第1章
The Firebrand Who Ignited Two Revolutions
Thomas Paine arrived in America in 1774 as a penniless immigrant with nothing but a letter of introduction from Benjamin Franklin. Within fourteen months, he would publish "Common Sense," a revolutionary pamphlet that electrified the colonies and transformed the reluctant rebellion into a full-fledged fight for independence. "These are the times that try men's souls," he would later write in his American Crisis papers, words so powerful that George Washington had them read to his freezing troops before crossing the Delaware. Paine's clear, accessible prose made complex political ideas understandable to the common person, selling over 150,000 copies of Common Sense in a population of just 3 million-the equivalent of selling 15 million copies today.
Remarkably, Paine donated all profits from his revolutionary writings to the American cause. This generosity reflected his lifelong commitment to principle over profit. His works became required reading for revolutionaries worldwide-Thomas Jefferson called his "Rights of Man" a "refreshing shower" that could bring England itself to revolution. Even today, political movements across the spectrum claim Paine's legacy, from libertarians to progressives. Despite this influence, Paine died nearly penniless and alone in 1809, largely due to the controversy surrounding his religious views in "The Age of Reason." John Adams, despite their political differences, acknowledged, "History is to ascribe the American Revolution to Thomas Paine."
第2章
From Failed Corsetmaker to Revolutionary Voice
Thomas Paine's early life hardly suggested future greatness. Born in 1737 in Thetford, England, to a Quaker father and Anglican mother, his childhood was marked by religious tension and modest means. His father's corset-making business barely sustained the family, and Paine's formal education ended abruptly at age thirteen when he apprenticed as a staymaker. The tedious work of stitching whale-bone stays into corsets would occupy his next seven years, instilling in him a deep understanding of working-class struggles.
His early career resembled a string of misfortunes and false starts. After abandoning corset-making, he briefly served as a privateer on the ship "King of Prussia," but found the life at sea unsuitable. He then secured positions as an excise officer in Lincolnshire and later Sussex, but was dismissed both times - once for allegedly inspecting goods without proper supervision. These experiences with bureaucracy and authority would later fuel his political writings. In 1772, while organizing excise officers to petition Parliament for better wages, he wrote "The Case of the Officers of Excise," a detailed argument for fair compensation that demonstrated his emerging talent for persuasive writing.
This early failure in tax collection unexpectedly opened new doors. The petition campaign brought him to London, where he frequented coffee houses and intellectual circles, engaging in political discussions that shaped his revolutionary mindset. It was during this period that he met Benjamin Franklin at the London Coffee House, a meeting that would change his life. Franklin, recognizing a kindred spirit in the self-taught working man, provided Paine with letters of introduction to his Philadelphia associates.
Arriving in Philadelphia in November 1774, at age thirty-seven, Paine found himself in a city electric with revolutionary ferment. He secured work as an editor at the Pennsylvania Magazine, where his incisive writing quickly gained notice. His articles addressed everything from the treatment of women to scientific discoveries, demonstrating remarkable range. The timing of his arrival proved providential - as tensions between Britain and the colonies reached fever pitch, Paine's voice would help articulate the revolutionary spirit of the age.
Philadelphia's intellectual environment allowed Paine's radical ideas to flourish. He joined the Pennsylvania Antislavery Society, becoming one of its most vocal members. His essay "African Slavery in America" (1775) was among the first published works to explicitly call for immediate emancipation and equal rights, arguing that slavery violated both natural law and Christian principles. His writing style - direct, forceful, and rich with memorable phrases - made complex political ideas accessible to ordinary citizens. He favored vivid metaphors drawn from everyday life over academic jargon, writing that "government, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence."
What truly set Paine apart was his authentic connection to working people. Unlike many revolutionary leaders who came from privileged backgrounds, Paine's hardscrabble experiences as a corsetmaker, seaman, and tax collector gave him unique insight into common people's struggles. He remained deliberately unpolished, often appearing at important meetings in plain clothes, rejecting the pretensions of the upper class. In America's more egalitarian society, free from Britain's rigid social hierarchies, Paine found the perfect environment for his radical ideas and considerable talents to flourish. His background would prove crucial in his ability to communicate revolutionary ideas to the masses, making him an indispensable voice in America's fight for independence.
第3章
Common Sense: The Spark That Lit Independence
When "Common Sense" appeared in January 1776, it transformed the colonial conversation about independence. Before its publication, most colonists still hoped for reconciliation with Britain, viewing themselves as aggrieved British subjects seeking redress rather than revolutionaries. Paine's pamphlet shattered this hesitation with its clear, forceful arguments that independence was not just necessary but inevitable, arriving at precisely the moment when colonial frustrations were reaching their peak.
Paine's opening distinction between society and government remains one of political philosophy's most powerful insights: "Society is produced by our wants, and government by our wickedness; the former promotes our happiness positively by uniting our affections, the latter negatively by restraining our vices." This fundamental separation challenged centuries of political thought that viewed government as natural and necessary. Paine argued that society - the natural bonds between people, their commerce, and their mutual interests - existed independently of and prior to government, which he saw as an artificial construct necessitated only by human failings.
With devastating clarity, Paine dismantled the supposed benefits of British connection point by point. He ridiculed the notion that Britain protected America, asking how "a small island" could "rule and govern a continent," pointing out the absurdity of a nation three thousand miles away claiming authority over a land mass many times its size. He dismissed the idea that America needed Britain for commerce, noting that America's trade would be welcomed by any nation, citing the colonies' abundant resources and strategic location. Most radically, he attacked monarchy itself as an institution "which even the most superstitious reverence cannot much longer support," describing kings as "royal brutes" and questioning why any rational people would submit to hereditary rule.
Paine's genius lay in his ability to translate abstract political theories into accessible, passionate prose that resonated with both educated and common readers. He elevated the colonial struggle to "the cause of all mankind," giving moral weight to what might otherwise have seemed a mere tax dispute. His pungent writing style blended righteous indignation with grand historical vision, making independence feel not just possible but inevitable. He used biblical references familiar to his readers, comparing Britain to Pharaoh and America to the promised land, while also employing practical metaphors that common people could understand.
The pamphlet's impact was immediate and profound, spreading through taverns, meeting houses, and private homes throughout the colonies. John Adams, though sometimes jealous of Paine's influence, acknowledged that "Common Sense" was "read by every American, and convinced them of the necessity of Independence." Abigail Adams wrote that she was "charmed" by it, wondering how any patriot could hesitate to adopt its principles. The pamphlet's phenomenal circulation - over 150,000 copies in just months, in a population of about two million - demonstrated its extraordinary appeal. It was read aloud in public spaces, debated in private homes, and passed from hand to hand, becoming the catalyst that transformed scattered colonial discontent into a unified movement for independence.
第4章
Crisis and Revolution: Sustaining the American Cause
As the Revolutionary War began in earnest, Paine continued supporting the cause through his "American Crisis" papers, a series of thirteen influential pamphlets published between 1776 and 1783. The first, published in December 1776 when American morale was at its lowest following devastating defeats in New York, began with the immortal line: "These are the times that try men's souls." General Washington, recognizing its extraordinary power to rally spirits, had it read aloud to his cold, hungry troops before their crucial victory at Trenton. The timing proved perfect - the stirring words helped inspire the army's successful crossing of the Delaware and subsequent triumph.
Paine wrote from direct experience, having joined Washington's retreating army as a volunteer aide-de-camp during the bitter winter campaign of 1776. He vividly described their "exceedingly cramped" position between the North River and Hackensack, with forces "not one fourth so great as Howe could bring against us." His accounts detailed the soldiers' suffering - their torn clothing, bloody footprints in the snow, and dwindling supplies. This firsthand knowledge gave his writing an authenticity that resonated deeply with both soldiers in the field and citizens at home.
Throughout the war's eight years, Paine continued publishing Crisis papers at critical moments, sustaining public support during the conflict's darkest hours. He systematically addressed different audiences - soldiers, civilians, politicians, and even the enemy - with carefully crafted arguments. He condemned Tories as motivated by "servile, slavish, self-interested fear" and urged citizens to "turn out your tens of thousands" rather than shrink from duty. His tenth Crisis paper particularly struck home, exposing King George III's hypocrisy in blaming others for a war he had begun, noting how the monarch's "habitual wickedness" led him to refuse reasonable petitions while encouraging savage cruelties against the colonies.
When peace finally came in 1783, Paine celebrated America's revolution as having "contributed more to enlighten the world, and diffuse a spirit of freedom and liberality among mankind, than any human event." His later Crisis papers focused increasingly on the future of the new nation. He emphasized that America's greatest strength lay in the "UNION OF THE STATES," warning that individual states could not withstand foreign threats alone. This early articulation of federalist principles showed Paine's remarkable foresight about America's future challenges. He argued that only through unity could the new nation resist European interference and establish itself as a true republic. His writings helped lay the intellectual groundwork for the Constitutional Convention and the federal system that would emerge.
第5章
Rights of Man: Defending Revolution in France
After the American Revolution, Paine traveled to Europe in 1787 to promote his design for an iron bridge. When the French Revolution erupted in 1789, he became deeply involved, seeing it as the natural extension of American principles to Europe. In response to Edmund Burke's attack on the French Revolution in "Reflections on the Revolution in France," Paine published "Rights of Man" (1791-1792), his most comprehensive political work.
Burke had portrayed the French Revolution as a dangerous departure from tradition, likely to end in chaos. Paine countered by arguing that governments derive their legitimacy not from tradition but from the consent of the governed. He distinguished between "the old and new systems of government," arguing that old governments assumed power for self-aggrandizement while new systems delegated power for common benefit.
Paine's critique of hereditary government was particularly scathing. He called it a "levelling system" that indiscriminately placed every character type-virtuous or vicious, wise or ignorant-on equal footing. Kings succeed each other "not as rationals, but as animals," creating government through "passions and accidents" that reverses nature's order by putting "children over men" and "conceits of non-age over wisdom."
In contrast, Paine championed representative democracy as taking "society and civilisation for its basis; nature, reason, and experience, for its guide." What Athens had achieved in miniature, America was accomplishing on a continental scale through representation-a system that places government in "constant maturity," never subject to "nonage nor dotage."
"Rights of Man" sold over 200,000 copies in Britain alone, alarming authorities who charged Paine with sedition. Forced to flee to France, he was welcomed as a hero and made an honorary citizen and delegate to the National Convention. However, as the Revolution turned violent under Robespierre, Paine's moderation became dangerous. He opposed the execution of Louis XVI, arguing for exile instead, and was imprisoned during the Reign of Terror. Only James Monroe's intervention saved him from the guillotine.
第6章
The Age of Reason: Challenging Religious Orthodoxy
While imprisoned in France, expecting execution daily, Paine wrote his most controversial work, "The Age of Reason" (1794). This deistic critique of organized religion and biblical authority would permanently damage his reputation in America, where religious sentiment was strong.
Paine began by offering his personal profession of faith: belief in one God, hope for happiness beyond this life, equality of mankind, and that religious duties consist in "doing justice, loving mercy, and endeavoring to make our fellow-creatures happy." He rejected institutional religions as "human inventions set up to terrify and enslave mankind, and monopolize power and profit."
His critique focused on the Bible's claims to divine revelation. He argued that "revelation" cannot apply to historical accounts, since revelation means communicating something previously unknown, while historical events can be recorded by witnesses without divine intervention. He dismissed biblical stories like Samson's exploits as trivial tales unworthy of being called God's word.
Paine distinguished between Jesus the historical figure and Christian mythology. He praised Jesus as "a virtuous and amiable man" whose benevolent morality equals that taught by Confucius and Greek philosophers. However, he rejected supernatural claims about Jesus's birth, resurrection, and divinity.
Most radically, Paine declared that the true Word of God is not found in human texts but in Creation itself. This divine revelation speaks a universal language that transcends all human tongues. "To know God," Paine insisted, "one should search not the scripture made by human hands, but the scripture called the Creation."
Despite its reasoned arguments, "The Age of Reason" provoked fierce backlash. Samuel Adams expressed dismay at Paine's "defence of infidelity," and religious leaders condemned him as an atheist (though he explicitly affirmed belief in God). This religious controversy, combined with his criticism of George Washington for failing to secure his release from French prison, left Paine increasingly isolated.
第7章
Agrarian Justice: Pioneering Social Welfare
Paine's final major work, "Agrarian Justice" (1797), proposed a remarkably forward-thinking social welfare system that would fundamentally reshape society's approach to poverty and economic justice. He argued that while civilization had created unprecedented wealth, it had also produced unprecedented poverty. The solution was not to return to a pre-civilized state but to remedy civilization's evils while preserving its benefits. This perspective challenged both conservative defenders of inequality and radical critics of modern society.
Paine's central insight was that land in its natural state was the common property of humanity. While improvements to land could be privately owned, the land itself belonged to all. Therefore, landowners owed the community "ground-rent" for monopolizing what was naturally common property. This revolutionary concept distinguished between natural property (the earth itself) and artificial property (human-made improvements), establishing a philosophical foundation for social welfare that didn't rely on charity or government benevolence.
To implement this principle, Paine proposed creating a National Fund that would pay every person 15 pounds upon reaching age twenty-one as partial compensation for their lost natural inheritance, and 10 pounds annually to everyone aged fifty and older. This fund would come from property as it passes at death, requiring no sacrifice from either the giver or immediate receiver. The inheritance tax would be set at 10% for direct heirs and 20% for more distant ones, ensuring sustainable funding without disrupting family wealth transfer.
This system would immediately relieve "three classes of wretchedness-the blind, lame, and aged poor-while giving the rising generation means to prevent becoming poor themselves." Paine calculated that in England, with its population of 7.5 million, the fund would support about 400,000 people over fifty and 100,000 young people turning twenty-one annually. He meticulously detailed the mathematics of his proposal, showing how it could be implemented without straining national resources.
Paine's proposal anticipated modern social security systems by more than a century and introduced several innovative concepts still relevant today. He recognized that economic security was essential to true liberty and that society had an obligation to ensure that no one lived in extreme poverty, especially in old age. His plan was universal rather than means-tested, avoiding the stigma of poor relief while creating broad public support. The combination of startup capital for young adults and pensions for the elderly represented a comprehensive approach to poverty prevention and relief.
This blend of practical policy and moral principle exemplified Paine's approach throughout his career. He argued that poverty was not a natural condition but a product of civilization's arrangements, and therefore civilization had both the means and the duty to eliminate it. His proposal influenced later reformers and helped establish the intellectual groundwork for the modern welfare state, universal basic income proposals, and social dividend schemes.
第8章
Final Years: Forgotten Revolutionary
When Paine returned to America in 1802 after fifteen years abroad, he found himself in a nation dramatically different from the one he had left. His religious treatise "The Age of Reason" had preceded him, turning many former supporters into bitter critics. Even his revolutionary credentials could not shield him from the backlash over his deistic views and pointed criticism of organized religion. His public criticism of George Washington, whom he accused of abandoning him in French prison, further damaged his standing among Americans who now viewed Washington as an almost sacred figure.
Though President Jefferson welcomed him warmly and even arranged his return passage on a government vessel, most of society turned its back on him. Federalist newspapers launched relentless attacks, portraying him as a dissolute drunk, a womanizer, and a dangerous atheist. His appearance - often disheveled from poor health and limited means - gave credence to these characterizations, though they were largely unfair exaggerations.
In his series of "Letters to the Citizens of the United States," published between 1802 and 1805, Paine mounted a spirited defense of his revolutionary record and principles. He accused the Federalists of betraying the spirit of 1776, arguing they had created exactly the kind of arbitrary government the revolution had sought to overthrow. He was particularly scathing about John Adams's administration, condemning their expansion of federal power through "loans, taxes, and standing armies without justifiable cause." The Sedition Act of 1798, he argued, was nothing less than an attempt to silence political opposition through legal persecution.
Despite increasing isolation, Paine remained intellectually active until the end. He continued writing on various topics, including a critique of Biblical prophecies and proposals for social security, international arbitration, and women's rights. However, his influence had waned considerably. When he died in Greenwich Village on June 8, 1809, only six mourners attended his funeral - a pitiful turnout for a man who had once stirred millions with his words. Adding final indignity to his legacy, his remains were later lost after being exhumed by William Cobbett, who had planned to give him a proper burial in England.
The popular nursery rhyme that emerged - "Poor Tom Paine! There he lies: Nobody laughs and nobody cries. Where he has gone or how he fares Nobody knows and nobody cares" - captured the cruel irony of his fate. The man whose words had helped birth a nation died essentially as an outcast, his reputation destroyed by a combination of religious controversy, political enmity, and character assassination. It would take more than a century for his contributions to be properly reassessed and his role in American and world history to be fully appreciated.
第9章
The Enduring Legacy of Revolutionary Thought
Despite his ignominious end, Paine's ideas proved remarkably durable. His clear articulation of natural rights, representative democracy, and social welfare influenced generations of reformers and revolutionaries. Abraham Lincoln read and admired Paine's works, as did Thomas Edison, who later remarked that Paine "was the equal of Washington in making American liberty possible. Where Washington performed Paine devised and wrote."
Paine's contributions to American independence were fundamental. He introduced the name "the United States of America" in his American Crisis series, transforming separate colonies into a unified nation in the public imagination. His argument that America could stand alone, free from European entanglements, anticipated Washington's Farewell Address warning against foreign alliances.
Beyond America, Paine's influence extended to revolutionary movements worldwide. His defense of natural rights and representative government provided intellectual ammunition for reformers in Britain, France, and Latin America. His critique of hereditary privilege and religious establishment challenged power structures that had dominated Europe for centuries.
Even his more controversial ideas eventually gained acceptance. His early abolitionism, once radical, became mainstream. His advocacy for women's rights, though limited by his era's standards, recognized their intellectual equality. His proposals for progressive taxation and social welfare anticipated the modern welfare state.
Perhaps most enduring is Paine's faith in ordinary people's capacity for self-government. Unlike many intellectuals who distrusted the masses, Paine believed that with access to information and education, common citizens could make wise political decisions. His clear, accessible writing style reflected this democratic faith-he wrote not for elites but for farmers, artisans, and laborers.
In a conversation imagined by playwright Jack Shepherd, William Blake asks Paine if revolution might merely replace one tyranny with another. Paine replies, "You can't be sure... You have to dedicate yourself to the idea, to the hope that society can be changed for the better." This commitment to human progress, despite setbacks and disappointments, remains Paine's most powerful legacy. In times of political cynicism, his voice still rings across centuries: "We have it in our power to begin the world over again."
