Capítulo 1
The Red Sea Conspiracy: A Global Power Play
In late 2015, as Donald Trump announced his candidacy for president, an extraordinary geopolitical scheme was taking shape on a yacht in the Red Sea. Leaders from Russia, Israel, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain, and Egypt were formulating what journalist Seth Abramson calls "The Red Sea Conspiracy" - a continent-spanning plan to remake the Middle East with American assistance. These six men saw Trump as their perfect vehicle: a businessman whose financial interests in their countries could be leveraged, whose "transactional mindset" made him malleable, and whose lack of fixed principles meant his loyalties could be purchased. The book has become a cultural touchstone for understanding hidden geopolitical machinations, with figures like Rachel Maddow citing it as essential reading for grasping the true nature of foreign influence on American politics. What makes this conspiracy particularly chilling is not just its ambition but how successfully it has reshaped global politics, with consequences we're still experiencing today.
Capítulo 2
The Architects: A Network of Power Brokers
At the center of the Red Sea Conspiracy stood a remarkable cast of characters who operated in the shadows of international diplomacy. George Nader, a Lebanese-American businessman with a troubling history of child pornography charges, emerged as the pivotal intermediary between Middle Eastern royals and the Trump campaign. Despite his criminal background, Nader's extraordinary connections extended to the highest levels of multiple governments across the Middle East, Europe, and the United States. He had been, as Ambassador Martin Indyk confirmed, "a very effective under-the-radar operator in the peace process" between Israel and Muslim nations in the 1990s, traveling to Syria "16 times" in 1998 alone with Ronald Lauder to advance Israeli-Syrian peace. His ability to move seamlessly between opposing camps made him invaluable to power brokers seeking unofficial channels of communication.
Erik Prince, founder of the notorious Blackwater mercenary company, established a complex web of security operations in the UAE. His company "Reflex Responses" (R2), created for UAE Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed (MBZ), operated through an intricate network of shell companies while Prince used the code name "Kingfish" to obscure his involvement. Prince implemented a controversial "no Muslims" policy for his mercenary army, raising ethical concerns among international observers. His contracts to protect planned UAE nuclear facilities gave him a substantial vested interest in nuclear proliferation in the region. Former colleagues alleged Prince systematically skimmed profits by running contracts through networks of companies he secretly controlled, with estimates suggesting millions in diverted funds through various offshore accounts and shell corporations.
Thomas Barrack, described by longtime Trump associate Roger Stone as "the only person I know who the president speaks to as a peer," wielded extraordinary influence within Trump's inner circle. As Jared Kushner's lender, holding $70 million of Kushner's debt, Barrack maintained significant leverage over key White House decisions. An accomplished Arabic speaker who built his fortune through decades of networking with Persian Gulf royals, Barrack functioned as a sophisticated "concierge" to Saudi and Emirati elites, facilitating their access to American power brokers. During the campaign, Barrack's communication with UAE Ambassador Yousef al-Otaiba revealed their strategic approach, suggesting they could "turn Trump to prudence" with "a few really smart Arab minds." His Colony Capital investment firm managed billions in Middle Eastern money, creating complex financial relationships that blurred the lines between business and diplomacy.
These operatives formed an sophisticated shadow network that systematically bypassed traditional diplomatic and security channels, creating extensive back-channel communications between the Trump campaign and foreign powers. Their unofficial diplomatic efforts would later translate into dramatic shifts in U.S. foreign policy, particularly regarding arms sales, nuclear technology transfers, and regional security arrangements. The network's influence extended beyond mere policy changes, fundamentally altering the nature of American engagement with Gulf states and reshaping Middle Eastern power dynamics for years to come.
Capítulo 3
The Grand Bargain: A Middle East Marshall Plan
The "grand bargain" or "Middle East Marshall Plan" that emerged from these connections represented an ambitious geopolitical realignment. Saudi Arabia, UAE, Israel, Bahrain, and Egypt, working in concert with Russia, would support Trump's election while pushing for the removal of Russian sanctions-a reversal that would unlock hundreds of billions in frozen assets and new opportunities for the Kremlin. In exchange, Russia would strategically withdraw its longstanding support for Iran, effectively isolating Tehran and enabling this coalition of regional powers to counter their shared Iranian adversary.
Michael Flynn, who would later become Trump's National Security Advisor for a brief but consequential period, emerged as a pivotal figure in orchestrating this complex arrangement. From summer 2015 through at least June 2016, Flynn operated as an undisclosed agent for ACU Strategic Partners, working to advance an ambitious plan to construct a network of nuclear reactors throughout the Middle East. This initiative would combine Russian nuclear technology, Saudi financial backing, and Ukrainian turbine generators. The plan's success hinged on lifting U.S. sanctions against Russia. Flynn conducted several undisclosed diplomatic missions to Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Israel in 2015 to advance these interests, later omitting these trips from his federal security clearance forms-a serious violation of federal law that would contribute to his eventual downfall.
The proposed nuclear development plan carried significant proliferation risks by circumventing the crucial "123 agreement" safeguards-a cornerstone of U.S. nuclear cooperation policy designed to prevent the weaponization of civilian nuclear technology. These safeguards typically require strict controls on uranium enrichment and plutonium reprocessing. While Flynn championed this potentially dangerous nuclear development in the Middle East, Trump publicly advocated for expanding America's nuclear capabilities and made unprecedented statements supporting Saudi nuclear ambitions. During a widely viewed March 2016 CNN town hall, Trump declared Saudi nuclear armament was "absolutely" possible and "going to happen anyway," sending a clear signal to Riyadh that his administration would take a permissive stance toward their nuclear program.
The anticipated benefits for participants in this grand bargain were far-reaching. The plan called for the diplomatic isolation of U.S. allies Turkey and Qatar, whom Saudi Arabia and the UAE viewed as rivals. It promised American military and diplomatic support against Iran, including potential joint operations. The arrangement would secure massive infrastructure investments from both American and Russian sources, potentially worth hundreds of billions of dollars. A new military alliance would emerge, comprising pro-Israel, pro-American Sunni nations, personally overseen by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS) and UAE's Mohammed bin Zayed (MBZ). This realignment would systematically marginalize pro-democracy movements and reformist elements within both Middle Eastern governments and the U.S. foreign policy establishment, consolidating power among authoritarian leaders who prioritized stability and economic interests over democratic reforms.
Capítulo 4
Financial Entanglements: Following the Money
Trump's self-proclaimed greed made him an attractive target for Saudi Arabia and UAE, whose rulers recognized they could exploit his financial interests. Despite later claiming "I have no financial interests in Saudi Arabia," Trump's ties to the kingdom were "long and deep." These included selling expensive apartments to Saudi buyers, being rescued from bankruptcy twice by Saudi Prince Alwaleed bin Talal (who purchased Trump's yacht for $20 million in 1991 and his Plaza Hotel stake for $328 million in 1995), and selling an entire floor of Trump World Tower to the Saudi government for $12 million in 2001.
During his 2015 campaign, Trump registered eight Saudi-linked companies and openly boasted, "Saudi Arabia-I like the Saudis. They're very nice. I make a lot of money with them." At an August 2015 rally, Trump admitted, "I get along great with [Saudis]. They buy apartments from me, they spend $40 million, $50 million, am I supposed to dislike them?" While complaining Saudi Arabia "makes $1 billion a day" but America "gets nothing" for military protection, Trump's statements suggested his foreign policy toward Saudi Arabia was influenced by his business interests-what the Washington Post called an "appalling" confession of venality.
Trump's mysterious golf course investments raised further questions. In June 2014, the Trump Organization purchased Turnberry golf resort in Scotland for $48.5 million-$44.2 million less than the Emiratis had paid just six years earlier. Trump announced he would invest $130 million in improvements, despite the Trump Organization's annual pretax income being only about $106 million. By 2018, Trump Turnberry had lost $39 million, yet Trump announced an additional $200 million investment in Trump Aberdeen. When asked how they funded golf investments after the 2008 recession, Eric Trump told reporter James Dodson: "We don't rely on American banks. We have all the funding we need out of Russia... We've got some Russian guys that really, really love golf, and they're really invested in our programs. We just go there all the time."
These financial connections created potential leverage points for foreign powers seeking to influence U.S. policy, raising serious questions about conflicts of interest that would persist throughout Trump's presidency.
Capítulo 5
The Kremlin Connection: Russia's Role in the Conspiracy
Russia's involvement in the Red Sea Conspiracy was multifaceted and sophisticated. In December 2015, as Putin hosted Michael Flynn in Moscow, the Kremlin simultaneously welcomed top National Rifle Association officials for a five-day visit orchestrated by the NRA and Russian operative Maria Butina. The delegation included former NRA president David Keene, future president Pete Brownell, fundraiser Joe Gregory, "benefactor" Arnold Goldschlager, and Trump surrogate David Clarke.
Paul Erickson's emails revealed the officials believed they were meeting Kremlin power players who could influence Putin, with the goal of creating a covert back channel between the Kremlin and a future Republican president. The delegation met with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin, and Alexander Torshin. The NRA would later contribute at least $30 million to Trump's election, with investigations into possible illegal commingling with Russian money.
Dimitri Simes, president of the pro-Kremlin Center for the National Interest (CNI), became Trump's unofficial Russia adviser in March 2016, despite never being publicly acknowledged in this role. Called a "friend" by Putin, Simes worked with Jared Kushner to create Trump's national security advisory committee. Washington insiders considered Simes alarming and "completely pro-Kremlin," with some suspecting him of being "a secret Russian agent."
Throughout 2016, Simes profoundly influenced Trump's positions on Putin, Russian election interference, Ukraine, and sanctions, while providing policy memos, vetting administration candidates, and facilitating meetings with Russian officials like Ambassador Kislyak. Most troublingly, in mid-August 2016, Simes peddled Russian kompromat to the campaign, claiming the Kremlin was "blackmailing" the Clintons with compromising information about Bill Clinton.
The Mueller Report would later confirm that "the Russian government perceived it would benefit from a Trump presidency and worked to secure that outcome, and that the Campaign expected it would benefit electorally from information stolen and released through Russian efforts." It also noted that Trump campaign affiliates repeatedly lied to investigators and Congress, "materially impaired" the investigation, deleted communications, used encryption apps, and claimed memory lapses that prevented investigators from obtaining a complete picture of events.
Capítulo 6
The Seychelles Meeting: Establishing Backchannels
One of the most revealing episodes in this international conspiracy occurred in January 2017, just days before Trump's inauguration. Erik Prince traveled to the Seychelles islands for a secret meeting arranged by the UAE's MBZ with Kirill Dmitriev, head of Russia's sovereign wealth fund and a close Putin ally. This meeting, which Prince later mischaracterized in congressional testimony, was designed to establish a backchannel between the incoming Trump administration and the Kremlin.
The meetings were carefully orchestrated: first Nader, Prince and MBZ met (along with UAE intelligence chief Hamad al Mazrouei and Mohammad Dahlan, described as "a conduit from the UAE to Putin's Kremlin"), followed by two meetings between Prince, Nader, and Dmitriev. Multiple sources indicated the UAE arranged these meetings specifically to establish a backchannel between Moscow and Trump's incoming administration.
The purpose appeared to be advancing a grand bargain where Trump would drop sanctions on Russia in exchange for the Kremlin limiting assistance to Iran in the Middle East. This wasn't a post-election improvisation-MBZ had floated this concept shortly before the 2016 election, suggesting Putin might resolve the Syrian conflict in exchange for lifting Ukraine-related sanctions.
Prince's role was particularly suspicious. He presented himself as Trump's unofficial envoy to Emiratis who arranged his meeting with Dmitriev, having received his "marching orders" from the December 2016 Trump Tower meeting between Steve Bannon, Kushner, Flynn, Nader and MBZ. The Washington Post reported MBZ wouldn't have arranged such meetings without advance approval from top aides to both Trump and Putin, if not the leaders themselves.
When later testifying to Congress, Prince omitted mentioning al Mazrouei and Dahlan's presence, claiming he merely had a chance encounter with Dmitriev suggested by an unnamed Emirati. According to Emirati sources, Dahlan later met "with Erik Prince and the Russians several times in the Maldives"-meetings Prince never disclosed to Congress.
Capítulo 7
The Qatar Blockade: Foreign Policy as Personal Vengeance
Perhaps the most striking example of how the Red Sea Conspiracy influenced U.S. foreign policy came in June 2017, when Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain, and Egypt suddenly imposed a blockade on Qatar-a key U.S. ally hosting America's largest Middle East military base. Within hours, Trump shocked his own administration officials by tweeting support for the blockade and declaring Qatar "a funder of terrorism at a very high level."
Secretary Tillerson later told colleagues that Trump's unsupported claim about Qatar "had been written by UAE Ambassador Yousef al-Otaiba and delivered to Trump by Jared Kushner." The Guardian reported that "intelligence gathered by U.S. security agencies indicates that Russian hackers were behind" a fake news intrusion on Qatar's state television that attributed false remarks to Qatar's ruler appearing friendly to Iran and Israel while questioning Trump's longevity in office. This Russian hack conveniently provided cover for the Saudi-UAE blockade.
The State Department contradicted Trump's pro-blockade stance hours after his tweets, stating Qatar had "made progress on stemming the funding of terrorists." A Qatari source revealed that their relationship with Saudi Arabia changed suddenly after Trump and Kushner met with King Salman, noting the Emir of Qatar had met with King Salman shortly before the Trump summit without any mention of differences.
This diplomatic abandonment served as financial punishment for Qatar's refusal to bail out Jared Kushner's real estate troubles. A regional source told The Intercept that "Had the Qataris known where things were heading diplomatically," they would have "happily ponied up the money [to Jared Kushner], even knowing that it was a losing investment."
While Trump was in Saudi Arabia, his friend Thomas Barrack was finalizing a deal to buy One California Plaza in Los Angeles. At a time when Barrack held $70 million of Kushner's debt, he received exactly $70 million in investments from MBZ and "an Israeli insurance company." Just weeks earlier, Kushner's family business had received a $30 million investment from Menora Mivtachim, an Israeli insurance company.
Capítulo 8
The Khashoggi Murder: Testing the Limits of Impunity
By mid-October 2018, the Saudi government's lies about journalist Jamal Khashoggi's disappearance had completely unraveled. Turkish investigators uncovered horrific details about what actually happened inside the Saudi consulate in Istanbul. When Khashoggi entered on October 2 to obtain marriage documents, he was grabbed by multiple men, dragged to a table, and injected with a sedative. Audio recordings captured his screams and gasping. His final words were "I can't breathe!"
Among the fifteen-member Saudi assassination team were members of MBS's personal bodyguard and Salah Muhammad al-Tubaigy, head of forensic evidence in the Saudi security department. Al-Tubaigy dismembered Khashoggi while he was still alive, putting on earphones to listen to music during the seven-minute procedure. After beheading Khashoggi and disposing of his limbs in acid, the team called Saud al-Qahtani, MBS's aide, telling him to "tell your boss" the deed was done. Phone records showed al-Qahtani and MBS exchanged numerous texts around this time.
Throughout this period, Trump and Secretary of State Pompeo publicly supported Saudi denials. Trump tweeted that MBS "totally denied any knowledge" and praised Saudi Arabia as "a great ally," falsely claiming he had no financial interests in the kingdom. When pressed about potential consequences, Trump cited the supposed $110 billion arms deal with Saudi Arabia, claiming cancellation would only hurt America and cost jobs. However, reports later revealed this figure was deliberately inflated at Jared Kushner's direction-the actual deals in progress totaled only about $14.5 billion.
The Senate ultimately passed a unanimous resolution declaring MBS "complicit" in Khashoggi's death, followed by a bipartisan vote to end U.S. military assistance for Saudi Arabia's war in Yemen. These measures represented "an unambiguous rejection of Trump's continued defense of Saudi leaders." While the Senate took action, Jared Kushner continued informal communications with MBS, reportedly advising the crown prince on how to "weather the storm" of international condemnation.
Capítulo 9
The Nuclear Connection: A Dangerous Proliferation Gambit
The Flynn-Barrack nuclear deal plan was confirmed when, just eleven minutes after Trump's inauguration, Flynn texted ACU Strategic Partners' Alex Copson that their "nuclear reactor project" was "good to go." That night, Copson boasted to a whistleblower that Trump would "rip up" Russian sanctions, enabling their U.S.-Russia energy partnership involving "more than two dozen nuclear plants" in the Middle East. Copson revealed that Flynn had been "putting everything in place for us" throughout the campaign.
The plan required sanctions relief for Russian companies and aligned perfectly with the Red Sea Conspiracy's goals. A 2017 letter from Rep. Elijah Cummings to Mueller revealed Flynn had failed to disclose a 2015 trip to Egypt and Israel pursuing "a joint U.S.-Russian, Saudi-financed program to build nuclear reactors in the Arab world" including UAE. The consortium included Israeli interests and even involved a planned $45 billion contract for Ukrainian turbine generators-effectively a bribe from "Gulf Arab states" to facilitate Russian sanctions relief.
In February 2019, House Democrats released a report alleging that top White House aides ignored legal warnings while working with former officials and IP3 International on a multibillion-dollar plan to build nuclear reactors in Saudi Arabia. The report cited whistleblowers who reported "conflicts of interest among top White House advisers that could implicate federal criminal statutes," specifically naming Flynn, K.T. McFarland, Harvey, Barrack, and Gates.
That same month, it was revealed that the Trump administration had "approved six secret authorizations by companies to sell nuclear power technology and assistance to Saudi Arabia," advancing plans Flynn had been working on since 2015. Energy Secretary Rick Perry kept these Part 810 authorizations secret at the companies' request, breaking with protocol that had previously made such authorizations available for public review.
The Guardian called it "grotesque" to "sell state-of-the-art nuclear technology to Saudi Arabia, potentially enabling Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's reckless regime to build nuclear weapons." Nicholas Kristof wrote that "of all the harebrained and unscrupulous dealings of the Trump administration in the last two years, one of the most shocking is a Trump plan to sell nuclear reactors to Saudi Arabia that could be used to make nuclear weapons."
Capítulo 10
The Legacy: Reshaping Global Politics
Today's Middle East bears little resemblance to that of twenty years ago. Israel and Sunni nations including Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain, and Egypt now meet regularly in unprecedented diplomatic summits, sharing military technology, intelligence, and strategic planning against their common enemy, Iran. These meetings, once unthinkable, occur in capitals across the region, from Tel Aviv to Riyadh, marking a fundamental shift in regional alliances. Russia has become an omnipresent superpower in regional politics, leveraging its military presence in Syria and economic partnerships through arms sales and energy agreements to establish itself as a viable economic and military partner for multiple regional powers.
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict, once the defining issue of Middle Eastern politics, has notably diminished in priority among certain Arab leaders. These leaders now emphasize economic diversification, technology partnerships, and opposition to Iranian regional influence. The Abraham Accords of 2020 formalized this shift, establishing diplomatic relations between Israel and several Arab states while sidelining Palestinian concerns.
In February 2019, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's public confirmation of Arab-Israeli cooperation against Iran marked a watershed moment. At a Warsaw conference, he stated that "representatives of leading Arab countries... are sitting down together with Israel in order to advance the common interest of war with Iran." This provocative statement not only startled the White House with its directness but also exposed the extent of regional realignment. Subsequently, joint military exercises, intelligence sharing, and defense technology transfers between these formerly hostile nations have become increasingly common.
The DOJ's investigations have revealed Russia's sophisticated influence operation extending far beyond traditional diplomacy. Russian operatives have systematically developed networks of influential figures across business, politics, and media sectors, creating parallel diplomatic channels that circumvent official oversight. These networks provide Moscow with valuable intelligence assets and potential leverage points in American policy-making circles, with implications that intelligence officials warn could persist for decades.
Despite multiple federal investigations and public scrutiny, key elements of the Red Sea Conspiracy continue to advance. Saudi Arabia's nuclear program has progressed significantly, with its first reactor near completion at the King Abdulaziz City for Science and Technology. Egypt under el-Sisi has consolidated authoritarian control while receiving billions in military aid. The UAE has expanded its military influence, developing sophisticated special operations capabilities and establishing strategic bases across the Horn of Africa and Yemen. U.S. foreign policy remains notably aligned with these regional powers, often prioritizing their strategic interests over traditional American democratic values and long-term security considerations.
The Red Sea Conspiracy stands as one of history's most far-reaching foreign influence operations, fundamentally altering global political alignments through a complex web of financial entanglements, personal relationships, and institutional manipulation. Its impact extends beyond the Middle East, affecting international arms control agreements, energy markets, and the global balance of power. The long-term implications of this realignment continue to unfold, reshaping alliances, security frameworks, and diplomatic relationships across the international system.
