
Challenging free-market dogma, "Concrete Economics" reveals how government intervention - not laissez-faire policies - built America's prosperity. Nobel laureate Paul Krugman calls it "excellent" for exposing our collective amnesia about Hamilton's pragmatic approach that actually works.
Stephen S. Cohen and J. Bradford DeLong, authors of Concrete Economics: The Hamilton Approach to Economic Growth and Policy, are leading voices in political economy and economic history. Cohen, Professor Emeritus at UC Berkeley and co-director of the Berkeley Roundtable on the International Economy, combines decades of policy advisory work for governments and institutions with a focus on innovation and globalization.
DeLong, an economic historian and UC Berkeley professor, brings firsthand experience shaping federal economic policy as Deputy Assistant Treasury Secretary under President Clinton. Their collaboration builds on prior joint works like The End of Influence, which analyzes global economic power shifts.
Concrete Economics merges historical analysis with pragmatic policy insights, arguing for Hamiltonian principles in modern governance. The book has been translated into Chinese, Japanese, Korean, and Italian, and praised by Nobel laureate Paul Krugman as "an excellent new book" redefining growth strategies. Cohen’s advisory roles span multiple presidential administrations and multinational organizations, while DeLong’s academic contributions include co-editing The Economists’ Voice and authoring macroeconomic textbooks used in universities worldwide.
Concrete Economics argues that proactive government policy—not ideology—has driven America’s economic success, from Alexander Hamilton’s industrial plans to Eisenhower’s infrastructure investments. Authors Stephen S. Cohen and J. Bradford DeLong critique post-1970s deregulation, linking today’s issues like income inequality and financial instability to reduced state direction. The book advocates reviving pragmatic government-entrepreneur partnerships to address modern challenges.
Policymakers, economists, and readers interested in U.S. economic history will find actionable insights. It’s ideal for those seeking alternatives to partisan debates, as it merges historical analysis with practical solutions for issues like trade imbalances and innovation stagnation. Critics of neoliberalism or fans of Paul Krugman’s endorsements may also appreciate its evidence-based approach.
Yes—it’s praised as a “brilliantly written” antidote to ideological gridlock, offering a fresh perspective on economic policy. Paul Krugman called it “excellent,” noting its relevance to debates on infrastructure, industrial strategy, and globalization. The mix of 19th-century case studies and modern critiques makes it accessible and timely.
The Hamilton Approach emphasizes government as a strategic architect, guiding economic growth through targeted investments (e.g., infrastructure, education) and policies that incentivize private-sector innovation. Key elements include:
Cohen and DeLong blame post-1970s deregulation for deindustrialization, rising inequality, and financial crises. They argue that abandoning Hamiltonian principles—like active industrial policy—allowed competitors like China to dominate manufacturing, while the U.S. overprioritized finance over production.
Solutions include reinstating government-led industrial strategies, boosting R&D funding, and reforming trade policies to prioritize domestic innovation over outsourcing. The authors stress rebuilding infrastructure and creating public-private “innovation hubs” akin to Silicon Valley’s tech ecosystem.
The book critiques 1980s–90s globalization for enabling offshoring without safeguards, which eroded U.S. manufacturing jobs and weakened supply chains. It contrasts America’s approach with Asia’s state-guided models, where governments protected key industries while integrating into global markets.
Stephen S. Cohen is a UC Berkeley economist and policy advisor to governments worldwide. Co-author J. Bradford DeLong is an economic historian. Their combined expertise grounds the book in both theoretical and practical insights, particularly on industrial policy and globalization.
The authors acknowledge risks of bureaucracy but argue that historical successes—like the Interstate Highway System and semiconductor innovation—show effective state action requires clear goals, adaptability, and collaboration with experts. They reject “big vs. small government” debates, focusing instead on strategic, outcomes-driven policy.
It challenges libertarian views by documenting how U.S. prosperity relied on state intervention, from railroads to the internet. Unlike Ayn Rand or Milton Friedman, Cohen/DeLong argue markets thrive only within government-designed frameworks.
With debates over AI regulation, green energy transitions, and supply chain resilience, the book’s emphasis on adaptive industrial policy offers a blueprint for tackling modern challenges. Its historical lessons counter “hands-off” approaches to crises like climate change or tech monopolies.
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America's current economic challenges demand a return to pragmatic problem-solving rather than ideological purity.
The federal government's invisible hand guided American economic development.
Strategic government intervention could accelerate economic development.
Lincoln's Republicans didn't just end slavery and preserve the Union.
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Forget everything you thought you knew about America's economic rise. The United States didn't become an economic superpower through unfettered free markets and minimal government. The real story? A pragmatic partnership between government and entrepreneurs that repeatedly reshaped the economy to create new opportunities. While we celebrate rugged individualism and free enterprise, America's economic history reveals a different truth: strategic government intervention created the spaces where entrepreneurial energy flourished. This forgotten history explains why Warren Buffett keeps "Concrete Economics" on his nightstand and why policymakers from Washington to Beijing study its lessons. The book's central insight? America's current economic challenges demand a return to pragmatic problem-solving rather than ideological purity-a lesson we've forgotten at our peril.
Alexander Hamilton transformed America's agricultural economy through a comprehensive economic system: high tariffs (25% in 1816, rising to 35% by mid-century), infrastructure investments, federal assumption of states' war debts, and creation of a central bank. These policies deliberately shielded infant industries from British competition. The results were remarkable. Protected industries flourished: textiles in New England, steel in Pennsylvania, and machinery in Ohio. The Springfield Arsenal became a laboratory for innovations like the "American System" of standardized parts manufacturing, which evolved into mass production techniques. Even Hamilton's opponents eventually embraced his economic logic. Madison established the Second Bank of the United States, and Jefferson expanded federal power through the Louisiana Purchase. By century's end, America had transformed from agricultural backwater to the world's largest industrial power - overtaking free-trade Britain and proving deliberate economic redesign could succeed.
Lincoln's Republicans implemented a comprehensive economic redesign building on Hamilton's framework. With Southern Democrats absent after secession, they raised tariffs from 23% to 50%, protecting American manufacturers as they grew into global powerhouses. Their most transformative policy was massive railroad expansion - 200,000 miles of privately owned but publicly subsidized track that reshaped America's economy. The government granted 180 million acres to railroad companies, enabling connections that fueled innovation in steel, coal, machinery, and agriculture while enabling new business models like Sears, Roebuck's catalog sales. The 1862 Homestead Act allowed any adult who hadn't fought against the Union to claim 160 acres by living on and improving it for five years. Rather than auctioning land to highest bidders - which might have created a Latin American-style society of large estates with peasant laborers - the government deliberately created independent farmers. This social design would echo a century later in America's suburbanization. Even the modern corporation represented a pragmatic redefinition of property rights. Limited liability restricted creditors' rights to facilitate large-scale equity financing. These innovations weren't ideological but practical responses to economic needs.
When trusts dominated the late 19th century economy, Theodore Roosevelt recognized markets weren't functioning as theory suggested. After becoming president in 1901, he abandoned Republican rhetoric that dismissed reforms as communism. The progressive movement addressed five major dysfunctions: prairie populism stemming from deflation and monopolistic pricing; unassimilated immigrants in corrupt urban machines; the backward ex-Confederate South; corporate trusts controlling markets; and extreme Gilded Age inequality. Between 1890-1925, progressives implemented reforms including the Federal Reserve, Interstate Commerce Commission, trust-busting, consumer protections, and income tax. When the Great Depression hit, Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal provided emergency relief rather than creating an entirely new economic framework. With one-third of non-farm workers unemployed, half of mortgages in default, and widespread bank failures, Roosevelt promised immediate action through pragmatic experimentalism - trying multiple approaches simultaneously, expanding successes and abandoning failures. Banks were temporarily closed with a "holiday," then reopened days later under new legislation. The Homeowner's Loan Corporation refinanced over one million mortgages in two years. Financial regulation followed with the Securities and Exchange Commission, while agencies like the Civilian Conservation Corps created jobs and infrastructure projects transformed the West.
Eisenhower's vision combined three elements: suburban homes with modern appliances and cars at center, military technological superiority, and civilian benefits from government-funded science. This approach reflected the belief that American prosperity could be scientifically engineered. Federal home ownership programs began under Hoover but expanded dramatically under Roosevelt. The Homeowners Loan Corporation and Federal Housing Administration revolutionized mortgages with long-term fixed rates, low down payments, and government guarantees. The GI Bill added veteran mortgage assistance, helping increase home ownership from 43.6% in 1940 to 61.9% by 1960. The 1956 National Defense Highway Act-the largest public works program between the Egyptian pyramids and China's modern urbanization-created 41,000 miles of highways with 90% federal funding. This infrastructure enabled suburban developments like Levittown to become models for mass-produced suburban living. However, racial exclusivity undermined this expansion. The FHA mandated "homogeneous" neighborhoods and provided templates for racist restrictive covenants. Federal housing and transportation programs prioritized racially restricted suburbs, allowing white families to move outward while confining African Americans to the "inner city"-creating patterns of segregation and wealth inequality that persist today.
The digital revolution wasn't born in a garage - it emerged from massive federal research, development, and procurement programs. While Silicon Valley entrepreneurs brilliantly adapted these technologies, they rarely invented the foundational elements. The Pentagon decisively shaped semiconductor development through strategic investments and procurement, purchasing 95% of early production at premium prices. Its "dual sourcing" policy required multiple suppliers for critical components, deliberately forcing technology diffusion and preventing monopolistic control. The computer age originated in military research. The Army-funded ENIAC (1946) was followed by the Navy's Project Whirlwind, which evolved into SAGE, the Air Force's radar network whose costs exceeded the Manhattan Project. Though strategically obsolete with satellite technology, SAGE produced crucial innovations: magnetic core memory, digital transmission, and real-time software systems that established IBM's dominance for decades. The internet also has military origins. Created by DARPA (established after Sputnik), the network initially called DARPANET used packet-switching technology developed by Pentagon-funded researchers. The fundamental TCP/IP protocols came from Vinton Cerf at DARPA and Robert Kahn, while HTML emerged from Timothy Berners-Lee at CERN, the European government-funded physics laboratory.
The ideological shift in American economic policy since the 1980s abandoned our pragmatic tradition, pursuing abstract principles like unfettered markets instead of concrete economic goals. This created an economy of financial churning rather than manufacturing - activities "busy but useless, empty but still flabby" - ultimately hollowing out America's industrial base. America's most successful economic designs were guided by pragmatism, not ideology. From Hamilton's banking system to Lincoln's railroads, Roosevelt's New Deal, and Eisenhower's highways, government pragmatically created economic spaces that entrepreneurs then developed. A new economic redesign could include rebuilding infrastructure, investing in quantum computing and materials science, developing energy storage and small nuclear reactors, reforming healthcare through technology, and reshoring critical manufacturing. Yet the approach matters more than specific policies - pragmatic problem-solving focused on outcomes rather than ideological purity. The path forward requires effective government - concrete economics over abstract ideology. When government and entrepreneurs collaborate pragmatically, with government opening new economic spaces for innovation, America prospers. The choice is clear: continue with ideological rigidity or return to the pragmatism that built American prosperity.