What is *This Is Why We Can’t Have Nice Things* by Whitney Phillips about?

*This Is Why We Can’t Have Nice Things* explores the interplay between online trolling and mainstream culture, analyzing how trolls exploit media sensationalism and digital platforms to spread chaos. Phillips uses ethnographic research to argue that trolling isn’t isolated behavior but a reflection of broader societal norms and media dynamics.

Who should read *This Is Why We Can’t Have Nice Things*?

This book is essential for media scholars, digital ethicists, journalists, and anyone interested in internet culture. It’s particularly valuable for understanding misinformation tactics, the ethics of online communication, and the historical roots of trolling.

What are Whitney Phillips’ credentials for writing about online trolling?

Whitney Phillips holds a PhD in English with a focus on folklore and digital culture. She’s an assistant professor at Syracuse University, a WIRED columnist, and has authored multiple award-winning books on digital ethics, including *The Ambivalent Internet* and *You Are Here*.

Is *This Is Why We Can’t Have Nice Things* worth reading?

Yes—it’s praised as a foundational text in internet studies, offering critical insights into trolling’s cultural impact. Reviewers highlight its accessible academic style, though some critique its sympathetic lens toward trolls.

What key concepts does Phillips introduce in the book?

- **Trolling as cultural practice**: Examines how trolls mirror and manipulate mainstream media tropes. - **"Lulz" philosophy**: Analyzes the pleasure-driven motivation behind disruptive behavior. - **Media amplification**: Shows how click-driven journalism fuels trolling’s visibility.

How does *This Is Why We Can’t Have Nice Things* address the “oxygen of amplification”?

Phillips argues that media outlets inadvertently empower trolls by sensationalizing their actions. Her 2018 *Oxygen of Amplification* report, cited in the book, provides guidelines for ethically reporting on extremism without amplifying harmful messages.

What is the book’s main argument about internet culture?

Phillips contends that trolling and mainstream culture are co-dependent: trolls exploit media weaknesses, while outlets profit from covering their antics. This cycle normalizes destructive behaviors and erodes digital discourse.

What are common criticisms of the book?

Some argue Phillips overly empathizes with trolls, downplaying their harm. Others note her 2015 analysis feels dated in addressing modern platforms like TikTok or AI-driven disinformation.

Ecco perché non possiamo avere cose belle

Mappare la Relazione tra il Trolling Online e la Cultura Mainstream

Whitney Phillips

3.88(386 Reviews)

Panoramica di Ecco perché non possiamo avere cose belle

L'esplorazione rivoluzionaria di Whitney Phillips rivela che il trolling non è solo caos su internet: è uno specchio che riflette gli impulsi più oscuri della nostra cultura mainstream. Questa influente opera del 2015 ha scatenato dibattiti accademici esponendo come il sensazionalismo dei media e i troll condividano relazioni simbiotiche, sfidando completamente il nostro modo di intendere il comportamento online.

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Capitolo 1

The Internet's Dark Mirror: How Trolling Reflects Our Cultural Values

In 2007, I reluctantly followed my teenage brother's recommendation to visit 4chan's infamous /b/ board. After ten minutes of scrolling through anonymous posts filled with porn, gore, and offensive humor, I needed both a break and a shower. Bewildered by my thoughtful brother's enjoyment of this digital cesspool, I questioned him about the appeal. "Trolls disrupt stupid conversations," he explained, following two rules: "nothing should be taken seriously, and if it exists, there is porn of it." Their motivation? "Lulz" - amusement derived from others' anger, "the only reason to do anything." This bizarre introduction sparked what became an ethnographic odyssey spanning years of research, dozens of interviews, and thousands of observation hours. Whitney Phillips' resulting book has become required reading in digital culture courses worldwide, praised by internet scholars like danah boyd as "a brilliant analysis of trolling culture." Even Jon Stewart referenced the work during a 2014 segment on online harassment, noting how it reveals "the thin line between trolling and just being a terrible human being." What began as personal confusion evolved into a groundbreaking exploration of how trolling behaviors mirror mainstream cultural values in ways both disturbing and revealing.

Capitolo 2

The Birth of Subcultural Trolling: Digital Disruption Takes Form

The etymology of online trolling remains contested, traced either to Norse mythology's cave-dwelling monsters or to fishing (dragging bait behind a boat). Those viewing trolling as malicious typically reference the mythological creatures, while those more sympathetic cite the fishing metaphor. The Oxford English Dictionary dates the first recorded online use to 1992, quoting a 1995 Toronto Star article defining troll responses as those that "fish for flames." Early internet scholars viewed trolls as existential threats to online community formation. Judith Donath's influential 1998 paper characterized trolling as malicious deception breeding paranoia and undermining trust. Lincoln Dahlberg similarly argued that trolls should be quickly ejected from online spaces. These scholars framed trolls as "digital matter out of place" threatening the utopian vision of early cyberspace. The transition from trolling as accusation (what you called someone else) to point of identification (what you called yourself) occurred gradually. By 2004, users of Encyclopedia Dramatica were already debating the definition from a troll's perspective. A key catalyst was 4chan's creation in 2003 by fifteen-year-old Christopher "moot" Poole as a content overflow site for Something Awful's anime subforum. Though not all 4chan users identified as trolls, the term became embedded in the site's ethos, particularly on the /b/ board. However, 4chan didn't invent trolling. The behavior had precedents like Usenet's alt.tasteless group, which in 1993 raided rec.pets.cats with fictional posts about cats named after crude slang terms. Late 1990s AOL was another hotbed where teens used "punters" to crash fan chatrooms. Shock images like Goatse and Tubgirl were being shared long before 4chan existed. The difference between proto-trolling and modern trolling was primarily that early disruptive behaviors lacked a coherent linguistic framework - participants didn't consistently identify as "trolls" until 4chan's /b/ board provided an incubator for the term's subcultural meaning.

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Capitolo 3

The Lulz: Trolling's Emotional Engine

At trolling culture's core lies the concept of "lulz" - a corruption of "LOL" that celebrates the anguish of victims and serves as trolls' universal justification: "I did it for the lulz." Unlike traditional humor, lulz is remarkably fluid - it functions simultaneously as punishment and reward, social cohesion and constraint. It doesn't distinguish between friend and foe, and requires active pursuit rather than passive reception. Lulz operates as both verb and noun, representing action, object, and aesthetic, immediately recognizable to insiders but often incomprehensible to outsiders. Though trolls often struggle to define lulz beyond "you know it when you see it," the concept is characterized by three fundamental qualities: fetishism, generativity, and magnetism. Fetishism allows trolls to detach emotionally from their targets, seeing only exploitable details while ignoring human suffering. The Mitchell Henderson suicide case exemplifies this approach - when the seventh-grader killed himself in 2006, trolls fixated on a grammatical error in a memorial post calling him "an hero" and the coincidental fact he'd lost his iPod days before. Ignoring the tragedy's emotional context, trolls hacked Henderson's MySpace, doxxed his parents, and even photographed an iPod at his grave. Generativity describes how lulz build community through shared references and in-jokes. When 11-year-old Jessi Slaughter posted a defiant video threatening her "haters," trolls flooded her social media with harassment. Her father's angry intervention - declaring trolls had "done goofed," mentioning "backtracing" and "cyberpolice," and warning "consequences will never be the same" - created instant memes that strengthened subcultural bonds among trolls. Magnetism explains how lulz attract attention, unite anonymous participants, and self-replicate through memetic evolution. The Battletoads prank calls to GameStop stores illustrate this quality - starting in 2007, trolls would call stores en masse asking about a nonexistent sequel, competing to keep employees on the line and provoke rage. These calls attracted both external attention and internal cohesion among otherwise anonymous participants. The trolling mask creates a fundamental disconnect between trolls' online and offline personas. Trolls insist their troll selves operate under completely different rules than their "real" selves, maintaining emotional firewalls that prevent these identities from meeting. Crucially, trolls demonstrate remarkable empathy in identifying targets' vulnerabilities while remaining emotionally detached - they understand exactly which issues will provoke the strongest reactions but use this awareness to cause harm rather than prevent it.

Capitolo 4

The Meme Factory: How Trolls Shaped Internet Culture

From approximately 2003 to 2011, subcultural trolls on and around 4chan's /b/ board created or amplified nearly every popular internet meme. The term "meme," coined by Richard Dawkins in 1976 to describe how cultural artifacts spread and evolve, has become ubiquitous but contentious in online contexts. For trolls, memes function as a holistic system of meaning that only makes sense in relation to other memes, allowing participants to communicate clearly within their network while baffling outsiders. Despite originating in subcultural spaces, troll-created artifacts like LOLcats, Rickrolling, and rage face comics achieved mainstream success. LOLcats spawned a multi-million dollar empire, Rick Astley performed during Macy's Thanksgiving Day Parade, and rage faces appeared on retail t-shirts. By 2009, 4chan had become what founder moot called a "meme factory," quietly positioning itself as one of the most influential forces in American pop culture. The transformation from subcultural to mainstream content accelerated with the rise of Know Your Meme (KYM), which democratized previously insider knowledge by providing detailed, clinical explanations of Internet memes for novices. Unlike Encyclopedia Dramatica's insider references, KYM made meme culture accessible to outsiders, inadvertently codifying what had been an evolving repertoire of shared experiences. This accessibility increased visibility and marketability, leading to "memejacking" - marketers appropriating existing content for branding purposes. As meme culture went mainstream, a nostalgic backlash emerged among trolling veterans. At ROFLcon 2012, moot lamented that internet users had become mere consumers rather than content producers. On 4chan's /b/ board, self-described "oldfags" constantly complained about the influx of "newfags" and "summerfags" (inexperienced users who discovered the site during summer vacation). Unlike earlier times when newcomers were compelled to conform to established norms, veterans now felt overwhelmed by "the cancer" of mainstream users.

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Capitolo 5

Anonymous: From Internet Hate Machine to Hacktivist Movement

Anonymous underwent a dramatic transformation from being framed as the "Internet Hate Machine" to becoming synonymous with hacktivism and progressive political action. This shift reflected broader changes in American pop culture and media coverage. A fundamental tension emerged between "lulzfags" (motivated primarily by chaos and humor) and "causefags"/"moralfags" (targeting perceived injustices). This division first became apparent during Project Chanology against Scientology in 2009, when some anons worried that developing coherent political objectives would change Anonymous's nature. The gulf between lulz and activism widened during Operation Payback (2010) and especially after Anonymous supported WikiLeaks and Julian Assange. Operations supporting Arab uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya further solidified Anonymous's political identity. By 2011, the division between Big-A Anonymous (activists) and little-a anonymous (trolls) had become so pronounced that they were essentially two distinct groups sharing the same name. As LulzSec emerged with their trollish aesthetics but hacker tactics targeting corporate websites rather than individuals, they aligned with the hacktivist wing of Anonymous, propelling them to mainstream news prominence. When Occupy Wall Street emerged, media heavily featured Guy Fawkes mask-wearing protestors, crediting Anonymous with transforming the movement into a "distinctive new movement." The mask, once a symbol of failure and then of lulz, had transformed into a rallying cry for social justice. Original "lulzfags" rejected this development, lamenting that "Anonymous isn't supposed to represent anything" and that they should be "doing stuff for lulz only." Unlike Lulz Anon, which resisted ideological incorporation, Hacktivist Anon proved highly susceptible, embraced by everyone from politicians to fashion designers - even Glenn Beck created an "Anonymous for Good" campaign with minimal pushback from the community.

Capitolo 6

The Media-Troll Symbiosis: A Feedback Loop of Outrage

Fox News reporter Taryn Sauthoff's profile of 4chan's /b/ board exemplifies mainstream media's contradictory portrayal of trolls as simultaneously threatening and pathetic. This rhetorical technique - framing /b/ users as both powerful misanthropes and harmless cat-loving geeks - attempts to neutralize their counterhegemonic cultural threat through ideological incorporation. Ironically, mainstream media outlets helped popularize the very trolling spaces they condemn, creating a cybernetic feedback loop where trolls and sensationalist media amplify each other's reactions in a symbiotic relationship. The "Jenkem" story perfectly illustrates this dynamic. First appearing in a 1998 New York Times article about Zambian children allegedly huffing fermented human waste to get high, the story resurfaced in 2007 when a user named Pickwick on the Totse forum posted fake images of himself making and using Jenkem. Despite Pickwick later admitting it was a hoax using flour, water, beer and Nutella, the story was picked up by multiple news outlets including Fox and CBS affiliates. Reporters warned parents to smell their children's breath and watch for "funky odors" despite finding no actual cases of American teens using Jenkem. This exemplifies "media fuckery" - trolls' ability to manipulate the news cycle by exploiting media's hunger for sensational stories. When Fox News aired its infamous "Report on Anonymous" in July 2007, calling them "hackers on steroids" and an "Internet Hate Machine," it inadvertently amplified Anonymous's reach. The segment, which featured dramatic claims of domestic terrorism and included footage of an exploding van, gave Anonymous national exposure. Trolls immediately incorporated Fox's hyperbolic terminology into their lexicon, with terms like "Internet Hate Machine" and "4chan party van" becoming cultural touchstones. Far from deterring trolling, Fox's coverage provided both a branding strategy and behavioral blueprint that accelerated Anonymous's growth and visibility.

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Capitolo 7

RIP Trolling: The Dark Side of Digital Mourning

In October 2009, Facebook employee Max Kelley announced a policy change allowing friends and family to "memorialize" deceased users' accounts. By February 2010, Newsweek was praising this approach as representing how "we collectively mourn: Globally. Together. Online." Unlike memorialized accounts (snapshots of a person's life before death), memorial or RIP pages allowed everyone - from close friends to strangers who learned about tragedies through media - to participate in grieving. A perfect storm of tragic events in early 2010 triggered widespread RIP trolling. On February 25, SeaWorld trainer Dawn Brancheau was killed by a killer whale during a performance, prompting trolls to flood /b/ with macros featuring the whale and sexualized memes. That same day, teenager Chelsea King disappeared in San Diego, prompting tens of thousands to join Facebook support pages. When King's body was found and her suspected killer charged with her murder and that of another teen, trolls unleashed a new wave of attacks across memorial pages, including the infamous "I Bet a Pickle Can Get More Fans than Chelsea King" page. Memorial page trolling quickly became a global phenomenon, with similar patterns emerging simultaneously in Britain and Australia. While American media conflated "cyberbullying" with "trolling," Australian authorities recognized the behavior and took legal action, arresting Paul Bradley Hampson for posting obscene photoshopped images to Trinity Bates' memorial page. Despite geographical separation, trolls across nations shared resources and targets, with American trolls raiding Australian pages and vice versa. Facebook's platform fundamentally shaped memorial page trolling, transforming it from anonymous disruption into a distinctly social activity with its own norms, hierarchies, and persistent identities - a stark contrast to the ephemeral anonymity of forum trolling. Unlike the blind anonymity of /b/ trolling, Facebook's structure necessitated the creation of strong affinity networks among trolls. To maintain community ties after profile deletions, trolls developed consistent naming patterns for their "respawn" accounts. RIP trolls found their most rewarding lulz in creating fake memorial pages, allowing membership to grow, then ambushing mourners with offensive content or "flipping" pages from innocuous tributes to outrageous statements. These trolling behaviors, even when targeting only "grief tourists," remained fundamentally asymmetrical and revealed trolls' privileged worldview. Yet they simultaneously provided fascinating insight into mass-mediated tragedy narratives, both harnessing and challenging media practices.

Capitolo 8

Race, Politics, and Trolling: The Obama Era

The disproportionate targeting of dead white teenagers by RIP trolls directly mirrored mainstream media's own biases. A troll named Soveri Ruthless highlighted this by creating a "Chelsea King Fans: Why Aren't You Helping to Find Jalesa Reynolds?" page, noting that Reynolds, an African American student who disappeared the same week as King, barely registered in media coverage. Though individual trolls can't be identified or differentiated, the trolling collective functions as a self-contained upvoting system where popular content spreads while unpopular content fades away. The prevalence of racist humor within trolling spaces indicates trolls enjoy racist expression, though whether individual trolls are themselves racist remains unverifiable. Trolls' use of racial slurs, particularly on 4chan's /b/ board, demonstrates this dynamic. The n-word appears with such frequency that it takes on an almost Dadaist quality - used as various parts of speech and sometimes as meaningless filler. Despite exploiting racist language, trolls often dismiss their role in perpetuating racist ideologies. Like Jane Hill's concept of "everyday white racism," trolls claim they aren't being racist - they're "just trolling," which they consider entirely different. They position themselves as the sole authority over what their words mean, blaming targets for being "oversensitive" about "harmless" words. On August 3, 2009, the Los Angeles Times reported mysterious posters appearing on Los Angeles freeways featuring a photoshopped image of Barack Obama styled after Heath Ledger's Joker, with "socialism" emblazoned across his chest. What media outlets failed to recognize was the image's connection to trolling culture on 4chan's /b/ board, where Ledger's Joker had become an unofficial mascot due to the character's chaotic nature and memetic potential. The line between trolling content and corporate media became increasingly blurred during Obama's presidency. Fox News personalities like Laura Ingraham, Glenn Beck, and Tammy Bruce made statements about Obama that mirrored trolling rhetoric - Beck called Obama "racist," while Bruce referred to the Obamas as "trash in the White House." Even CNN's Lou Dobbs persistently questioned Obama's birth certificate despite evidence confirming its authenticity. These mainstream figures engaged in inferential racism through dog-whistle tactics, while trolls trafficked in overt racism. The striking visual parallel between Fox Nation's Obama-in-turban image and similar troll-created content demonstrates how mainstream media and trolls were often expressing the same racist attitudes - the difference being that trolls shouted what corporate media merely whispered.

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Capitolo 9

The Cultural Logics of Trolling: We Learned It By Watching You

Trolling behaviors mirror and expose problematic aspects of mainstream culture. Rather than viewing trolls as aberrations, their actions reflect and amplify existing cultural logics and systems. The relationship between trolling and mainstream culture is like the 1980s anti-drug PSA where a son tells his father "I learned it by watching you," suggesting trolls' behaviors reflect broader cultural norms pushed to extreme conclusions. Drawing on Christie Davies' work on disaster joke cycles, trolling humor connects to mass mediation and emotional distance. Davies argues that the first major disaster joke cycle followed Kennedy's assassination and coincided with television's dominance, creating three effects: disasters became packaged with "rubbish" media that undermined empathy; television blurred reality and fiction; and spatial/temporal distance facilitated emotional detachment. The internet "outmediates" television by amplifying these effects. Trolls' engagement with 9/11 exemplifies this relationship - creating fetishized, detached humor through photoshopped memes and ironic captions. The mask of trolling emerges not just from disjointed multimediation but from social media's cultural logic that simultaneously values transparency while enabling objectification. Online content easily becomes unmoored from context - everything is "one hotlink away" from losing its original meaning. This decontextualization transforms real people into memes and caricatures. Rather than democratizing, the web creates what Eli Pariser calls "filter bubbles" - personalized information ecosystems reinforced by algorithmic curation. Trolls simply take this privilege of selective emotional attachment to its extreme, engaging only with content they find amusing while ignoring their targets' feelings. Trolling exemplifies androcentrism - the naturalized male-focused worldview described by Bourdieu as "continuous, silent, invisible injunctions." Trolls replicate what feminist philosopher Janice Moulton calls the "adversary method" of Western philosophy: privileging cool rationality, assertiveness and dominance (male-gendered traits) while delegitimizing emotionality and conciliation (female-gendered traits). They embrace Schopenhauer's "Art of Controversy," where winning arguments trumps truth-seeking. Trolls deliberately provoke emotional responses, then mock these "feminized" reactions as weakness, taking pride in "knowing how to rhetoric." Phillips connects trolling to Western culture's normalized drive for discovery and progress. Early internet users were described as "digital homesteaders" staking claims in cyberspace. Trolls embody this expansionist ideology's dark side - they view the internet as their personal playground and birthright where no one should dictate their behavior. Through raids and platform repurposing, trolls expose the violence and exploitation inherent in progress narratives that are typically celebrated or rendered invisible in American culture.

Capitolo 10

The Mainstreaming of Trolling: Subcultural Death and Rebirth

As agents of cultural digestion, trolls directly reflect shifting political, historical, and economic conditions. Between 2012-2015, two key factors transformed trolling culture: the mainstreaming of participatory meme culture and profound shifts within Anonymous. These changes highlight the inextricable relationship between trolling subculture and mainstream culture. Early meme culture was deeply intertwined with trolling, particularly on 4chan's /b/ board. The presence of memes on a site almost guaranteed trolling was afoot. However, this relationship gradually shifted as memes became mainstream cultural artifacts. 4chan initially resisted corporate commodification due to its reputation as "the dark, disgusting underbelly of the Internet" - a space where advertisers feared to tread. The transformation from subcultural to mainstream content accelerated with the rise of Know Your Meme (KYM), which democratized previously insider knowledge by providing detailed, clinical explanations of Internet memes for novices. This accessibility increased visibility and marketability, leading to "memejacking" - marketers appropriating existing content for branding purposes. The mainstreaming process culminated with university Facebook "meme pages" in 2012, where students often misused meme formats like Advice Animals, causing purists from reddit and 4chan to complain that newcomers were "doing it wrong." Despite the perceived decline in lulz, trolling subculture actually became more visible than ever. 4chan's traffic doubled between 2010 and 2012 to over 22 million monthly visitors. High-profile trolling attacks continued, including the GNAA's "Sandy Loot Crew" hoax after Hurricane Sandy and /b/'s 2014 operations like "Bikini Bridge" and "freebleeding" campaigns targeting feminism. 4chan also played a significant role in the 2014 celebrity nude photo scandal. However, unlike the 2006-2010 period, trolling no longer emanated from a single hotspot but spread across platforms like Tumblr, Reddit, and Twitter.

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Capitolo 11

Where Do We Go From Here? Confronting Our Cultural Mirror

The term "trolling" has been applied to such a wide variety of behaviors that it's nearly meaningless in mainstream discourse. As research collaborator Paulie Socash explains, "trolling is dying" because original trolls have moved on, while the term has become "an all-encompassing term for being an ass on the internet" with "shit to do with anonymity or guile or art." He worries this provides a convenient excuse for "real dirtbags who claim they were 'just trolling.'" If lawmakers truly want to combat racist, misogynist, and homophobic trolling, they should first tackle these same discourses in mainstream media and politics. Every Todd Aiken claiming women's bodies can "shut down" "legitimate rape" spawns a thousand rape-joke trolls. Every Fox News segment framing racist propaganda as legitimate news creates a thousand racist trolls. As long as mainstream institutions are steered by troll-like figures, audiences of trolls stand ready to amplify this ugliness. Media outlets themselves incentivize trolling by providing national platforms and validating trollish behavior. After the Aurora shooting, media outlets transformed a tiny group of "Holmies" (6-10 Tumblr trolls supporting shooter James Holmes) into a perceived phenomenon through sensationalist coverage. These stories generate page views and advertising revenue, creating a symbiotic relationship between trolls and media companies. Until exploitative media practices stop being rewarded financially, aggressive trolling will always find an audience. Despite trolling's effectiveness as a rhetorical strategy, it carries heavy ideological baggage. It's fundamentally predicated on antagonism, and there's a crucial distinction between antagonism that facilitates robust dialogue versus antagonism that silences and marginalizes. Trolling is inherently asymmetrical - the troll forces targets into a game they haven't consented to play. This power imbalance is compounded by the fact that most trolls are privileged white males, while their targets are often from marginalized populations. This book is ultimately less about trolls themselves and more about the culture that allows them to thrive. The final takeaway challenges the false security of binary thinking that positions "us" (reasonable, civil internet users) against "them" (aggressive, cruel trolls). Trolls may be destructive and callous, representing privilege gone berserk, but they ultimately replicate behaviors and attitudes celebrated in other contexts ("This is how the West was won!") or dismissed as natural ("Boys will be boys"). They amplify mainstream ugliness rather than creating it from nothing - they are born of and fueled by the mainstream world, however much we might resist acknowledging this connection. Like mythological trickster figures, trolls reveal uncomfortable truths about dominant culture, regardless of whether individual trolls are consciously aware of this function. By holding up a distorted mirror to society, they force us to confront the darker aspects of our shared cultural values - the exploitation, the callousness, and the asymmetrical power dynamics that often go unacknowledged in mainstream discourse. The problem isn't just that we can't have nice things; it's that we need to question what "nice things" we actually want, and what cultural values we're willing to uphold to get them.

★★★★★

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“Sono passati 23 giorni e l'ho usata ogni giorno. Ora fa parte della mia routine quotidiana.”

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Temi chiave in Ecco perché non possiamo avere cose belle

digital subculture ethnography
online harassment dynamics
internet meme evolution
anonymous social behavior
trolling and lulz

Citazioni da Ecco perché non possiamo avere cose belle

Trolls disrupt stupid conversations.
Lulz - amusement derived from others' anger, the only reason to do anything.
Trolls insist their troll selves operate under completely different rules.
4chan had become a meme factory.

Personaggi di Ecco perché non possiamo avere cose belle

Whitney PhillipsAuthor and ethnographic researcher of internet culture
Christopher PooleFounder of 4chan, known online as 'moot'
Mitchell HendersonSuicide victim whose death became a target for trolling
Jessi SlaughterEleven-year-old whose viral video sparked mass harassment
Judith DonathScholar who characterized trolling as malicious deception

Sull'autore

Whitney Phillips è l'autrice di This Is Why We Can’t Have Nice Things e un'acclamata studiosa di etica digitale, manipolazione dei media e sottoculture online.

Docente di politica ed etica dell'informazione presso l'Università dell'Oregon, Phillips unisce il suo background accademico in letteratura inglese, folklore e scrittura creativa per analizzare le intersezioni tra trolling su internet, teorie del complotto e media mainstream.

Il suo lavoro, che include libri scritti in collaborazione come The Ambivalent Internet e You Are Here: A Field Guide for Navigating Polarized Speech, Conspiracy Theories, and Our Polluted Media Landscape, esamina come gli ecosistemi digitali amplifichino la retorica dannosa e modellino il discorso pubblico.

Editorialista per WIRED e collaboratrice frequente di The Atlantic e The New York Times, Phillips fornisce commenti esperti sull'alfabetizzazione mediatica e sul giornalismo etico. Le sue ricerche hanno influenzato audizioni congressuali e linee guida per le redazioni, e This Is Why We Can’t Have Nice Things ha ricevuto il Nancy Baym Book Award dell'Association of Internet Researchers per la sua analisi innovativa della cultura online.

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Creato da alumni della Columbia University a San Francisco

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1,000,000+ curious minds.

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1M+ learners

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

Scopri di piu su come si parla di BeFreed nel web

Inizia il tuo percorso di apprendimento, ora

Capitolo 11

Ecco perché non possiamo avere cose belle

PanoramicaPanoramica di Ecco perché non possiamo avere cose belle

Un libro. Tanti modi per ascoltarlo.

The Internet's Dark Mirror: How Trolling Reflects Our Cultural Values

The Birth of Subcultural Trolling: Digital Disruption Takes Form

Vedi ogni parola mentre la ascolti

The Lulz: Trolling's Emotional Engine

The Meme Factory: How Trolls Shaped Internet Culture

Ottieni di più da Ecco perché non possiamo avere cose belle

Anonymous: From Internet Hate Machine to Hacktivist Movement

The Media-Troll Symbiosis: A Feedback Loop of Outrage

Vedi ogni parola mentre la ascolti

RIP Trolling: The Dark Side of Digital Mourning

Race, Politics, and Trolling: The Obama Era

Ottieni di più da Ecco perché non possiamo avere cose belle

The Cultural Logics of Trolling: We Learned It By Watching You

The Mainstreaming of Trolling: Subcultural Death and Rebirth

Vedi ogni parola mentre la ascolti

Where Do We Go From Here? Confronting Our Cultural Mirror

Hai raggiunto la fine di Ecco perché non possiamo avere cose belle

Temi chiave in Ecco perché non possiamo avere cose belle

Citazioni da Ecco perché non possiamo avere cose belle

Personaggi di Ecco perché non possiamo avere cose belle

Sull'autore

Scarica il riassunto di Ecco perché non possiamo avere cose belle

Agli utenti è piaciuto anche

FAQ su questo libro

What is This Is Why We Can’t Have Nice Things by Whitney Phillips about?

Who should read This Is Why We Can’t Have Nice Things?

What are Whitney Phillips’ credentials for writing about online trolling?

Is This Is Why We Can’t Have Nice Things worth reading?

Scopri di più

1,000,000+ curious minds.

1,000,000+ curious minds.

Un libro. Tanti modi per ascoltarlo.

The Internet's Dark Mirror: How Trolling Reflects Our Cultural Values

The Birth of Subcultural Trolling: Digital Disruption Takes Form

Vedi ogni parola mentre la ascolti

The Lulz: Trolling's Emotional Engine

The Meme Factory: How Trolls Shaped Internet Culture

Ottieni di più da Ecco perché non possiamo avere cose belle

Anonymous: From Internet Hate Machine to Hacktivist Movement

The Media-Troll Symbiosis: A Feedback Loop of Outrage

Vedi ogni parola mentre la ascolti

RIP Trolling: The Dark Side of Digital Mourning

Race, Politics, and Trolling: The Obama Era

Ottieni di più da Ecco perché non possiamo avere cose belle

The Cultural Logics of Trolling: We Learned It By Watching You

The Mainstreaming of Trolling: Subcultural Death and Rebirth

Vedi ogni parola mentre la ascolti

Where Do We Go From Here? Confronting Our Cultural Mirror

Hai raggiunto la fine di Ecco perché non possiamo avere cose belle

Agli utenti è piaciuto anche

Scopri di più

Panoramica di Ecco perché non possiamo avere cose belle