Chapter 1
America's Unapologetic Diplomat: Putting the Nation First
In the heart of Germany, a young cavalry lieutenant watched as his specialist hit distant targets with precision. Overcome with enthusiasm, the soldier exclaimed, "America is f--ing awesome!" This moment encapsulated Mike Pompeo's own deep patriotism-a sentiment that would guide him through unprecedented dual service as CIA Director and Secretary of State during one of America's most turbulent political periods. Despite impeachments, riots, hostile media, and a global pandemic, Pompeo remained steadfast in his commitment to American principles. Drawing from his mother's advice to "wear them down" and his formative experiences from West Point training to running Kansas businesses, Pompeo executed a vision guided by putting America first, championing values, and never apologizing. When sanctioned by Iran, Russia, and China, he never considered quitting, inspired by Justice Clarence Thomas's declaration: "I would rather die than withdraw. I will not be scared." This unwavering resolve defined an administration willing to break from conventional wisdom to defend American interests in a world where, as Trump once observed to Pompeo after a particularly sobering intelligence briefing, "it's a mean, nasty world out there."
Chapter 2
Risk-Taking: The Foundation of Effective Foreign Policy
America's foreign policy had grown dangerously risk-averse before the Trump administration. Under Obama, we had devolved to "leading from behind" with priorities like climate change and apologizing for alleged transgressions. Our enemies gained ground-North Korea expanded its nuclear arsenal, China eroded our power, Iran pursued Middle Eastern hegemony, and Russia marched into Crimea with barely a protest from Washington. We'd lost our tolerance for risk, discouraged by costly wars and afraid to break from conventional wisdom.
My path to changing this began unexpectedly. After being elected to my fourth congressional term in 2016, I had privately decided it would be my last. Five days after Trump's election, Vice President-elect Pence called asking if I'd consider joining the administration. Despite having campaigned for Rubio in the primaries, I agreed. The next morning, Pence offered me the position of CIA Director-an odd choice since I'd never met Trump, had supported his rival, and had less intelligence experience than other candidates.
Once at the CIA, I discovered the Agency had become far too risk-averse under John Brennan, who wouldn't even use words like "spy" or "steal secrets." Brennan had hired McKinsey & Co. to reorganize the Agency-the same firm that counts the CCP as a client and advised pharmaceutical companies in ways that fueled the opioid crisis. The result was an overly bureaucratic structure that sidelined true risk-takers. Brennan's ideological campaign wasted resources on the wrong priorities-rainbow lanyards, diversity inclusion in every slide deck, and elevating climate change to the top intelligence priority.
To implement our vision of renewed American strength, I recruited Brian Bulatao, my West Point brother-in-arms, as the CIA's first Chief Operating Officer, and Gina Haspel, a razor-sharp thirty-year veteran of the clandestine service, as my deputy. My choice of Gina sent a clear message to the workforce: "We're back in the espionage business." Together, we built capabilities that would achieve American security objectives without committing additional troops to troubled regions, focusing on collecting intelligence to drive change, pushing back on adversaries' proxies, and undermining hostile regimes.
Our risk-taking approach produced results. When Mossad Director Yossi Cohen called me for urgent help extracting his team after a critical mission, I immediately mobilized our resources. Within 24 hours, we guided them to safe houses, and within two days, they were home safely-cooperation that never would have happened under the previous administration's risk-averse approach.
Chapter 3
Confronting Global Threats Without Apology
After becoming Secretary of State, I immediately implemented a realistic approach to foreign policy that recognized the world as it is, not as we wish it to be. This meant acknowledging that protecting Americans rarely comes with neat options-as demonstrated by our strategic engagement with Saudi Arabia and Egypt despite their imperfect human rights records.
My relationship with President Trump developed through our daily intelligence briefings. When he asked if I'd take the Secretary of State position, I responded as I always had when asked to serve: "It would be an honor, Mr. President." My confirmation process proved much more difficult than my CIA appointment, with Democrats attacking aggressively. The media predicted I'd be a war hawk, with headlines like "With Mike Pompeo at the State Department, Are the Uber-Hawks Winning?"-predictions that proved wrong as no new wars started during my tenure.
I immediately flew to Brussels for a NATO meeting after being sworn in, emphasizing our commitment to the alliance while reinforcing Trump's demand that allies increase defense spending. Despite diplomatic tensions, our pressure worked: NATO allies agreed to boost spending by $130 billion by 2020 and $400 billion by 2024-foresight that proved essential given Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine.
The Middle East required our most dramatic policy shifts. The Obama administration's nuclear deal with Iran was catastrophically flawed, providing sanctions relief that funded Iranian oppression and terrorism while merely postponing their nuclear ambitions. Despite opposition from Tillerson and Mattis, who feared withdrawal would trigger war, I was determined to help President Trump fulfill his promise to exit this disastrous agreement.
When Saudi agents murdered regime critic Jamal Khashoggi in October 2018, the media erupted with disproportionate outrage. Despite political pressure, President Trump and I maintained our "America First" stance, refusing to abandon Saudi Arabia-a critical ally against Iran and for regional stability. After imposing sanctions on seventeen Saudis connected to the murder, we deliberately chose not to punish MBS himself, recognizing one incident shouldn't derail our entire Middle East strategy. The episode reinforced my belief that in foreign policy, perfect options never exist in "a mean, nasty world."
Chapter 4
Building Teams of Excellence and Determination
Being a "pipehitter"-someone focused on winning with excellence and determination-became the standard for my teams at both the CIA and State Department. This approach aligned with President Trump's "America First" focus on outcomes rather than process. At the CIA, I reduced paperwork requiring my approval by 40-70%, eliminating bureaucratic bottlenecks and empowering career officers, especially in the Special Activities Division. These paramilitary operators, mostly veterans of elite military units, took enormous risks globally after I altered their rules of engagement, allowing them to confront America's most immediate threats effectively.
My "swagger" campaign at the State Department aimed to instill pride in America and reward risk-taking among diplomats. I wanted every interaction to leave a positive impression of our country, with no apologizing for American actions. Despite being mocked by the diplomatic press, I believed swagger mattered. To establish a unified culture, we created the "Ethos"-a professional code developed through focus groups and consensus-building that emphasized professionalism, integrity, and accountability.
The Trump cabinet differed fundamentally from Obama's "taxpayer-funded work program for activists, academics, and government careerists." Most of Trump's senior leaders had either military service or successful business experience. Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin earned respect from both Trump and me because he had risked his own money in finance, knew markets and players, and proved an invaluable partner on national security projects.
However, the constant turnover in top national security positions-four secretaries of defense, four national security advisors, and four chiefs of staff-hampered our effectiveness and signaled instability to allies and adversaries. As the only core national security team member who stayed all four years, I constantly had to bring new colleagues up to speed. The turnover stemmed from various causes, but most significantly from Trump selecting people who didn't share his foreign policy instincts. Leaders like H.R. McMaster and Rex Tillerson couldn't adapt to executing the president's objectives rather than their own.
John Bolton proved the least team-oriented national security member, constantly scheming for personal gain rather than executing the president's directives. Bolton deliberately sabotaged North Korea negotiations by invoking the "Libya model" on television-terminology he knew would remind Kim Jong Un of Gaddafi's gruesome end and spook him away from engagement. When Trump fired Bolton, he instructed Mnuchin and me to proceed with our scheduled Iran briefing, bluntly calling Bolton a "scumbag loser."
Chapter 5
Peace Through Strength: Deterring America's Adversaries
When meeting Vladimir Putin in Sochi, I refused to tolerate his power play of making me wait thirty minutes. I instructed my team to prepare to leave, sending a clear message that I wouldn't be psychologically manipulated. This exemplified our administration's approach: peace through strength. We understood that showing weakness emboldens adversaries, as demonstrated when Putin annexed Crimea after Obama failed to enforce his Syria "redline."
Russia remains a significant threat despite no longer being the Soviet Union. Led by a regime fixated on restoring lost Soviet glory, Russia maintains a global footprint through partnerships with China, Iran, Venezuela, Cuba, and Syria. Putin, a former KGB agent who views the Soviet collapse as "the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the century," has been on a messianic quest to rebuild Russian power since becoming president in 2000.
The Russia Hoax severely constrained America's diplomatic options and created a destructive wedge between the president and intelligence agencies. These politically-motivated allegations made it nearly impossible to communicate effectively with Russian leadership or establish clear deterrence lines. Despite these challenges, I remained focused on confronting Russia by finding ways to separate Putin from Xi, avoiding underestimating Putin, and demonstrating American strength through clear boundaries.
In May 2017, I ventured into "the Russian snake pit" in Moscow to meet with Russian intelligence chiefs. To set the tone, I provocatively gifted SVR Director Naryshkin DVDs of "Rocky IV," "The Hunt for Red October," and "Miracle on Ice." Despite the typical Russian displays of extravagance and grievance-airing, I established an effective working relationship that proved valuable when CIA intelligence helped Russia thwart an ISIS plot targeting St. Petersburg's Kazan Cathedral. Putin personally called to thank me, revealing my Russian nickname "Tank Man."
Our administration's approach to nuclear deterrence prioritized rebuilding America's arsenal after years of neglect. We recognized that the US had reduced its nuclear stockpile by 85% from Cold War highs while Russia continued expanding its force. Under negotiator Marshall Billingslea, we secured a verbal agreement from Putin for a warhead cap, but Russia waited for the 2020 election outcome before making further commitments.
The strongest evidence of our successful Russia policy: Putin didn't invade Ukraine during our tenure. Despite critics who claimed Trump was "NATO-skeptic," what Putin actually got was a rebuilt American military, more troops in Europe, a stronger NATO, withdrawal from the INF Treaty, and lower energy prices that hurt Russia's fossil fuel-dependent economy.
Chapter 6
Rejecting Appeasement: The Case of Iran
Appeasement in foreign policy is counterproductive-like alcohol addiction or buying cheap oil filters that lead to expensive repairs later. Bad actors see concessions as weakness to exploit, while only strength deters them. The worst actors-jihadis, Communists in Beijing, Putin-style thugs, and Iranian theocrats-may make strategic compromises but remain driven by ideology that sustains their aggression.
We approached Iran with this mindset, rejecting Obama's failed appeasement that had given the ayatollah money and a path to nuclear weapons. Instead, we launched an unprecedented campaign of maximum pressure-economic sanctions, diplomatic isolation, alliance-building with Israel and Arab neighbors, and military deterrence.
Not everyone on Trump's team supported our aggressive Iran stance. Defense Secretary Mattis worried that confronting Iran would lead to uncontrollable escalation-the default bureaucratic position reflecting fear of adversaries. I believed America could control any escalation through our diplomatic, economic, and military superiority.
As sanctions devastated Iran's economy by 2019, the regime tried diplomatic maneuvers to circumvent me. French President Macron persistently tried to broker deals between Trump and Iranian President Rouhani, including a scheme requiring Trump to sign a document before meeting. Trump refused, telling Macron to stop begging and "looking like a weak little girl."
At the helm of Iranian terrorism was Qasem Soleimani, the diminutive but fearsome Quds Force commander who had directed the killing of over 600 American troops during the Iraq War. I sent Soleimani a letter stating our intent to hold him accountable for attacks on Americans. When Iran-backed militias launched rockets at our Basra consulate, I made an emergency trip to Baghdad, warning Iraqi leaders we would hold Iran directly accountable if Americans were harmed.
By late 2019, we risked losing our deterrence campaign against Iran after several provocations went unanswered. When a Shia militia killed American contractor Nawres Hamid in a rocket attack, I called CIA Director Haspel, Defense Secretary Esper, and General Milley, who all supported my plan to target Soleimani. On December 29, I told President Trump: "Soleimani is traveling from Beirut to Damascus to Baghdad on commercial flights. He's plotting to kill more Americans. We have the tools to stop him... This is a legit military target."
When the moment came, our intelligence tracked Soleimani landing in Baghdad. As his sedan left the airport, Hellfire missiles from an MQ-9 Reaper drone struck with deadly precision. The Democrats and media predicted catastrophe-Biden called it "hugely escalatory" and Senator Murphy feared "a potential massive regional war." But instead of igniting war, our bold action de-escalated the situation, restored deterrence, and sent a message to Kim, Putin, Xi, and Maduro about American resolve.
Chapter 7
American Sovereignty: The Foundation of Foreign Policy
The "America First" principle, despite critics' hyperventilation, was simply a bold reassertion of American sovereignty and national interests in our foreign policy-consistent with our Founders' vision and expected by the American people. Alexander Hamilton warned that leaders cannot show "kindness or humanity toward others to the prejudice of their constituents," yet post-Cold War leaders did exactly that through harmful trade agreements, ignoring illegal immigration, and submitting to overreaching international organizations.
Trump's campaign gave voice to millions frustrated by politicians who talked big but did nothing about illegal immigration. Beyond the border wall, addressing illegal immigration required intensive diplomatic efforts with Mexico. I likely spent more time working on this issue than any previous Secretary of State, assembling a strong team including Ulrich Brechbuhl, Kim Breier, and Ambassador Chris Landau.
The asylum system made a mockery of legal immigration, where law-abiding applicants spend years and money navigating proper channels while illegal entrants game the system. With courts blocking reforms, we developed the "Remain in Mexico" policy using Section 235(b)(2)(C) of the Immigration and Nationality Act. When Mexican Foreign Secretary Marcelo Ebrard resisted, I delivered our ultimatum: implement within fourteen days or face complete border closure. Though initially resistant, Mexico ultimately agreed, and the policy worked magnificently, deterring fraudulent asylum claims without requiring border closure.
Under President Trump, we evaluated international commitments based on whether they honored American sovereignty and benefited our people. We pulled out of the Paris Agreement because it would cost the U.S. economy $3 trillion and 6.5 million jobs while allowing China to increase emissions until 2030. Similarly, we withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council because it included human rights violators like China, Cuba, and Venezuela while disproportionately criticizing Israel.
The International Criminal Court represents another threat to American sovereignty. In November 2017, Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda opened an investigation into U.S. personnel who served in Afghanistan-a direct assault on American sovereignty. When diplomacy failed, we imposed visa bans on ICC officials in March 2019, followed by asset freezes. By summer 2020, ICC staff were declining to work on the Afghanistan case.
Despite media narratives about Trump-era isolationism, we actively built coalitions around issues the left ignored. In 2019, Secretary Azar and I assembled a coalition of nineteen nations to deliver a letter to the UN condemning pro-abortion language. By October 2020, more than thirty nations representing 1.6 billion people signed the Geneva Consensus Declaration affirming there is "no international right to abortion" and upholding national sovereignty on these issues.
Chapter 8
Faith-Informed Diplomacy: Standing for Religious Freedom
My faith journey began unexpectedly at West Point when I attended what I thought was just a cookie-and-soda gathering but turned out to be a Bible study. Despite growing up with only loose church involvement, these cadet-led discussions connected Scripture to our lives as soldiers in a way that transformed me. This faith has remained central to my life for four decades, shaping my worldview alongside my belief in the American Founders' political thought-particularly their commitment to unalienable rights and religious liberty.
Protecting religious freedom is core to America's founding principles and represents our oldest foreign policy human rights tradition. Throughout the 1800s, America advocated for persecuted religious minorities worldwide, from Jews in Morocco to Armenian Christians in the Ottoman Empire. Despite media criticism of our focus on religious freedom during the Trump administration, we were simply continuing this proud American legacy of defending those persecuted for their faith.
At State, I partnered with Ambassador Sam Brownback to elevate international religious freedom. Despite initial departmental resistance, we established the Ministerial to Advance Religious Freedom, which by 2019 became the largest human rights event in State Department history. This gathering united diverse faith leaders-rabbis, imams, priests, Baha'is, agnostics-around religious liberty. I used this platform to highlight the "stain of the century": China's persecution of Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang.
I confronted the Vatican's appeasement of China's persecution of Catholics, calling their secret 2018 agreement with the CCP an "unholy pact" that gave Beijing improper control over bishop selection. Despite my efforts to persuade Pope Francis to use his moral authority against Chinese human rights violations, the Vatican remained reluctant.
Unlike previous secretaries who typically addressed elite northeastern audiences, I took my message about religious freedom to America's heartland-Detroit, College Station, Louisville, Bushnell-speaking at churches and conservative groups. I wanted ordinary Americans of faith to know their top diplomat represented their values globally through policies like the Mexico City Policy against abortion funding and our fight against human trafficking.
During my confirmation hearing, Senator Booker tried to disqualify me based on my biblical views on marriage, repeatedly pressing me on whether I believed homosexuality was a "perversion." I maintained my traditional marriage beliefs while emphasizing treating everyone equally with respect. America's Founders would have been troubled not by my views, which aligned with historical norms, but by Booker's attempt to impose a religious test for office-something explicitly prohibited in the Constitution.
Chapter 9
Confronting the Chinese Communist Party: America's Greatest Challenge
Today's hard truth is that the Chinese Communist Party represents the greatest external threat to America's way of life. The CCP views itself as the vanguard of international communism, seeking to undermine capitalist "oppressor states" like America. Xi Jinping, with his doctorate in Marxist-Leninist theory, is a true believer who promotes the narrative that "the East is rising and the West is declining." The CCP nurses historical grievances while believing China is the true center of world civilization.
Despite decades of Western engagement hoping economic liberalization would lead to political liberalization, the CCP remained committed to its ideology, viewing the Soviet collapse not as history's end but as a betrayal of Marxist-Leninist ideals by "revisionists." The West failed to recognize this reality while China quietly built power, stole intellectual property, and conditioned influential Americans to support its rise.
As CIA Director, I prioritized rebuilding our China capabilities after previous setbacks, focusing on delivering relevant economic intelligence to policymakers. I emphasized that the CCP had been waging economic war against America for decades, resulting in billions in stolen property and millions of lost jobs.
In my first meeting with Xi Jinping, I found him dour and "dead-eyed" without a genuine smile-a quintessential Communist apparatchik speaking in hollow tones and archaic proverbs. This experience highlighted the stark difference between the Chinese people, whom I'd come to love through business dealings in Shanghai, and their oppressive regime.
The backdrop to our China efforts was President Trump's focus on revising trade relationships. While necessary, trade talks with China limited our ability to pursue other agenda items and tell hard truths about the CCP. However, these negotiations served to highlight the lack of reciprocity in US-China relations-Chinese companies can invest freely in America while Americans face severe restrictions in China.
Winning the economic competition against China became crucial, particularly in telecommunications where Huawei threatened to dominate 5G technology. I enlisted Keith Krach, a visionary tech executive with a big personality, to lead this fight. Keith and his team launched the Clean Network initiative, convincing sixty countries and dozens of telecommunications firms to reject Huawei. This effort, combined with Commerce Department restrictions, crushed Huawei's global business, with handset shipments plummeting 81% from 2020 to 2021.
In 2020, I gathered National Security Advisor O'Brien, Attorney General Barr, and FBI Director Wray to coordinate a series of major addresses on the CCP threat. My capstone speech at the Nixon Presidential Library declared that "securing our freedom from the CCP is the mission of our time" and concluded that "the danger is clear... and today the free world must respond." These speeches dismantled decades of failed policy architecture, making China policy old guards uncomfortable while resonating with Chinese people worldwide who understood CCP oppression firsthand.
Chapter 10
The Abraham Accords: A New Middle East Paradigm
The Abraham Accords emerged from visionary leadership and hard work. MBZ of the UAE, a staunch opponent of Islamism, led a nation welcoming Western ideas and religious freedom. He was savvy, well-read, and deeply concerned about Iranian power. Our relationship was built on straight talk and kept promises.
The accords succeeded against challenging conditions: Israel's fragile political coalition and the Palestinian Authority's active opposition. After the UAE's surprise announcement in August 2020, Bahrain joined just 29 days later. Sudan followed after we removed them from the terrorism sponsors list, and Morocco came aboard in December 2020.
These achievements defied establishment expectations-Israeli and Emirati fighter pilots flying in formation rather than combat. Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman provided crucial tacit approval, despite his father King Salman remaining final authority. MBS's modernization efforts through Vision 2030 were making real progress despite criticism.
We came remarkably close to bringing Saudi Arabia into the Abraham Accords, largely thanks to MBS. Without his tacit approval, the accords would never have materialized-no small feat given Saudi Arabia's special place in Islam as home to Mecca and Medina. Despite his youth, MBS proved himself a savvy operator who demonstrated genuine love for his people through Vision 2030 reforms.
For future Abraham Accords expansion, four conditions are necessary: acknowledging Israel's right to exist, American leadership, unwavering US-Israel alliance, and American willingness to defend members from Iranian threats.
Chapter 11
Legacy of Service: Never Giving an Inch
Leadership means facing criticism and knowing how to handle it. I kept a crayon drawing I made at age seven hanging in my State Department office that read "LIFE IS'NT FAIR"-reminding me how to deal with the inevitable attacks. My faith guided me through difficult moments, with Isaiah teaching that "No weapon forged against you will prevail" and Timothy instructing that "the Lord's servant must not be quarrelsome."
The media constantly tried to create division between President Trump and me. When Andrea Mitchell attempted to bait me into contradicting the president about Iranian cultural sites, I refused to give an inch. I called out her childish, petulant questioning as merely playing the DC progressive game to impress her media elite peers.
Unlike others who resigned to protect their establishment credentials or leaked to the press (like John Bolton), I remained loyal. Reports that Secretary Mnuchin and I discussed using the 25th Amendment after January 6th were completely fabricated, as were claims about resignation pacts with other officials.
I attribute my effectiveness in the Trump administration to four key factors: First, my sound relationship with the President based on honesty and loyalty; second, my tireless work ethic; third, my laser focus on highest priorities; and fourth, putting America first rather than personal ambition. Despite criticism from major media outlets characterizing me as "sycophantic" or a "yes-man," I was simply delivering results while staying loyal to the administration.
Looking forward, I identify the Chinese Communist Party as "the single greatest external threat to our republic," requiring all other foreign policy challenges to be subordinated to countering China. I advocate for structural reform of the State Department to make it more aggressive and risk-accepting. Ultimately, America's future depends on all citizens defending American values and leadership-if "we all use our God-given talents for America-we will have another American century."
