Chapter 1
Between Empires: Ukraine's Struggle for Identity and Independence
Ukraine's history is a tapestry woven from the threads of competing empires, shifting borders, and a people's persistent quest for self-determination. The term "Kyivan Rus'" was coined by nineteenth-century scholars to denote the polity centered in Kyiv between the tenth and mid-thirteenth centuries, and the question of who is the legitimate heir to this legacy-whether Ukrainian or Russian-has preoccupied historical writing for 250 years. This contest is exemplified by the mysterious disappearance of Prince Yaroslav the Wise's remains from Kyiv in 1944, allegedly taken by Ukrainian clergymen to prevent their capture by advancing Soviet forces. Today, both Ukraine and Russia claim Yaroslav as their ruler, depicting him differently on their banknotes-with a Ukrainian-style mustache on Ukrainian currency and a Muscovite-style beard on Russian money. This symbolic battle over historical memory reflects the deeper struggle that has defined Ukraine's position as a frontier land caught between powerful neighbors.
Chapter 2
The Cradle of Eastern Slavic Civilization
The origins of Ukraine stretch back to the early Slavic settlements that emerged during the period of migrations in the first centuries AD. While nomadic groups like the Goths and Huns moved through Ukrainian territory, the Slavs remained and developed. By the sixth century AD, Byzantine chroniclers identified two major Slavic groups: the Sclaveni between the Danube and Dniester rivers, and the Antes between the Dniester and Dnieper "in the curve of the sea of Pontus."
These early Slavs lived in simple dwellings, were described as tall and ruddy in appearance, and practiced a form of democracy, referring all matters "whether for good or ill" to the people. They fought primarily on foot with javelins and small shields, worshipped a thunder god as their main deity, and revered rivers, nymphs, and other spirits.
The arrival of Viking traders and warriors in the ninth century transformed the region. These Norsemen, called Rus' (a term with Scandinavian roots meaning "men who row"), initially came as traders rather than conquerors. They navigated from the Baltic through Finnish lakes to the upper Volga, dealing in forest products like furs and honey, but also slaves, requiring them to establish control over local tribes to collect tribute.
The watershed moment came in 882 when, according to the Primary Chronicle, the Viking chieftain Helgi (known as Oleh) captured Kyiv, allegedly on behalf of the house of Rorik (Rurik) that already ruled Novgorod. This consolidation of power along the trade route "from the Varangians to the Greeks" laid the foundation for what would become Kyivan Rus'.
Under Volodymyr the Great (980-1015), Kyivan Rus' was transformed from a loose confederation of territories into a medieval state. His decision to accept Byzantine Christianity in 989 as part of a marriage alliance with Emperor Basil II's sister Anna provided a political-religious model to emulate. Volodymyr took the baptismal name Basil, after the emperor himself, and began the centuries-long process of Christianizing Rus'.
His son Yaroslav the Wise (1019-1054) further developed Kyivan Rus' as a powerful European state. He transformed Kyiv into a magnificent capital modeled on Constantinople, constructing massive stone fortifications including the Golden Gate and the impressive Cathedral of St. Sophia. Under his rule, literacy flourished, legal codes were established, and through strategic marriages with European royal houses, Rus' was integrated into the European political family.
Chapter 3
The Mongol Invasion and Divided Legacies
The Mongol invasion marked the definitive end of Kyivan Rus' on December 7, 1240, when they conquered Kyiv. Unlike previous steppe powers, the Mongols controlled the entire Eurasian steppe from Mongolia to the Danube, establishing Pax Mongolica with Rus' lands as a peripheral but important part.
The Mongols recognized two centers of princely rule: Vladimir-Suzdal in Russia and Galicia-Volhynia in Ukraine. Though both claimed the name "Rus'" and shared dynastic, legal, and cultural traditions, their experiences under Mongol rule diverged significantly. In Russia, Mongol dominance lasted until the late fifteenth century, while in Ukrainian territories, it was less oppressive and ended by the mid-fourteenth century.
Prince Danylo of Galicia-Volhynia emerged as a rising power during this period, uniting western Rus' lands by 1238. When the Mongols demanded his submission, Danylo visited Batu Khan in Sarai, drinking kumis as a symbol of submission while maintaining his Christian faith. He received the khan's yarlyk (conditional right to rule) in exchange for tribute and military service, using this stability to rebuild his realm. He established new cities like Lviv, fortified existing ones, and attracted refugees from devastated regions.
Danylo built western alliances to counter Mongol rule, establishing contact with Pope Innocent IV through Giovanni del Carpine. This led to the pope issuing a bull in 1253 calling for a crusade against the Mongols and crowning Danylo as King Daniel, rex ruthenorum. Despite these efforts, promised Western support never materialized when the Mongols returned with a new army.
By the late fourteenth century, both Polish and Lithuanian rule had erased the autonomous Rus' principalities from the political map, ending the princely era begun in the tenth century. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania offered a different incorporation model, more preservative of local elites' status and cultural traditions. Lithuanian rulers quickly acculturated, marrying into Rus' families, accepting Orthodoxy, and adopting Slavic names. The Rus' chancery language became the administrative language, and Byzantine Orthodoxy swayed the previously pagan Lithuanian elite. The grand duchy effectively became Kyivan Rus' heir in everything but dynastic continuity.
Chapter 4
The Cossack Era and National Identity
During the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the Ukrainian steppes underwent a dramatic transformation. For the first time since Kyivan Rus', frontier settlements stopped retreating northward and began advancing east and south. This change originated in the steppe itself, where the disintegration of the Golden Horde by the mid-fifteenth century created power vacuums.
The Cossacks emerged as a response to these frontier conditions. The term "Cossack," of Turkic origin, originally referred to nomadic guards, freemen, or freebooters who lived in small bands in the steppes. Their first documented appearance came in 1492, when the Crimean khan complained to Grand Duke Alexander of Lithuania about Cossack raids.
By the late sixteenth century, the Cossacks entered the foreign-policy calculations of European powers. In 1593, an emissary of Holy Roman Emperor Rudolf II visited the Zaporozhian Cossacks proposing an alliance against the Ottomans. During Muscovy's Time of Troubles, Cossacks supported pretenders to the Muscovite throne and joined Polish troops marching on Moscow. The Cossacks gained further recognition through daring maritime raids against Ottoman territories.
The Cossacks evolved dramatically from small bands of fishermen and trappers foraging south of Kyiv to settlers of new frontier lands; from private militiamen employed by princes to fighters in an independent force respected by foreign powers; and finally, from refugees and adventurers to members of a cohesive military brotherhood that viewed itself as a distinct social order demanding recognition of its warrior status.
The watershed moment in Cossack history came with Bohdan Khmelnytsky's uprising in 1648. Unlike previous revolts, it grew too powerful to suppress, transforming the region's political map and birthing a Cossack state considered the foundation of modern Ukraine. After defeating Polish armies at Zhovti Vody and Korsun, Khmelnytsky established the Hetmanate, an autonomous Cossack state within the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.
Facing continued threats from Poland, Khmelnytsky sought protection through the Pereiaslav Agreement of January 8, 1654, swearing allegiance to Tsar Aleksei Romanov of Muscovy. The Cossacks viewed the agreement as a contractual protectorate, promising loyalty for protection, while the tsar considered it acquisition of subjects with no reciprocal obligations. This fundamental misunderstanding would shape Russo-Ukrainian relations for centuries to come.
Chapter 5
The Struggle for Religious Identity
The stereotype of Ukraine as divided between Orthodox east and Catholic west oversimplifies a complex religious landscape. This complexity stems from the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church (originally called Uniate), which emerged in the late sixteenth century as a bridge between Eastern and Western Christianity during a period of Western religious models advancing eastward.
The Kyiv metropolitanate faced internal crisis in the early 1590s. Church offices had become career opportunities for nobles' sons, with bishops and monastery leaders often appointed through secular connections rather than religious qualifications. This unreformed Orthodoxy contrasted sharply with the reinvigorated Catholic Church, prompting responses from Orthodox elites like Prince Kostiantyn Ostrozky and merchant brotherhoods in major cities.
Orthodox hierarchs, caught between their secondary status in the commonwealth, rebellious brotherhoods, and the distant patriarch of Constantinople, found a solution in union with Rome. In 1595, two Orthodox bishops journeyed to Rome with a proposal to join the Catholic Church while maintaining married priesthood, Greek language, and Byzantine liturgy.
The Council of Brest in 1596 split into two separate gatherings. The Catholic council proclaimed the union with Rome, while the Orthodox council refused the union and maintained allegiance to Constantinople. The schism created clear geographic divisions and King Sigismund III recognized only the Uniate Church, effectively outlawing millions of Orthodox faithful.
The struggle over church union spilled into the public arena through an explosion of treatises, protestations, and counterattacks known as "polemical literature." The Union of Brest and rise of Cossackdom shifted Ukraine's cultural frontiers southward and eastward, returning Kyiv to prominence for the first time since the Mongol invasion. The Cossacks contributed crucially to Kyiv's renaissance by minimizing the Tatar threat and providing protection to Orthodox refugees.
This religious struggle fostered a new pluralistic culture allowing discussion and disagreement. Ukraine's position on the religious boundary between Western and Eastern Christianity produced not one but two "frontier" churches that combined elements of both traditions. Despite religious differences, the polemicists shared the highest regard for what they called the "Ruthenian nation" (narod Ruski).
Chapter 6
Imperial Transformations and National Awakening
The late eighteenth century witnessed dramatic geopolitical shifts in Eastern Europe driven by Russia's rising military might. As Oleksandr Bezborodko, a Cossack descendant turned Russian grand chancellor, boasted: "In our times, not a single cannon in Europe could fire without our consent." Russia pushed westward and southward, forcing Ottoman retreat from the Black Sea region and participating in Poland-Lithuania's partition.
Catherine II explicitly aimed to Russify Ukraine, ending the Hetmanate's autonomy by recalling Hetman Kyrylo Rozumovsky to St. Petersburg and abolishing the hetmancy in 1764. Russian General Petr Rumiantsev, appointed as governor-general, systematically dismantled Hetmanate institutions, introduced serfdom, and reorganized the territory into imperial provinces.
The partitions of Poland in 1772, 1793, and 1795 resulted not in Ukrainian reunification but in a new division-now between the Russian and Habsburg empires rather than between Russia and Poland. Russia became the dominant power in Ukrainian lands, with its share of ethnic Ukrainians increasing from 13 to 50 percent of the empire's population.
The Ukrainian national awakening began in the early nineteenth century. Ivan Kotliarevsky's groundbreaking Eneida, published in 1798-a travesty of Virgil's Aeneid featuring Zaporozhian Cossacks speaking vernacular Ukrainian-established the foundation of literary Ukrainian. Ukrainian romanticism flourished in Kharkiv, where the imperial government opened a university in 1805, producing the Ukrainian Herald almanac in 1816.
The Polish November Uprising of 1830 profoundly shaped Ukrainian nation-building. Though Alexander I had initially granted Poland a liberal constitution after the Congress of Vienna, Russian control gradually tightened. The uprising's defeat triggered a fierce Russian nationalist response, transforming imperial patriotism from anti-French to intensely anti-Polish. Count Sergei Uvarov formulated the new Russian imperial identity around "autocracy, Orthodoxy, and nationality"-with "nationality" specifically meaning Russian, which supposedly included Ukrainians and Belarusians.
By the 1840s, Kyiv's university and historical commission-established to promote Russian identity-had ironically become centers of Ukrainian nationalism. In 1847, authorities uncovered the clandestine Brotherhood of Saints Cyril and Methodius, whose members included historian Mykola Kostomarov and artist-poet Taras Shevchenko. This secret society envisioned Ukraine as a free republic within a broader Slavic federation, cherished the democratic Cossack past, and advocated abolishing serfdom.
Chapter 7
The Birth of Modern Ukrainian Identity
The revolution that swept Europe in 1848 provided opportunities for Ukrainian national development in the Habsburg Empire. Greek Catholic clergy, with Austrian governor Count Stadion's blessing, formed the Supreme Ruthenian Council and launched the first Ukrainian newspaper, Galician Star. Though Galicia remained intact, the revolution's most transformative outcome was the abolition of serfdom and introduction of electoral politics, which particularly benefited Ukrainians who constituted most of the peasantry.
The question of national identity remained open. The "Ruthenian Triad"-Yakiv Holovatsky, Markian Shashkevych, and Ivan Vahylevych-initially considered Habsburg Ukrainians part of a larger Ukrainian nation. After 1848, they followed different paths representing the three orientations of Galician Ukrainian identity: Ukrainian, pro-Polish, and Russophile.
The Russian Empire responded to Ukrainian cultural development with increasingly harsh measures. The prohibition on Ukrainian publications became permanent with the Ems Ukase of May 1876, signed by Emperor Alexander II. This decree expanded restrictions to include all Ukrainian publications, banned importing Ukrainian books, and prohibited Ukrainian theater and song performances.
These restrictions inadvertently strengthened connections between Russian-ruled Ukraine and Austrian Galicia. Unable to publish at home, prominent Ukrainian writers like Ivan Nechui-Levytsky and Mykhailo Starytsky began publishing in Galicia. This peculiar arrangement-writers in the Russian Empire with readers across the border-promoted the development of a common Ukrainian literary language and culture that transcended imperial boundaries.
The late nineteenth century saw rapid industrialization transform Ukraine's economy, social structure, and population dynamics. John James Hughes, a Welsh entrepreneur, established iron works in 1872 at what became Yuzivka (later Donetsk). His plant, employing 1,800 workers, became the empire's largest metal producer. Foreign capital-primarily French, British, and Belgian-dominated Ukraine's industrial development, controlling over 50% of steel production, 60% of pig iron, 70% of coal, and all machinery manufacturing.
Despite these developments, land hunger drove massive migration from Ukrainian territories. Over 1.5 million Ukrainians settled on the Russian Empire's southern and eastern frontiers before World War I. The situation was even more dire in Austrian Galicia, where peasants averaged just six acres per holding. Approximately 600,000 Ukrainians left Austria-Hungary before 1914, heading to Pennsylvania and New Jersey mines and mills or Canadian prairie provinces.
Chapter 8
Revolution, Independence, and Soviet Rule
World War I created unprecedented opportunities for Ukrainian national aspirations. When the Russian Empire collapsed in the February Revolution of 1917, Ukrainian organizations created the Central Rada as a coordinating body, electing historian Mykhailo Hrushevsky as its head. The Rada's promise of land and peace resonated with war-weary peasants and soldiers, particularly the 300,000 "Ukrainized" army units who declared loyalty to it.
The Bolshevik coup in Petrograd prompted the Central Rada to proclaim the Ukrainian People's Republic-autonomous but federated with Russia. When Bolsheviks attempted to seize power through the Ukrainian Congress of Soviets in Kyiv in December 1917, they were outnumbered by peasant supporters of the Rada. By January 1918, Bolshevik troops from Russia invaded Ukraine, forcing the Rada to declare complete independence on January 25, 1918: "The Ukrainian People's Republic hereby becomes an independent, free, and sovereign state of the Ukrainian people, subject to no one."
The following years saw Ukraine torn between competing forces: Polish armies seeking to reestablish borders close to the pre-partition commonwealth; White armies backed by the Entente pushing northward to restore the Russian empire; and Bolsheviks needing Ukrainian coal and bread for survival. The revolutionary turmoil finally settled with the Bolsheviks emerging victorious. Despite the collapse of Ukrainian independence efforts, the national movement matured significantly during this period, and the ideal of independent statehood became central to the new Ukrainian identity.
In December 1922, the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic joined with Russia, Belarus and Transcaucasia to create the USSR. This resulted from Lenin's intervention in a debate between Stalin and Ukrainian communist leaders. Stalin wanted Ukraine to join the Russian Federation with mere autonomy, while Ukrainian communists insisted on a union of sovereign Soviet republics.
During the 1920s, the Soviet regime implemented korenizatsiia (indigenization)-a policy emphasizing economic development of non-Russian peripheries and support for local cultures. Under this policy, Ukrainian-language instruction in higher education increased from 33% in 1926-1927 to 58% by 1929. Ukrainian-language newspapers grew from 30% to 92% by 1932, and 75% of lectures to miners were delivered in Ukrainian.
This period of cultural flowering ended tragically with Stalin's forced collectivization and the resulting Great Famine (Holodomor) of 1932-33. Stalin weaponized hunger to transform Ukraine into his "model republic." He purged Ukrainian party leadership, ended Ukrainization policies, and intensified grain requisitions. By March 1933, mass starvation engulfed Ukraine, with millions dying by summer. Almost 4 million Ukrainians-every eighth person-perished between 1932-1934. The famine crushed Ukrainian resistance for generations, decimated the peasantry, and forced survivors into collective farms.
Chapter 9
World War II and the Path to Independence
World War II brought unprecedented devastation to Ukraine. When Germany invaded the Soviet Union in Operation Barbarossa on June 22, 1941, Ukraine became a central battleground. Despite the Red Army having similar manpower and more tanks and aircraft than the Germans, Soviet equipment was inferior and inexperienced officers led troops with low morale. German panzer divisions cut through Soviet defenses, encircling entire armies. Kyiv fell on September 19, 1941, with over 660,000 Red Army soldiers captured.
Many Ukrainians initially welcomed the German advance in summer 1941, hoping for relief from Soviet terror. These hopes were quickly shattered under Nazi occupation. Ukraine under German occupation became a massive concentration camp where nearly one million Jews-every sixth Holocaust victim-perished. The Einsatzgruppen death squads, assisted by local police, conducted executions in plain sight of local populations. The most notorious massacre occurred at Babi Yar outside Kyiv, where 33,761 Jews were shot on September 29-30, 1941.
The Nazi occupation regime varied in severity across Ukraine's regions, with the Reichskommissariat Ukraine under Erich Koch experiencing the worst brutality. Close to 2.2 million Ukrainians (80% of all Ostarbeiter) were sent to Germany as forced labor, where they wore "OST" badges and were treated as subhuman.
Soviet forces recaptured Kyiv from retreating Germans on November 6, 1943. The battle for Ukraine was prolonged and bloody-Soviets lost over a million men, Germans half a million, with uncounted civilian casualties. By early 1944, Soviet troops had retaken Right-Bank Ukraine, crossed into Romania by March, and gained control of Transcarpathia by October, completing what propaganda called "the reunification of Ukrainian lands."
Ukraine emerged from World War II with enhanced international status as a founding UN member, yet remained far from true independence. The republic was devastated-having lost 7 million citizens (15% of its population), with 10 million homeless, 700 cities and 28,000 villages in ruins, and 40% of its wealth destroyed.
The path to independence accelerated under Mikhail Gorbachev's reforms in the 1980s. The Chernobyl nuclear disaster in April 1986 sharply increased discontent with Moscow across all social and party lines. The disaster affected 2,300 settlements, endangered 30 million people who relied on the Dnieper for water, and devastated northern Ukraine's forests.
When President Bush visited Kyiv in August 1991, he urged Ukraine to remain in the USSR, fearing nuclear instability if the union collapsed. The Moscow coup of August 19, 1991 changed everything. On August 24, parliament voted overwhelmingly for independence-346 in favor, 5 abstentions, and only 2 against-scheduling a December 1 referendum to confirm the decision. The December 1 referendum delivered a stunning 90% approval for independence with 84% turnout. Ukraine's independence spelled the end of the Soviet Union.
Chapter 10
Ukraine's Modern Struggle for Identity
Ukraine's newly elected president Leonid Kravchuk faced the immediate challenge of preventing the Commonwealth of Independent States from becoming a reincarnation of the USSR. Kyiv also moved decisively to establish its own military forces from Soviet units stationed on Ukrainian territory. By spring 1992, Ukraine had completed the takeover of Soviet ground forces, with officers choosing either to serve Ukraine or relocate elsewhere in the former Soviet Union.
By the late 1990s, Ukraine had established its own military forces, settled border issues with Russia, and laid diplomatic foundations for European integration. Ukraine's Western engagement began meaningfully in January 1994 when it agreed to surrender the world's third-largest nuclear arsenal inherited from the USSR. The December 1994 Budapest Memorandum provided security assurances from the US, Russia, and Great Britain.
Unlike Russia, which resolved its parliament-presidency conflict when Yeltsin ordered tanks to fire on parliament in 1993, Ukraine managed a peaceful compromise. President Kravchuk agreed to early elections, which he lost, transferring power to former prime minister Leonid Kuchma in 1994. Throughout the tumultuous 1990s, Ukraine maintained competitive politics and created foundations for democracy.
The catastrophic economic decline following independence severely tested Ukraine's democratic foundations. Between 1991 and 1997, industrial production fell by 48% and GDP by a staggering 60%-worse than America's Great Depression. This translated into higher mortality, lower birth rates, and significant emigration, with the population dropping from 51.4 million in 1989 to 48.4 million in 2001.
The Orange Revolution of 2004 and the Revolution of Dignity in 2013-14 demonstrated Ukrainian society's growing power and commitment to democratic values. Russia's annexation of Crimea in March 2014 and subsequent military intervention in eastern Ukraine revealed the ongoing imperial ambitions that continue to threaten Ukrainian sovereignty.
Ukraine's location on the East-West divide has made it a cultural contact zone but also created regional divisions exploited in conflict. The war has reoriented Ukrainian society westward, with support for EU and NATO membership growing substantially. Like other European nations forged through conflict, Ukraine appears to be following the pattern where external threats strengthen national solidarity and identity.
With its rich agricultural resources (33% of the world's black soil), 99.7% literacy rate, and impressive intellectual potential as the fourth best-educated nation globally, Ukraine continues its centuries-long struggle to determine its own future while defending its sovereignty against external aggression. The Gates of Europe remain contested, but Ukraine's resilience in the face of imperial ambitions offers hope for a future where Ukrainians can finally claim their rightful place as masters of their own destiny.
