Chapter 4
Crisis and Revolution: Sustaining the American Cause
As the Revolutionary War began in earnest, Paine continued supporting the cause through his "American Crisis" papers, a series of thirteen influential pamphlets published between 1776 and 1783. The first, published in December 1776 when American morale was at its lowest following devastating defeats in New York, began with the immortal line: "These are the times that try men's souls." General Washington, recognizing its extraordinary power to rally spirits, had it read aloud to his cold, hungry troops before their crucial victory at Trenton. The timing proved perfect - the stirring words helped inspire the army's successful crossing of the Delaware and subsequent triumph.
Paine wrote from direct experience, having joined Washington's retreating army as a volunteer aide-de-camp during the bitter winter campaign of 1776. He vividly described their "exceedingly cramped" position between the North River and Hackensack, with forces "not one fourth so great as Howe could bring against us." His accounts detailed the soldiers' suffering - their torn clothing, bloody footprints in the snow, and dwindling supplies. This firsthand knowledge gave his writing an authenticity that resonated deeply with both soldiers in the field and citizens at home.
Throughout the war's eight years, Paine continued publishing Crisis papers at critical moments, sustaining public support during the conflict's darkest hours. He systematically addressed different audiences - soldiers, civilians, politicians, and even the enemy - with carefully crafted arguments. He condemned Tories as motivated by "servile, slavish, self-interested fear" and urged citizens to "turn out your tens of thousands" rather than shrink from duty. His tenth Crisis paper particularly struck home, exposing King George III's hypocrisy in blaming others for a war he had begun, noting how the monarch's "habitual wickedness" led him to refuse reasonable petitions while encouraging savage cruelties against the colonies.
When peace finally came in 1783, Paine celebrated America's revolution as having "contributed more to enlighten the world, and diffuse a spirit of freedom and liberality among mankind, than any human event." His later Crisis papers focused increasingly on the future of the new nation. He emphasized that America's greatest strength lay in the "UNION OF THE STATES," warning that individual states could not withstand foreign threats alone. This early articulation of federalist principles showed Paine's remarkable foresight about America's future challenges. He argued that only through unity could the new nation resist European interference and establish itself as a true republic. His writings helped lay the intellectual groundwork for the Constitutional Convention and the federal system that would emerge.
Chapter 5
Rights of Man: Defending Revolution in France
After the American Revolution, Paine traveled to Europe in 1787 to promote his design for an iron bridge. When the French Revolution erupted in 1789, he became deeply involved, seeing it as the natural extension of American principles to Europe. In response to Edmund Burke's attack on the French Revolution in "Reflections on the Revolution in France," Paine published "Rights of Man" (1791-1792), his most comprehensive political work.
Burke had portrayed the French Revolution as a dangerous departure from tradition, likely to end in chaos. Paine countered by arguing that governments derive their legitimacy not from tradition but from the consent of the governed. He distinguished between "the old and new systems of government," arguing that old governments assumed power for self-aggrandizement while new systems delegated power for common benefit.
Paine's critique of hereditary government was particularly scathing. He called it a "levelling system" that indiscriminately placed every character type-virtuous or vicious, wise or ignorant-on equal footing. Kings succeed each other "not as rationals, but as animals," creating government through "passions and accidents" that reverses nature's order by putting "children over men" and "conceits of non-age over wisdom."
In contrast, Paine championed representative democracy as taking "society and civilisation for its basis; nature, reason, and experience, for its guide." What Athens had achieved in miniature, America was accomplishing on a continental scale through representation-a system that places government in "constant maturity," never subject to "nonage nor dotage."
"Rights of Man" sold over 200,000 copies in Britain alone, alarming authorities who charged Paine with sedition. Forced to flee to France, he was welcomed as a hero and made an honorary citizen and delegate to the National Convention. However, as the Revolution turned violent under Robespierre, Paine's moderation became dangerous. He opposed the execution of Louis XVI, arguing for exile instead, and was imprisoned during the Reign of Terror. Only James Monroe's intervention saved him from the guillotine.
Chapter 6
The Age of Reason: Challenging Religious Orthodoxy
While imprisoned in France, expecting execution daily, Paine wrote his most controversial work, "The Age of Reason" (1794). This deistic critique of organized religion and biblical authority would permanently damage his reputation in America, where religious sentiment was strong.
Paine began by offering his personal profession of faith: belief in one God, hope for happiness beyond this life, equality of mankind, and that religious duties consist in "doing justice, loving mercy, and endeavoring to make our fellow-creatures happy." He rejected institutional religions as "human inventions set up to terrify and enslave mankind, and monopolize power and profit."
His critique focused on the Bible's claims to divine revelation. He argued that "revelation" cannot apply to historical accounts, since revelation means communicating something previously unknown, while historical events can be recorded by witnesses without divine intervention. He dismissed biblical stories like Samson's exploits as trivial tales unworthy of being called God's word.
Paine distinguished between Jesus the historical figure and Christian mythology. He praised Jesus as "a virtuous and amiable man" whose benevolent morality equals that taught by Confucius and Greek philosophers. However, he rejected supernatural claims about Jesus's birth, resurrection, and divinity.
Most radically, Paine declared that the true Word of God is not found in human texts but in Creation itself. This divine revelation speaks a universal language that transcends all human tongues. "To know God," Paine insisted, "one should search not the scripture made by human hands, but the scripture called the Creation."
Despite its reasoned arguments, "The Age of Reason" provoked fierce backlash. Samuel Adams expressed dismay at Paine's "defence of infidelity," and religious leaders condemned him as an atheist (though he explicitly affirmed belief in God). This religious controversy, combined with his criticism of George Washington for failing to secure his release from French prison, left Paine increasingly isolated.
Chapter 7
Agrarian Justice: Pioneering Social Welfare
Paine's final major work, "Agrarian Justice" (1797), proposed a remarkably forward-thinking social welfare system that would fundamentally reshape society's approach to poverty and economic justice. He argued that while civilization had created unprecedented wealth, it had also produced unprecedented poverty. The solution was not to return to a pre-civilized state but to remedy civilization's evils while preserving its benefits. This perspective challenged both conservative defenders of inequality and radical critics of modern society.
Paine's central insight was that land in its natural state was the common property of humanity. While improvements to land could be privately owned, the land itself belonged to all. Therefore, landowners owed the community "ground-rent" for monopolizing what was naturally common property. This revolutionary concept distinguished between natural property (the earth itself) and artificial property (human-made improvements), establishing a philosophical foundation for social welfare that didn't rely on charity or government benevolence.
To implement this principle, Paine proposed creating a National Fund that would pay every person 15 pounds upon reaching age twenty-one as partial compensation for their lost natural inheritance, and 10 pounds annually to everyone aged fifty and older. This fund would come from property as it passes at death, requiring no sacrifice from either the giver or immediate receiver. The inheritance tax would be set at 10% for direct heirs and 20% for more distant ones, ensuring sustainable funding without disrupting family wealth transfer.
This system would immediately relieve "three classes of wretchedness-the blind, lame, and aged poor-while giving the rising generation means to prevent becoming poor themselves." Paine calculated that in England, with its population of 7.5 million, the fund would support about 400,000 people over fifty and 100,000 young people turning twenty-one annually. He meticulously detailed the mathematics of his proposal, showing how it could be implemented without straining national resources.
Paine's proposal anticipated modern social security systems by more than a century and introduced several innovative concepts still relevant today. He recognized that economic security was essential to true liberty and that society had an obligation to ensure that no one lived in extreme poverty, especially in old age. His plan was universal rather than means-tested, avoiding the stigma of poor relief while creating broad public support. The combination of startup capital for young adults and pensions for the elderly represented a comprehensive approach to poverty prevention and relief.
This blend of practical policy and moral principle exemplified Paine's approach throughout his career. He argued that poverty was not a natural condition but a product of civilization's arrangements, and therefore civilization had both the means and the duty to eliminate it. His proposal influenced later reformers and helped establish the intellectual groundwork for the modern welfare state, universal basic income proposals, and social dividend schemes.
Chapter 8
Final Years: Forgotten Revolutionary
When Paine returned to America in 1802 after fifteen years abroad, he found himself in a nation dramatically different from the one he had left. His religious treatise "The Age of Reason" had preceded him, turning many former supporters into bitter critics. Even his revolutionary credentials could not shield him from the backlash over his deistic views and pointed criticism of organized religion. His public criticism of George Washington, whom he accused of abandoning him in French prison, further damaged his standing among Americans who now viewed Washington as an almost sacred figure.
Though President Jefferson welcomed him warmly and even arranged his return passage on a government vessel, most of society turned its back on him. Federalist newspapers launched relentless attacks, portraying him as a dissolute drunk, a womanizer, and a dangerous atheist. His appearance - often disheveled from poor health and limited means - gave credence to these characterizations, though they were largely unfair exaggerations.
In his series of "Letters to the Citizens of the United States," published between 1802 and 1805, Paine mounted a spirited defense of his revolutionary record and principles. He accused the Federalists of betraying the spirit of 1776, arguing they had created exactly the kind of arbitrary government the revolution had sought to overthrow. He was particularly scathing about John Adams's administration, condemning their expansion of federal power through "loans, taxes, and standing armies without justifiable cause." The Sedition Act of 1798, he argued, was nothing less than an attempt to silence political opposition through legal persecution.
Despite increasing isolation, Paine remained intellectually active until the end. He continued writing on various topics, including a critique of Biblical prophecies and proposals for social security, international arbitration, and women's rights. However, his influence had waned considerably. When he died in Greenwich Village on June 8, 1809, only six mourners attended his funeral - a pitiful turnout for a man who had once stirred millions with his words. Adding final indignity to his legacy, his remains were later lost after being exhumed by William Cobbett, who had planned to give him a proper burial in England.
The popular nursery rhyme that emerged - "Poor Tom Paine! There he lies: Nobody laughs and nobody cries. Where he has gone or how he fares Nobody knows and nobody cares" - captured the cruel irony of his fate. The man whose words had helped birth a nation died essentially as an outcast, his reputation destroyed by a combination of religious controversy, political enmity, and character assassination. It would take more than a century for his contributions to be properly reassessed and his role in American and world history to be fully appreciated.
Chapter 9
The Enduring Legacy of Revolutionary Thought
Despite his ignominious end, Paine's ideas proved remarkably durable. His clear articulation of natural rights, representative democracy, and social welfare influenced generations of reformers and revolutionaries. Abraham Lincoln read and admired Paine's works, as did Thomas Edison, who later remarked that Paine "was the equal of Washington in making American liberty possible. Where Washington performed Paine devised and wrote."
Paine's contributions to American independence were fundamental. He introduced the name "the United States of America" in his American Crisis series, transforming separate colonies into a unified nation in the public imagination. His argument that America could stand alone, free from European entanglements, anticipated Washington's Farewell Address warning against foreign alliances.
Beyond America, Paine's influence extended to revolutionary movements worldwide. His defense of natural rights and representative government provided intellectual ammunition for reformers in Britain, France, and Latin America. His critique of hereditary privilege and religious establishment challenged power structures that had dominated Europe for centuries.
Even his more controversial ideas eventually gained acceptance. His early abolitionism, once radical, became mainstream. His advocacy for women's rights, though limited by his era's standards, recognized their intellectual equality. His proposals for progressive taxation and social welfare anticipated the modern welfare state.
Perhaps most enduring is Paine's faith in ordinary people's capacity for self-government. Unlike many intellectuals who distrusted the masses, Paine believed that with access to information and education, common citizens could make wise political decisions. His clear, accessible writing style reflected this democratic faith-he wrote not for elites but for farmers, artisans, and laborers.
In a conversation imagined by playwright Jack Shepherd, William Blake asks Paine if revolution might merely replace one tyranny with another. Paine replies, "You can't be sure... You have to dedicate yourself to the idea, to the hope that society can be changed for the better." This commitment to human progress, despite setbacks and disappointments, remains Paine's most powerful legacy. In times of political cynicism, his voice still rings across centuries: "We have it in our power to begin the world over again."
