What is *Never Give an Inch* by Mike Pompeo about?

*Never Give an Inch* is a memoir by former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, detailing his role in shaping the Trump Administration’s foreign policy. It covers key achievements like pressuring Iran, negotiating with North Korea, strengthening U.S.-Israel relations, and transforming America’s approach to China. Blending geopolitical analysis with personal anecdotes, Pompeo defends the "America First" strategy and shares behind-the-scenes insights into high-stakes diplomatic decisions.

Who should read *Never Give an Inch*?

This book is ideal for readers interested in U.S. foreign policy, conservative political strategy, or insider accounts of the Trump Administration. Policymakers, history enthusiasts, and those curious about U.S.-China relations or Middle East diplomacy will find Pompeo’s firsthand perspectives valuable. Fans of political memoirs emphasizing hardline sovereignty and Christian values may also appreciate its tone.

Is *Never Give an Inch* worth reading?

Yes, for readers seeking an unfiltered conservative viewpoint on Trump-era diplomacy. Pompeo provides rare details on events like the Soleimani assassination, critiques of progressive media, and strategies to counter China’s influence. While politically charged, it offers actionable insights into leadership during crises and remains a New York Times bestseller for its provocative stance.

What are the main ideas in *Never Give an Inch*?

Key themes include: - **America First Diplomacy**: Prioritizing U.S. interests in global negotiations. - **China Strategy**: Advocating for a harder line against China’s geopolitical ambitions. - **Religious Freedom**: Promoting Christian values in foreign policy. - **Countering Iran**: Details on covert operations and sanctions. Pompeo frames these ideas as essential for national security and moral leadership.

How does Mike Pompeo address U.S.-China relations in the book?

Pompeo describes leading a "generational transformation" in U.S.-China policy, advocating for decoupling from Chinese tech and supply chains. He reveals tensions with Trump, who allegedly found Pompeo "too tough" on China, and critiques the CCP’s human rights record. The book positions China as America’s top long-term threat.

What insider stories does Pompeo share about the Trump Administration?

Notable revelations include: - Trump’s consideration of replacing Mike Pence on the 2020 ticket. - Humorous exchanges with Kim Jong-un during nuclear talks. - The planning of Qasem Soleimani’s assassination. - Criticism of Nikki Haley’s UN ambassadorship as "less important than people think."

How does Pompeo defend the "America First" approach?

He argues that prioritizing U.S. sovereignty over multilateral agreements strengthened global standing. Examples include withdrawing from the Iran nuclear deal, relocating the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem, and renegotiating trade terms with NATO allies. Pompeo credits this strategy with deterring adversaries and securing bipartisan wins.

What critiques does *Never Give an Inch* receive?

Critics argue Pompeo downplays controversies like the January 6 Capitol attack and Trump’s role in it. His dismissal of Jamal Khashoggi as a "political activist" (not a journalist) and praise for leaders like Mohammed bin Salman have drawn backlash. Progressives dispute his portrayal of liberal media as partisan antagonists.

寸步不让：为我热爱的美国而战

迈克·蓬佩奥

4.31(1601 Reviews)

《寸步不让：为我热爱的美国而战》概述

在迈克·蓬佩奥（Mike Pompeo）的《寸步不让》（Never Give an Inch）中，这部《纽约时报》畅销书揭示了特朗普时代的外交政策胜利。马克·安德森（Marc Andreessen）称蓬佩奥为“现实生活中的汤姆·克兰西式美国英雄”，这本书真实地记录了他在应对全球危机、党派阴谋以及为美国立国原则而战的历程。

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第 1 章

America's Unapologetic Diplomat: Putting the Nation First

In the heart of Germany, a young cavalry lieutenant watched as his specialist hit distant targets with precision. Overcome with enthusiasm, the soldier exclaimed, "America is f--ing awesome!" This moment encapsulated Mike Pompeo's own deep patriotism-a sentiment that would guide him through unprecedented dual service as CIA Director and Secretary of State during one of America's most turbulent political periods. Despite impeachments, riots, hostile media, and a global pandemic, Pompeo remained steadfast in his commitment to American principles. Drawing from his mother's advice to "wear them down" and his formative experiences from West Point training to running Kansas businesses, Pompeo executed a vision guided by putting America first, championing values, and never apologizing. When sanctioned by Iran, Russia, and China, he never considered quitting, inspired by Justice Clarence Thomas's declaration: "I would rather die than withdraw. I will not be scared." This unwavering resolve defined an administration willing to break from conventional wisdom to defend American interests in a world where, as Trump once observed to Pompeo after a particularly sobering intelligence briefing, "it's a mean, nasty world out there."

第 2 章

Risk-Taking: The Foundation of Effective Foreign Policy

America's foreign policy had grown dangerously risk-averse before the Trump administration. Under Obama, we had devolved to "leading from behind" with priorities like climate change and apologizing for alleged transgressions. Our enemies gained ground-North Korea expanded its nuclear arsenal, China eroded our power, Iran pursued Middle Eastern hegemony, and Russia marched into Crimea with barely a protest from Washington. We'd lost our tolerance for risk, discouraged by costly wars and afraid to break from conventional wisdom. My path to changing this began unexpectedly. After being elected to my fourth congressional term in 2016, I had privately decided it would be my last. Five days after Trump's election, Vice President-elect Pence called asking if I'd consider joining the administration. Despite having campaigned for Rubio in the primaries, I agreed. The next morning, Pence offered me the position of CIA Director-an odd choice since I'd never met Trump, had supported his rival, and had less intelligence experience than other candidates. Once at the CIA, I discovered the Agency had become far too risk-averse under John Brennan, who wouldn't even use words like "spy" or "steal secrets." Brennan had hired McKinsey & Co. to reorganize the Agency-the same firm that counts the CCP as a client and advised pharmaceutical companies in ways that fueled the opioid crisis. The result was an overly bureaucratic structure that sidelined true risk-takers. Brennan's ideological campaign wasted resources on the wrong priorities-rainbow lanyards, diversity inclusion in every slide deck, and elevating climate change to the top intelligence priority. To implement our vision of renewed American strength, I recruited Brian Bulatao, my West Point brother-in-arms, as the CIA's first Chief Operating Officer, and Gina Haspel, a razor-sharp thirty-year veteran of the clandestine service, as my deputy. My choice of Gina sent a clear message to the workforce: "We're back in the espionage business." Together, we built capabilities that would achieve American security objectives without committing additional troops to troubled regions, focusing on collecting intelligence to drive change, pushing back on adversaries' proxies, and undermining hostile regimes. Our risk-taking approach produced results. When Mossad Director Yossi Cohen called me for urgent help extracting his team after a critical mission, I immediately mobilized our resources. Within 24 hours, we guided them to safe houses, and within two days, they were home safely-cooperation that never would have happened under the previous administration's risk-averse approach.

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第 3 章

Confronting Global Threats Without Apology

After becoming Secretary of State, I immediately implemented a realistic approach to foreign policy that recognized the world as it is, not as we wish it to be. This meant acknowledging that protecting Americans rarely comes with neat options-as demonstrated by our strategic engagement with Saudi Arabia and Egypt despite their imperfect human rights records. My relationship with President Trump developed through our daily intelligence briefings. When he asked if I'd take the Secretary of State position, I responded as I always had when asked to serve: "It would be an honor, Mr. President." My confirmation process proved much more difficult than my CIA appointment, with Democrats attacking aggressively. The media predicted I'd be a war hawk, with headlines like "With Mike Pompeo at the State Department, Are the Uber-Hawks Winning?"-predictions that proved wrong as no new wars started during my tenure. I immediately flew to Brussels for a NATO meeting after being sworn in, emphasizing our commitment to the alliance while reinforcing Trump's demand that allies increase defense spending. Despite diplomatic tensions, our pressure worked: NATO allies agreed to boost spending by $130 billion by 2020 and $400 billion by 2024-foresight that proved essential given Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine. The Middle East required our most dramatic policy shifts. The Obama administration's nuclear deal with Iran was catastrophically flawed, providing sanctions relief that funded Iranian oppression and terrorism while merely postponing their nuclear ambitions. Despite opposition from Tillerson and Mattis, who feared withdrawal would trigger war, I was determined to help President Trump fulfill his promise to exit this disastrous agreement. When Saudi agents murdered regime critic Jamal Khashoggi in October 2018, the media erupted with disproportionate outrage. Despite political pressure, President Trump and I maintained our "America First" stance, refusing to abandon Saudi Arabia-a critical ally against Iran and for regional stability. After imposing sanctions on seventeen Saudis connected to the murder, we deliberately chose not to punish MBS himself, recognizing one incident shouldn't derail our entire Middle East strategy. The episode reinforced my belief that in foreign policy, perfect options never exist in "a mean, nasty world."

第 4 章

Building Teams of Excellence and Determination

Being a "pipehitter"-someone focused on winning with excellence and determination-became the standard for my teams at both the CIA and State Department. This approach aligned with President Trump's "America First" focus on outcomes rather than process. At the CIA, I reduced paperwork requiring my approval by 40-70%, eliminating bureaucratic bottlenecks and empowering career officers, especially in the Special Activities Division. These paramilitary operators, mostly veterans of elite military units, took enormous risks globally after I altered their rules of engagement, allowing them to confront America's most immediate threats effectively. My "swagger" campaign at the State Department aimed to instill pride in America and reward risk-taking among diplomats. I wanted every interaction to leave a positive impression of our country, with no apologizing for American actions. Despite being mocked by the diplomatic press, I believed swagger mattered. To establish a unified culture, we created the "Ethos"-a professional code developed through focus groups and consensus-building that emphasized professionalism, integrity, and accountability. The Trump cabinet differed fundamentally from Obama's "taxpayer-funded work program for activists, academics, and government careerists." Most of Trump's senior leaders had either military service or successful business experience. Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin earned respect from both Trump and me because he had risked his own money in finance, knew markets and players, and proved an invaluable partner on national security projects. However, the constant turnover in top national security positions-four secretaries of defense, four national security advisors, and four chiefs of staff-hampered our effectiveness and signaled instability to allies and adversaries. As the only core national security team member who stayed all four years, I constantly had to bring new colleagues up to speed. The turnover stemmed from various causes, but most significantly from Trump selecting people who didn't share his foreign policy instincts. Leaders like H.R. McMaster and Rex Tillerson couldn't adapt to executing the president's objectives rather than their own. John Bolton proved the least team-oriented national security member, constantly scheming for personal gain rather than executing the president's directives. Bolton deliberately sabotaged North Korea negotiations by invoking the "Libya model" on television-terminology he knew would remind Kim Jong Un of Gaddafi's gruesome end and spook him away from engagement. When Trump fired Bolton, he instructed Mnuchin and me to proceed with our scheduled Iran briefing, bluntly calling Bolton a "scumbag loser."

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第 5 章

Peace Through Strength: Deterring America's Adversaries

When meeting Vladimir Putin in Sochi, I refused to tolerate his power play of making me wait thirty minutes. I instructed my team to prepare to leave, sending a clear message that I wouldn't be psychologically manipulated. This exemplified our administration's approach: peace through strength. We understood that showing weakness emboldens adversaries, as demonstrated when Putin annexed Crimea after Obama failed to enforce his Syria "redline." Russia remains a significant threat despite no longer being the Soviet Union. Led by a regime fixated on restoring lost Soviet glory, Russia maintains a global footprint through partnerships with China, Iran, Venezuela, Cuba, and Syria. Putin, a former KGB agent who views the Soviet collapse as "the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the century," has been on a messianic quest to rebuild Russian power since becoming president in 2000. The Russia Hoax severely constrained America's diplomatic options and created a destructive wedge between the president and intelligence agencies. These politically-motivated allegations made it nearly impossible to communicate effectively with Russian leadership or establish clear deterrence lines. Despite these challenges, I remained focused on confronting Russia by finding ways to separate Putin from Xi, avoiding underestimating Putin, and demonstrating American strength through clear boundaries. In May 2017, I ventured into "the Russian snake pit" in Moscow to meet with Russian intelligence chiefs. To set the tone, I provocatively gifted SVR Director Naryshkin DVDs of "Rocky IV," "The Hunt for Red October," and "Miracle on Ice." Despite the typical Russian displays of extravagance and grievance-airing, I established an effective working relationship that proved valuable when CIA intelligence helped Russia thwart an ISIS plot targeting St. Petersburg's Kazan Cathedral. Putin personally called to thank me, revealing my Russian nickname "Tank Man." Our administration's approach to nuclear deterrence prioritized rebuilding America's arsenal after years of neglect. We recognized that the US had reduced its nuclear stockpile by 85% from Cold War highs while Russia continued expanding its force. Under negotiator Marshall Billingslea, we secured a verbal agreement from Putin for a warhead cap, but Russia waited for the 2020 election outcome before making further commitments. The strongest evidence of our successful Russia policy: Putin didn't invade Ukraine during our tenure. Despite critics who claimed Trump was "NATO-skeptic," what Putin actually got was a rebuilt American military, more troops in Europe, a stronger NATO, withdrawal from the INF Treaty, and lower energy prices that hurt Russia's fossil fuel-dependent economy.

第 6 章

Rejecting Appeasement: The Case of Iran

Appeasement in foreign policy is counterproductive-like alcohol addiction or buying cheap oil filters that lead to expensive repairs later. Bad actors see concessions as weakness to exploit, while only strength deters them. The worst actors-jihadis, Communists in Beijing, Putin-style thugs, and Iranian theocrats-may make strategic compromises but remain driven by ideology that sustains their aggression. We approached Iran with this mindset, rejecting Obama's failed appeasement that had given the ayatollah money and a path to nuclear weapons. Instead, we launched an unprecedented campaign of maximum pressure-economic sanctions, diplomatic isolation, alliance-building with Israel and Arab neighbors, and military deterrence. Not everyone on Trump's team supported our aggressive Iran stance. Defense Secretary Mattis worried that confronting Iran would lead to uncontrollable escalation-the default bureaucratic position reflecting fear of adversaries. I believed America could control any escalation through our diplomatic, economic, and military superiority. As sanctions devastated Iran's economy by 2019, the regime tried diplomatic maneuvers to circumvent me. French President Macron persistently tried to broker deals between Trump and Iranian President Rouhani, including a scheme requiring Trump to sign a document before meeting. Trump refused, telling Macron to stop begging and "looking like a weak little girl." At the helm of Iranian terrorism was Qasem Soleimani, the diminutive but fearsome Quds Force commander who had directed the killing of over 600 American troops during the Iraq War. I sent Soleimani a letter stating our intent to hold him accountable for attacks on Americans. When Iran-backed militias launched rockets at our Basra consulate, I made an emergency trip to Baghdad, warning Iraqi leaders we would hold Iran directly accountable if Americans were harmed. By late 2019, we risked losing our deterrence campaign against Iran after several provocations went unanswered. When a Shia militia killed American contractor Nawres Hamid in a rocket attack, I called CIA Director Haspel, Defense Secretary Esper, and General Milley, who all supported my plan to target Soleimani. On December 29, I told President Trump: "Soleimani is traveling from Beirut to Damascus to Baghdad on commercial flights. He's plotting to kill more Americans. We have the tools to stop him... This is a legit military target." When the moment came, our intelligence tracked Soleimani landing in Baghdad. As his sedan left the airport, Hellfire missiles from an MQ-9 Reaper drone struck with deadly precision. The Democrats and media predicted catastrophe-Biden called it "hugely escalatory" and Senator Murphy feared "a potential massive regional war." But instead of igniting war, our bold action de-escalated the situation, restored deterrence, and sent a message to Kim, Putin, Xi, and Maduro about American resolve.

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第 7 章

American Sovereignty: The Foundation of Foreign Policy

The "America First" principle, despite critics' hyperventilation, was simply a bold reassertion of American sovereignty and national interests in our foreign policy-consistent with our Founders' vision and expected by the American people. Alexander Hamilton warned that leaders cannot show "kindness or humanity toward others to the prejudice of their constituents," yet post-Cold War leaders did exactly that through harmful trade agreements, ignoring illegal immigration, and submitting to overreaching international organizations. Trump's campaign gave voice to millions frustrated by politicians who talked big but did nothing about illegal immigration. Beyond the border wall, addressing illegal immigration required intensive diplomatic efforts with Mexico. I likely spent more time working on this issue than any previous Secretary of State, assembling a strong team including Ulrich Brechbuhl, Kim Breier, and Ambassador Chris Landau. The asylum system made a mockery of legal immigration, where law-abiding applicants spend years and money navigating proper channels while illegal entrants game the system. With courts blocking reforms, we developed the "Remain in Mexico" policy using Section 235(b)(2)(C) of the Immigration and Nationality Act. When Mexican Foreign Secretary Marcelo Ebrard resisted, I delivered our ultimatum: implement within fourteen days or face complete border closure. Though initially resistant, Mexico ultimately agreed, and the policy worked magnificently, deterring fraudulent asylum claims without requiring border closure. Under President Trump, we evaluated international commitments based on whether they honored American sovereignty and benefited our people. We pulled out of the Paris Agreement because it would cost the U.S. economy $3 trillion and 6.5 million jobs while allowing China to increase emissions until 2030. Similarly, we withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council because it included human rights violators like China, Cuba, and Venezuela while disproportionately criticizing Israel. The International Criminal Court represents another threat to American sovereignty. In November 2017, Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda opened an investigation into U.S. personnel who served in Afghanistan-a direct assault on American sovereignty. When diplomacy failed, we imposed visa bans on ICC officials in March 2019, followed by asset freezes. By summer 2020, ICC staff were declining to work on the Afghanistan case. Despite media narratives about Trump-era isolationism, we actively built coalitions around issues the left ignored. In 2019, Secretary Azar and I assembled a coalition of nineteen nations to deliver a letter to the UN condemning pro-abortion language. By October 2020, more than thirty nations representing 1.6 billion people signed the Geneva Consensus Declaration affirming there is "no international right to abortion" and upholding national sovereignty on these issues.

第 8 章

Faith-Informed Diplomacy: Standing for Religious Freedom

My faith journey began unexpectedly at West Point when I attended what I thought was just a cookie-and-soda gathering but turned out to be a Bible study. Despite growing up with only loose church involvement, these cadet-led discussions connected Scripture to our lives as soldiers in a way that transformed me. This faith has remained central to my life for four decades, shaping my worldview alongside my belief in the American Founders' political thought-particularly their commitment to unalienable rights and religious liberty. Protecting religious freedom is core to America's founding principles and represents our oldest foreign policy human rights tradition. Throughout the 1800s, America advocated for persecuted religious minorities worldwide, from Jews in Morocco to Armenian Christians in the Ottoman Empire. Despite media criticism of our focus on religious freedom during the Trump administration, we were simply continuing this proud American legacy of defending those persecuted for their faith. At State, I partnered with Ambassador Sam Brownback to elevate international religious freedom. Despite initial departmental resistance, we established the Ministerial to Advance Religious Freedom, which by 2019 became the largest human rights event in State Department history. This gathering united diverse faith leaders-rabbis, imams, priests, Baha'is, agnostics-around religious liberty. I used this platform to highlight the "stain of the century": China's persecution of Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang. I confronted the Vatican's appeasement of China's persecution of Catholics, calling their secret 2018 agreement with the CCP an "unholy pact" that gave Beijing improper control over bishop selection. Despite my efforts to persuade Pope Francis to use his moral authority against Chinese human rights violations, the Vatican remained reluctant. Unlike previous secretaries who typically addressed elite northeastern audiences, I took my message about religious freedom to America's heartland-Detroit, College Station, Louisville, Bushnell-speaking at churches and conservative groups. I wanted ordinary Americans of faith to know their top diplomat represented their values globally through policies like the Mexico City Policy against abortion funding and our fight against human trafficking. During my confirmation hearing, Senator Booker tried to disqualify me based on my biblical views on marriage, repeatedly pressing me on whether I believed homosexuality was a "perversion." I maintained my traditional marriage beliefs while emphasizing treating everyone equally with respect. America's Founders would have been troubled not by my views, which aligned with historical norms, but by Booker's attempt to impose a religious test for office-something explicitly prohibited in the Constitution.

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第 9 章

Confronting the Chinese Communist Party: America's Greatest Challenge

Today's hard truth is that the Chinese Communist Party represents the greatest external threat to America's way of life. The CCP views itself as the vanguard of international communism, seeking to undermine capitalist "oppressor states" like America. Xi Jinping, with his doctorate in Marxist-Leninist theory, is a true believer who promotes the narrative that "the East is rising and the West is declining." The CCP nurses historical grievances while believing China is the true center of world civilization. Despite decades of Western engagement hoping economic liberalization would lead to political liberalization, the CCP remained committed to its ideology, viewing the Soviet collapse not as history's end but as a betrayal of Marxist-Leninist ideals by "revisionists." The West failed to recognize this reality while China quietly built power, stole intellectual property, and conditioned influential Americans to support its rise. As CIA Director, I prioritized rebuilding our China capabilities after previous setbacks, focusing on delivering relevant economic intelligence to policymakers. I emphasized that the CCP had been waging economic war against America for decades, resulting in billions in stolen property and millions of lost jobs. In my first meeting with Xi Jinping, I found him dour and "dead-eyed" without a genuine smile-a quintessential Communist apparatchik speaking in hollow tones and archaic proverbs. This experience highlighted the stark difference between the Chinese people, whom I'd come to love through business dealings in Shanghai, and their oppressive regime. The backdrop to our China efforts was President Trump's focus on revising trade relationships. While necessary, trade talks with China limited our ability to pursue other agenda items and tell hard truths about the CCP. However, these negotiations served to highlight the lack of reciprocity in US-China relations-Chinese companies can invest freely in America while Americans face severe restrictions in China. Winning the economic competition against China became crucial, particularly in telecommunications where Huawei threatened to dominate 5G technology. I enlisted Keith Krach, a visionary tech executive with a big personality, to lead this fight. Keith and his team launched the Clean Network initiative, convincing sixty countries and dozens of telecommunications firms to reject Huawei. This effort, combined with Commerce Department restrictions, crushed Huawei's global business, with handset shipments plummeting 81% from 2020 to 2021. In 2020, I gathered National Security Advisor O'Brien, Attorney General Barr, and FBI Director Wray to coordinate a series of major addresses on the CCP threat. My capstone speech at the Nixon Presidential Library declared that "securing our freedom from the CCP is the mission of our time" and concluded that "the danger is clear... and today the free world must respond." These speeches dismantled decades of failed policy architecture, making China policy old guards uncomfortable while resonating with Chinese people worldwide who understood CCP oppression firsthand.

第 10 章

The Abraham Accords: A New Middle East Paradigm

The Abraham Accords emerged from visionary leadership and hard work. MBZ of the UAE, a staunch opponent of Islamism, led a nation welcoming Western ideas and religious freedom. He was savvy, well-read, and deeply concerned about Iranian power. Our relationship was built on straight talk and kept promises. The accords succeeded against challenging conditions: Israel's fragile political coalition and the Palestinian Authority's active opposition. After the UAE's surprise announcement in August 2020, Bahrain joined just 29 days later. Sudan followed after we removed them from the terrorism sponsors list, and Morocco came aboard in December 2020. These achievements defied establishment expectations-Israeli and Emirati fighter pilots flying in formation rather than combat. Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman provided crucial tacit approval, despite his father King Salman remaining final authority. MBS's modernization efforts through Vision 2030 were making real progress despite criticism. We came remarkably close to bringing Saudi Arabia into the Abraham Accords, largely thanks to MBS. Without his tacit approval, the accords would never have materialized-no small feat given Saudi Arabia's special place in Islam as home to Mecca and Medina. Despite his youth, MBS proved himself a savvy operator who demonstrated genuine love for his people through Vision 2030 reforms. For future Abraham Accords expansion, four conditions are necessary: acknowledging Israel's right to exist, American leadership, unwavering US-Israel alliance, and American willingness to defend members from Iranian threats.

边听边看，每个词都清晰呈现

轻松跟读，《寸步不让：为我热爱的美国而战》中的每个词都会随音频实时高亮。

第 11 章

Legacy of Service: Never Giving an Inch

Leadership means facing criticism and knowing how to handle it. I kept a crayon drawing I made at age seven hanging in my State Department office that read "LIFE IS'NT FAIR"-reminding me how to deal with the inevitable attacks. My faith guided me through difficult moments, with Isaiah teaching that "No weapon forged against you will prevail" and Timothy instructing that "the Lord's servant must not be quarrelsome." The media constantly tried to create division between President Trump and me. When Andrea Mitchell attempted to bait me into contradicting the president about Iranian cultural sites, I refused to give an inch. I called out her childish, petulant questioning as merely playing the DC progressive game to impress her media elite peers. Unlike others who resigned to protect their establishment credentials or leaked to the press (like John Bolton), I remained loyal. Reports that Secretary Mnuchin and I discussed using the 25th Amendment after January 6th were completely fabricated, as were claims about resignation pacts with other officials. I attribute my effectiveness in the Trump administration to four key factors: First, my sound relationship with the President based on honesty and loyalty; second, my tireless work ethic; third, my laser focus on highest priorities; and fourth, putting America first rather than personal ambition. Despite criticism from major media outlets characterizing me as "sycophantic" or a "yes-man," I was simply delivering results while staying loyal to the administration. Looking forward, I identify the Chinese Communist Party as "the single greatest external threat to our republic," requiring all other foreign policy challenges to be subordinated to countering China. I advocate for structural reform of the State Department to make it more aggressive and risk-accepting. Ultimately, America's future depends on all citizens defending American values and leadership-if "we all use our God-given talents for America-we will have another American century."

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《寸步不让：为我热爱的美国而战》核心主题

america first diplomacy
intelligence agency reform
strategic risk taking
adversarial foreign policy
national security realism

《寸步不让：为我热爱的美国而战》经典语录

America is f--ing awesome!
It's a mean, nasty world out there.
We're back in the espionage business.
Perfect options never exist in a mean, nasty world.

《寸步不让：为我热爱的美国而战》主要人物

Mike PompeoAuthor, former CIA Director and Secretary of State
Gina HaspelVeteran clandestine officer and CIA Deputy Director
John BrennanFormer CIA Director under the Obama administration
Brian BulataoCIA Chief Operating Officer and West Point veteran

关于作者

迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥（Michael R. Pompeo）是《寸步不让》（Never Give an Inch）一书的作者，曾任美国国务卿。凭借曾担任中央情报局（CIA）局长、四任堪萨斯州国会议员以及退伍军人的经历，他积累了数十年的地缘政治专业知识。他于1963年出生于加利福尼亚州奥兰治市，以全班第一名的成绩毕业于西点军校，曾在冷战期间担任陆军骑兵军官，随后获得了哈佛大学法学学位。

他的政治回忆录将与朝鲜领导人金正恩谈判、策划对华制衡措施、领导特朗普政府对伊朗实施“极限施压”行动的第一手记录，与对基督教信仰及“美国优先”外交政策的见解融合在一起。

自2021年以来，蓬佩奥作为福克斯新闻（Fox News）的常驻撰稿人，以务实战略家和企业家的视角分析全球事务——在进入公共服务领域之前，他曾创办过航空航天和能源公司。《寸步不让》因其对现代治国方略毫不掩饰的记录而成为《纽约时报》畅销书，在上架第一年内销量便突破了50万册。

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The Drama of Statecraft and Power

This plan is essential for anyone seeking to understand the mechanics of political authority and the rise of nations. It is ideal for aspiring leaders, history buffs, and policy students wanting to grasp the forces that shape our world.

2 h•4 章节

学习计划

Machiavelli for Modern Leaders

This plan is essential for leaders navigating volatile environments where traditional idealism often fails. It provides a pragmatic toolkit for executives and managers who need to master power dynamics, strategic agility, and reputation management to ensure institutional longevity.

2 h•4 章节

学习计划

Analyze Profiles in Courage & Modern Lessons

This plan is essential for aspiring leaders and public servants who want to anchor their decision-making in proven moral frameworks. It bridges the gap between historical presidential integrity and the high-stakes ethical dilemmas of the modern political landscape.

5 h 31 m•4 章节

学习计划

Get Promoted Without Playing Politics

In today's competitive workplace, many professionals believe office politics is the only path to advancement. This learning plan provides ethical, merit-based strategies for those who want to rise through demonstrated excellence, authentic leadership, and relationship-building with integrity.

5 h 11 m•5 章节

学习计划

Modern Work Politics: Machiavelli & 48 Laws

In high-stakes corporate environments, technical skill alone rarely guarantees advancement. This plan is designed for ambitious professionals who need to master the unspoken rules of influence and power dynamics to secure their seat at the table.

5 h•4 章节

学习计划

36 Strategies of Power: A War Manual

This course bridges the gap between ancient wisdom and modern survival, offering a deep dive into the mechanics of influence and tactical superiority. It is essential for leaders, entrepreneurs, and strategists who need to navigate high-stakes environments where psychological insight and political acumen are the primary tools for success.

6 h 4 m•4 章节

学习计划

politica,

This comprehensive political education is essential for anyone seeking to understand how power shapes our world—from local governance to global conflicts. It's ideal for aspiring policy professionals, journalists, activists, business leaders navigating political risk, or engaged citizens who want to move beyond headlines to grasp the deeper forces driving political events and decisions.

5 h 14 m•4 章节

由哥伦比亚大学校友在旧金山创建

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由哥伦比亚大学校友在旧金山创建

LOVED BY

1,000,000+ curious minds.

4.7

avg rating

1M+ learners

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

查看更多网络上关于 BeFreed 的讨论

开启你的学习之旅，就是现在

第 9 章

寸步不让：为我热爱的美国而战

概述《寸步不让：为我热爱的美国而战》概述

一本书，多种聆听方式。

America's Unapologetic Diplomat: Putting the Nation First

Risk-Taking: The Foundation of Effective Foreign Policy

边听边看，每个词都清晰呈现

Confronting Global Threats Without Apology

Building Teams of Excellence and Determination

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Peace Through Strength: Deterring America's Adversaries

Rejecting Appeasement: The Case of Iran

边听边看，每个词都清晰呈现

American Sovereignty: The Foundation of Foreign Policy

Faith-Informed Diplomacy: Standing for Religious Freedom

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Confronting the Chinese Communist Party: America's Greatest Challenge

The Abraham Accords: A New Middle East Paradigm

边听边看，每个词都清晰呈现

Legacy of Service: Never Giving an Inch

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1,000,000+ curious minds.

1,000,000+ curious minds.

一本书，多种聆听方式。

America's Unapologetic Diplomat: Putting the Nation First

Risk-Taking: The Foundation of Effective Foreign Policy

边听边看，每个词都清晰呈现

Confronting Global Threats Without Apology

Building Teams of Excellence and Determination

从 《寸步不让：为我热爱的美国而战》中收获更多

Peace Through Strength: Deterring America's Adversaries

Rejecting Appeasement: The Case of Iran

边听边看，每个词都清晰呈现

American Sovereignty: The Foundation of Foreign Policy

Faith-Informed Diplomacy: Standing for Religious Freedom

从 《寸步不让：为我热爱的美国而战》中收获更多

Confronting the Chinese Communist Party: America's Greatest Challenge

The Abraham Accords: A New Middle East Paradigm

边听边看，每个词都清晰呈现

Legacy of Service: Never Giving an Inch

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