deregulation efforts, and confrontational foreign policy toward China. He credits Trump with appointing conservative judges, renegotiating trade deals like NAFTA, and energizing a coalition of anti-establishment voters.

How does Hanson explain Trump’s appeal to voters?

The book attributes Trump’s support to his focus on issues like immigration control, job creation, and skepticism of globalism. Hanson identifies voter blocs like “American Preservationists” and “Anti-Elites” who felt marginalized by political and media elites.

What notable endorsements does *The Case for Trump* have?

Prominent conservatives like Mark Levin and media personalities like Rush Limbaugh praised the book for its “brilliant analysis” and effectiveness in explaining Trump’s agenda to skeptics. The *Washington Times* called it a “well-researched” account of Trump’s early presidency.

How does Hanson address criticisms of Trump?

Hanson argues media bias distorted Trump’s achievements, such as pre-pandemic economic growth and Middle East peace deals. He contrasts Trump’s direct communication style with traditional politicians while acknowledging controversies like impeachment battles.

Does *The Case for Trump* compare Trump to past presidents?

Yes—Hanson contrasts Trump’s “America First” policies with predecessors like Reagan and Obama, emphasizing his break from neoconservative foreign policy and neoliberal economic approaches. He also notes parallels to disruptive leaders like Andrew Jackson.

为特朗普辩护

维克托·戴维斯·汉森

4.21(1836 Reviews)

《为特朗普辩护》概述

历史学家维克托·戴维斯·汉森（Victor Davis Hanson）的畅销分析著作解读了特朗普从政治局外人到总统的崛起。该书被林博（Limbaugh）称赞为“对特朗普最理智的辩护”，这部充满争议的作品揭示了为何沿海精英误解了美国的腹地——以及为何特朗普带来的颠覆是不可避免的。

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第 1 章

America's Rogue Savior: The Trump Phenomenon Explained

Donald Trump's 2016 election victory shocked the political establishment and media alike. How did a brash, politically inexperienced real estate mogul and reality TV star defeat sixteen Republican rivals and Hillary Clinton, arguably the most qualified Democratic candidate in a generation? Victor Davis Hanson's "The Case for Trump" offers a compelling explanation for this political earthquake. The book became an instant bestseller upon its 2019 release, climbing to #5 on the New York Times bestseller list and earning praise from figures like Tucker Carlson who called it "the most insightful thing written about Trump." Even Trump's critics acknowledged Hanson's scholarly approach, with The New York Times noting his "serious intellectual credentials" brought depth to the analysis. Beyond explaining Trump's rise, the book provides a framework for understanding the deep divisions in American society that made his unconventional presidency both possible and, according to Hanson, necessary.

第 2 章

The Outsider Who Shattered Political Conventions

When Donald Trump descended the Trump Tower escalator on June 16, 2015, to announce his presidential candidacy, political professionals scoffed. His bombastic speech, promising to "Make America Great Again" through concrete actions like building a southern border wall and confronting China on trade, seemed like political theater rather than a serious campaign launch. The scene itself became iconic - Trump and his wife Melania on the golden escalator, surrounded by supporters, many of whom were later revealed to be paid actors. This theatrical entrance, while mocked by media elites, established the unconventional style that would define his campaign. Trump positioned himself as the ultimate outsider, pledging to self-fund his campaign rather than rely on traditional donor networks and lobbyists. His initial commitment of $100 million of his own money sent a powerful message about independence from special interests. This approach particularly resonated with voters disillusioned by the influence of Super PACs and corporate money in politics. His business background, though controversial, provided him credibility with voters who viewed political experience as synonymous with corruption. What media experts fundamentally missed was how Trump's blunt, unfiltered rhetoric resonated with millions of Americans who felt abandoned by both parties. His controversial statements about illegal immigration ("They're bringing drugs. They're bringing crime. They're rapists") were condemned as racist hyperbole by mainstream media, but for many Americans living with the realities of gang violence and property crime in border regions, his rhetoric reflected their experiences more accurately than the careful equivocations of establishment politicians. In border states like Arizona and Texas, his message found particular resonance among voters frustrated with decades of unfulfilled promises about immigration reform. Trump's wall proposal, though ridiculed by journalists as simplistic and unfeasible, addressed legitimate security concerns felt by many Americans. He argued walls historically work - citing examples from his own property developments to Israel's security barriers - and suggested innovative funding mechanisms through which Mexico could pay, including taxes on the $30 billion in annual remittances or through addressing the $71 billion trade surplus Mexico enjoyed with the U.S. His ability to reduce complex policy issues to simple, memorable solutions proved remarkably effective with voters tired of political doublespeak. Most critically, Trump positioned himself as a zero-sum fighter who would win against foreign adversaries, promising to end American decline through sheer force of will. His campaign rallies became cultural phenomena, drawing tens of thousands of passionate supporters and generating unprecedented media coverage. While the political class dismissed him as unserious, Trump displayed an uncanny ability to generate free publicity - estimated at over $2 billion worth of media coverage - and provoke critics into revealing their own biases. His use of social media, particularly Twitter, bypassed traditional media filters and allowed him to communicate directly with supporters in ways no previous candidate had managed. Despite polls giving him as little as a 1% chance of victory early in the primary process, Trump methodically destroyed sixteen qualified Republican rivals, including governors, senators, and establishment favorites. His defeat of Hillary Clinton - outspending him by nearly 2-to-1 - proved that conventional wisdom about his candidacy was fundamentally wrong and demonstrated the power of his populist message in key Rust Belt states that traditionally voted Democratic. His victory represented not just a political upset but a complete rewriting of campaign playbooks.

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第 3 章

The Divided America That Created Trump

Trump recognized a vast potential voter base in swing states who felt disdained by coastal elites like Obama and Clinton. He positioned himself as their champion, using the first-person plural "our" when referring to miners, farmers, veterans, and workers-language that would never have occurred to establishment candidates like Romney or Clinton. This rhetorical strategy created an immediate emotional connection with working-class voters who felt abandoned by both parties. His campaign rallies in rust belt states drew unprecedented crowds, signaling a shift in traditional voting patterns. During Obama's presidency, many Americans, particularly in rural and suburban areas, felt social changes had been imposed from above through court decisions and executive orders with little public debate. Issues like same-sex marriage, transgender rights, and healthcare reform were implemented through judicial or executive action rather than legislative consensus. This contrasted sharply with Clinton's approach, exemplified by her disastrous West Virginia campaign stop where she promised to "put a lot of coal miners and coal companies out of business" while claiming to offer vague economic alternatives. Such moments reinforced the perception of Democratic elitism and disconnection from working-class concerns. Trump supporters believed good jobs were the foundation of stable families and community pride-something both parties had failed to understand or address. While Democrats concentrated their support in coastal urban centers, Trump recognized that working-class voters in Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, or Pennsylvania could be decisive in the Electoral College. He focused his campaign on these "forgotten Americans," promising to rebuild manufacturing, restrict immigration, and renegotiate trade deals that had hollowed out industrial communities. The divide wasn't simply the cliched split between rich and poor. Instead, it reflected a deeper cultural and economic chasm between those who benefited from globalization and those left behind. College-educated professionals in dynamic urban economies prospered while factory towns and rural communities stagnated. Trump recognized that while Democrats had shifted their focus to identity politics and progressive social causes, they had abandoned their traditional working-class base that once formed the backbone of the New Deal coalition. Meanwhile, Republicans offered abstract free-market theories and tax cuts that didn't address the immediate economic pain many Americans felt from declining wages and vanishing jobs. This political vacuum created the opportunity for Trump's unique brand of national populism, combining economic nationalism with cultural conservatism. To mobilize what Hanson calls a "dormant volcano" of potential voters, Trump needed concrete campaign themes that would unite his base, centrist Republicans, independents, and disaffected Democrats. He found these in promises to restrict immigration, renegotiate trade deals, and "drain the swamp" of Washington corruption - wedge issues that both parties had neglected for decades while pursuing policies that benefited coastal elites and global corporations.

第 4 章

Trump's America-First Agenda

Trump hammered signature issues that had previously belonged to various right-wing and left-wing populists, but he made them uniquely his own throughout his campaign and presidency. His foreign policy positioned America as strong but selective in its commitments, demanding NATO allies increase defense spending while promising more missiles, planes, and support for veterans-but only if not wasted on "ungrateful" foreign nations while Americans suffered at home. His agenda abroad centered on American interests first, promising to protect allies if attacked but avoid optional interventions. Trump's national security team eventually packaged his approach as "principled realism"-meaning America would only act when it could effect change in its own interests and when conditions ensured victory at acceptable costs. Unlike previous presidents who either spoke loudly with small sticks or softly with big ones, Trump both talked loudly and carried a big stick-an unpredictability that eventually brought North Korea to the negotiating table. On trade and globalization, Trump positioned these issues as a zero-sum game where elites prospered while working Americans suffered. His approach combined threats with incentives-penalties for outsourcing alongside tax cuts and deregulation for companies staying in America. After his election, corporations reconsidered overseas moves, with Apple alone promising to pay $38 billion in repatriation taxes. Trump's economic vision centered on rapid growth and job creation, believing prosperity would transcend racial and class divisions-"give a man more money and respect, and all the '-isms' and '-ologies' simply recede." By 2018, his tough stance had brought both China and the EU to the negotiating table, despite dire predictions of trade wars. Immigration became Trump's signature issue, with his promise to build a wall along the southern border to end illegal entry. He positioned immigration control as essential to American workers' prosperity, arguing that reducing the labor pool would force employers to pay higher wages to citizens. Trump portrayed immigration as another elite-versus-masses issue, noting that those most supportive of illegal immigration often employed immigrants as servants rather than living alongside them in working-class neighborhoods. Beyond these signature issues, Trump championed numerous traditional Republican initiatives including energy development, deregulation, school choice, and full utilization of American resources. By March 2018, the Heritage Foundation concluded that Trump had already implemented two-thirds of its 334 conservative agenda items in just over a year-outpacing even Ronald Reagan.

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第 5 章

The Man Behind the Message

Could any politician besides Trump have succeeded with his agenda? Trump's personal qualities-vulgar and divisive yet empathetic-transcended his platform. Many voters saw him as necessary chemotherapy to kill the cancer of establishment politics, even if the treatment was toxic. His supporters viewed him as a retaliatory missile against those who had showered the working class with crude attacks. Trump's immediate popularity stemmed from name recognition built over decades of Manhattan tabloid publicity and fourteen seasons hosting "The Apprentice," where he cultivated an image as a decisive boss who fired the incompetent-an appealing trait to voters tired of Washington gridlock. The show, which attracted 20-30 million viewers weekly, taught Trump what would sell with audiences. He learned they weren't turned off by his garishness or crudity but would quickly abandon inauthenticity. Through years of reality television, Trump developed an animal cunning comparable to Reagan, Clinton, or Roosevelt, transferring his focus on ratings to political polls. Unlike politicians who memorized talking points, Trump adapted constantly, even bringing former enemies into his fold when useful. He judged opponents by their effectiveness rather than their ideology, maintaining a pragmatic approach beneath his uncouth veneer. Trump's appearance-the dyed hair, tanned skin, and baggy suits with long ties-seemed loutish to the establishment but resonated with middle-class voters who saw an authentic, unvarnished person beneath the billionaire veneer. His Queens accent never changed regardless of audience, unlike politicians who adopted regional drawls when convenient. Trump's limited vocabulary of about 500 words featuring superlatives like "awesome," "beautiful," "fantastic," and stock phrases like "believe me" created simple, repetitive messaging that emphasized basic points. Trump deliberately cultivated a provocative persona that captured hundreds of millions in free media coverage. His offensive style served as both deterrence against attacks on his past and ratings magnet for networks. While CNN and MSNBC despised him, they showcased him constantly-with CBS's Les Moonves admitting "The money's rolling in" from Trump coverage. This strategy netted Trump an estimated $1 billion in free media attention during his campaign.

第 6 章

The Democratic Party's Fatal Missteps

Obama's 2008 campaign strategy was classic American politics: campaign as a centrist, govern as a progressive. He posed as a moderate on gay marriage, illegal immigration, and race relations while having the Senate's most progressive voting record. This deception worked twice but ultimately damaged the Democratic Party by 2016. After winning in 2008 with a 60-vote Senate supermajority and 76-vote House majority, Obama reinterpreted his victory as a progressive mandate. He pushed through Obamacare on a partisan vote and embraced identity politics and redistributionist policies that alienated middle America. His administration's messaging-from the infantilizing "Pajama Boy" ad to the dependency narrative of "The Life of Julia"-revealed a party increasingly disconnected from working-class values. By January 2014, Obama had lost Congress and resorted to governing by executive order. His economic policies produced the most anemic recovery in modern history, never achieving 3% annual GDP growth. Obama's lectures against success ("at a certain point you've made enough money") and claims that "you didn't build that" alienated entrepreneurs and small business owners. Obama's foreign policy reset resulted in Russian aggression in Ukraine and Crimea, Chinese expansion in the South China Sea, ISIS growth, and Middle East instability. Meanwhile, the Democratic Party transformed completely-abandoning centrist positions and working-class voters. By 2016, there were no more Truman Democrats; moderate Jim Webb quit the primary in disgust after just four months. Hillary Clinton's 2016 campaign revealed this shift, as she competed with Sanders for the leftist base rather than moving center as in 2008. She ran primarily on identity politics ("I'm With Her") rather than working-class issues. The party's growing failure in swing states like Ohio (where Republicans held 12 of 16 congressional seats by 2017) demonstrated their disconnect from working-class voters.

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第 7 章

The Republican Establishment's Failure

The Republican base grew increasingly frustrated with their party's seeming preference to lose nobly rather than win aggressively. While Democrats had adopted sharp-elbowed tactics since Bill Clinton's 1992 campaign, with strategies like rapid response teams and aggressive opposition research, Republicans had rejected the Lee Atwater approach that won them the 1988 election. This shift away from Atwater's confrontational style, which had effectively painted Michael Dukakis as soft on crime and out of touch, left Republicans increasingly vulnerable to Democratic attacks. The result was a series of presidential losses with candidates like George H.W. Bush (1992), Bob Dole (1996), John McCain (2008), and Mitt Romney (2012)-all wealthy white establishmentarians who seemed unwilling to fight back against Democratic attacks. These candidates often appeared more concerned with maintaining decorum than winning elections, regularly apologizing for aggressive campaign tactics while their opponents pressed their advantages. Romney's reluctance to highlight President Obama's controversial associations and McCain's refusal to emphasize Obama's relationship with Reverend Wright exemplified this tendency. By 2016, conservative voters were furious at what they perceived as Republican softness and ideological drift, believing their candidates backed away from confrontations while Democrats initiated them. Many conservatives realized traditional Republican governance often betrayed campaign promises-Bush administrations accumulated more debt than Clinton, were laxer on immigration than Democrats, and appointed moderate Supreme Court justices like David Souter while Democrats appointed reliable liberals like Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Stephen Breyer. The first Bush administration's breaking of the "no new taxes" pledge became symbolic of this pattern of betrayal. Unlike his rivals who remained captive to doctrinaire Republicanism, Trump reversed the equation-first appealing directly to voters' concerns about immigration, trade, and economic decline, then constructing theories to support his promises. Where Republican orthodoxy prioritized free-market principles over people's immediate needs, advocating for policies like free trade agreements and open immigration that hurt working-class voters, Trump positioned himself as champion of forgotten workers. His advantage came from operating outside Republican intellectual circles, allowing him to craft a national populism focused on fair trade, legal immigration, and American interests. This approach resonated particularly in Rust Belt states where voters had watched factories close while establishment Republicans continued promoting free trade. Trump's willingness to challenge sacred cows like NAFTA and question the benefits of globalization marked a decisive break with Republican orthodoxy that had lost touch with its voting base.

第 8 章

The Deep State's War Against Trump

Beyond battling Democrats and Republicans, Trump faced perhaps his greatest challenge in the "administrative" or "deep state"-the permanent bureaucracy that outlasts administrations and develops its own agenda. This "Washington swamp" despised Trump as an outsider and possessed insidious power to thwart him in ways he couldn't imagine. Throughout history, empires created permanent bureaucracies that often outlasted changes in leadership. Modern America's bureaucracy had grown exponentially, with nearly 3 million federal civilian workers, 1.3 million military personnel, and over 22 million total government employees by 2017. Government unions became the largest in America, overwhelmingly supporting progressive candidates-in 2016, about 95% of federal worker donations went to Hillary Clinton. The administrative state wields tremendous power over American life through taxes, surveillance, criminal justice, national security, and regulation. Its strength derives from two realities: government workers are protected by unions and civil service laws, making accountability difficult; and they have unlimited state resources to target private citizens who lack comparable means for legal defense. Trump crashed into Washington as a disrupter who ignored deep-state conventions, fired career bureaucrats, appointed outsiders, and left thousands of federal positions unfilled-by summer 2018, nearly 250 White House appointments requiring confirmation remained vacant. His controversial campaign associates like Michael Cohen, Corey Lewandowski, and Paul Manafort horrified the establishment, as did his reliance on family members like Ivanka and Jared Kushner. With few Washington insiders willing to serve him, Trump faced constant leaks of private conversations and meetings from Obama holdovers throughout the executive branch, creating an unprecedented internal resistance to his presidency. This was exemplified by the infamous anonymous New York Times op-ed published September 5, 2018, where a "senior official" in the Trump administration confessed to being part of an internal "resistance" working to thwart parts of Trump's agenda.

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第 9 章

Trump as Tragic Hero

The very notion of Trump as heroic may appall half the country, yet his unconventional behavior might be what enabled long-overdue policy changes. Like tragic heroes from Homer's Iliad to modern westerns, Trump isn't intrinsically noble or likeable. His bombastic personality and unfiltered communication style broke established norms of presidential behavior. He's often narcissistic and tribal, with personal loyalty trumping civic duty - evidenced in his handling of staff turnover and public feuds with critics. His frequent complaints about lack of recognition and claims of unfair treatment echo Ajax's laments about a rigged system in classical literature. Tragic heroes possess skills that serve communities in crisis, yet these same qualities make them unsuitable for civilized society afterward. Like General Patton, whose aggressive tactics proved vital in World War II but problematic in peacetime, or Curtis LeMay, whose strategic bombing expertise became politically controversial post-war, they're celebrated during crisis but become uncomfortable reminders of what desperate times required. These figures often recognize that their methods and personalities, while effective in specific circumstances, ultimately lead to their own downfall. They understand their personas will lead to their own destruction or ostracism from the civilization they protect, yet accept this fate as part of their role. Trump, like Clint Eastwood's "Dirty Harry" or Alan Ladd's "Shane," embodies this archetype through his inability to modulate his behavior. He cannot cease his tweeting, rallying, feuding, and unbridled speech-"Right or wrong, it's a brand that sticks." His raucousness, evident in everything from policy announcements via Twitter to confrontational press conferences, can be managed but not eliminated. His blunt views and direct communication style cannot thrive in Washington's culture of nuance, careful phrasing, and strategic ambiguity. This disconnect became increasingly apparent throughout his presidency, particularly in his handling of diplomatic relations and domestic crises. Moving on, often fatally, is the tragic hero's inevitable exit. Few appreciate that tragic heroes are either tragic or heroic until safely gone, their deeds attributed to others or recontextualized by history. John Ford's most moving scene in "The Searchers" shows Ethan Edwards walking alone into sunlit oblivion, the community he saved symbolically closing the door on him - a powerful metaphor for the tragic hero's fate. Trump may experience this same self-inflicted fate-by his excesses he has already lost, but in losing he might alone end things that should have ended long ago. His presidency challenged established political norms and institutional practices, forcing both supporters and critics to confront fundamental questions about American democracy and governance.

第 10 章

The Trump Presidency's Paradoxical Legacy

Donald Trump's first two years can be evaluated through economic performance, foreign policy, legislative record, executive orders, appointments, and national purpose. Two key questions emerged: Were things better than in 2016? And how responsible was Trump for any changes? By summer 2018, economic indicators showed unambiguous improvement at levels unseen in decades. GDP growth exceeded 3% annually, hitting 4.1% in Q2 2018, surpassing anything achieved during Obama's tenure. Unemployment reached record lows of 3.8%, with some states reporting their lowest rates ever. Labor participation rose to 63%, applications for unemployment benefits hit 48-year lows, and two million fewer Americans needed food stamps. On foreign policy, Trump faced the challenge of balancing his campaign promises to end interventions with the necessity of restoring American deterrence. His administration decimated ISIS through bombing in Syria and new rules of engagement in Afghanistan. With North Korea, Trump's "madman" rhetoric, combined with beefed-up sanctions, brought Kim Jong-un to negotiations about denuclearization. Despite his successes, Trump faced significant setbacks. He failed to secure funding for his promised border wall or make Mexico pay for it. The Republican Congress surprisingly failed to repeal the Affordable Care Act despite years of campaign promises, with John McCain's personal animus toward Trump resulting in a decisive "no" vote. After two years, Trump had demolished numerous Washington assumptions and protocols. Trumpism wasn't merely a change in administration but an assault on the entire bipartisan establishment culture. He functioned less as a conservative reformer than as a wrecking ball, leaving others to rebuild what he felt deserved dismantling. The Trump doctrine was straightforward: what he inherited as "normal" in foreign policy-the Iran deal, Palestinian-centered Middle East policy, nuclear North Korea, mercantilist China, outreach to leftist Latin American regimes, EU adoration, appeasement of Russia, and European military underspending-was actually abnormal. At home, the old consensus about economic limits was equally flawed. When Trump threw his sledgehammer into the establishment's glass screen of conventional wisdom, he wasn't necessarily offering superior wisdom, but arguing the old order was calcified and unworthy of esteem given its questionable results. Whether Trump could construct something superior to what he discredited would determine his presidency's success. As 2018 ended, America remained bitterly divided along familiar lines: coastal urban professionals and minorities versus rural and small-town middle America. Despite predictions of a massive blue wave, Democrats' billion-dollar campaign only netted thirty House seats while Republicans gained two Senate seats-a better midterm performance than Clinton or Obama achieved. Trump's economic policies delivered remarkable results: 3.5% growth, 3.7% unemployment (lowest in half-century), wage growth of 3.1%, and manufacturing adding 1,000 jobs daily. Yet Trump's Twitter battles continued unabated, with his job approval ratings holding steady in the mid-40s despite personal unpopularity. Trump's paradox remained: successful policies paired with divisive personal conduct-a contradiction that would define his presidency and potentially determine its ultimate legacy.

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《为特朗普辩护》核心主题

populist movement
working class alienation
political establishment disruption
coastal elite divide
unconventional leadership

《为特朗普辩护》经典语录

Trump displayed an uncanny ability to generate free publicity.
His victory represented not just a political upset but a complete rewriting of campaign playbooks.
Trump recognized that working-class voters could be decisive.
His campaign rallies became cultural phenomena.
Trump positioned himself as a zero-sum fighter.

《为特朗普辩护》主要人物

Donald TrumpReal estate mogul and 45th U.S. President
Victor Davis HansonAuthor and scholar who analyzes Trump's rise
Melania TrumpTrump's wife who joined his campaign launch

关于作者

维克托·戴维斯·汉森（Victor Davis Hanson）是《支持特朗普的理由》（The Case for Trump）一书的作者，他是一位著名的历史学家、政治评论家，也是斯坦福大学胡佛研究所的马丁和伊利·安德森高级研究员。

作为一名拥有斯坦福大学博士学位的古典学者，汉森将古代军事史与现代政治分析相结合，并因此获得了 2007 年国家人文奖章和 2008 年布拉德利奖等荣誉。他在西方军事战略方面的专业见解体现在《杀戮与文化》（Carnage and Culture）和《西方战争方式》（The Western Way of War）等畅销书中，这些背景也为他对当代治理和民粹主义的深刻评论提供了支撑。

汉森是《国家评论》（National Review）和论坛媒体服务（Tribune Media Services）的辛迪加专栏作家，他的作品经常出现在《纽约时报》、《华尔街日报》和各大主流媒体上。他名下有二十多部著作，包括《第二次世界大战》（The Second World Wars）和《救星将军》（The Savior Generals），他的著作因挑战传统叙事而广受赞誉。

《支持特朗普的理由》反映了他数十年来对领导力与冲突的分析，巩固了他作为政治话语中极具启发性声音的声誉。汉森的作品塑造了学术界、政策界和主流媒体的辩论，确立了他作为美国最具影响力的保守派思想家之一的地位。

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由哥伦比亚大学校友在旧金山创建

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@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

查看更多网络上关于 BeFreed 的讨论

开启你的学习之旅，就是现在

第 2 章

为特朗普辩护

概述《为特朗普辩护》概述

一本书，多种聆听方式。

America's Rogue Savior: The Trump Phenomenon Explained

The Outsider Who Shattered Political Conventions

边听边看，每个词都清晰呈现

The Divided America That Created Trump

Trump's America-First Agenda

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The Man Behind the Message

The Democratic Party's Fatal Missteps

边听边看，每个词都清晰呈现

The Republican Establishment's Failure

The Deep State's War Against Trump

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Trump as Tragic Hero

The Trump Presidency's Paradoxical Legacy

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《为特朗普辩护》核心主题

《为特朗普辩护》经典语录

《为特朗普辩护》主要人物

关于作者

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关于本书的常见问题

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发现更多

1,000,000+ curious minds.

1,000,000+ curious minds.

一本书，多种聆听方式。

America's Rogue Savior: The Trump Phenomenon Explained

The Outsider Who Shattered Political Conventions

边听边看，每个词都清晰呈现

The Divided America That Created Trump

Trump's America-First Agenda

从 《为特朗普辩护》中收获更多

The Man Behind the Message

The Democratic Party's Fatal Missteps

边听边看，每个词都清晰呈现

The Republican Establishment's Failure

The Deep State's War Against Trump

从 《为特朗普辩护》中收获更多

Trump as Tragic Hero

The Trump Presidency's Paradoxical Legacy

你已读完 《为特朗普辩护》

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发现更多

《为特朗普辩护》概述

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从《为特朗普辩护》中收获更多

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