What is *Locking Up Our Own* by James Forman Jr. about?

*Locking Up Our Own* examines how Black policymakers and community leaders in 1970s-1990s America supported harsh criminal justice policies that unintentionally fueled mass incarceration. Pulitzer Prize-winning author James Forman Jr. analyzes debates over drug laws, gun control, and policing, revealing how systemic racism and crisis-driven decision-making led to devastating consequences for Black communities.

Who should read *Locking Up Our Own*?

This book is essential for criminal justice reformers, historians, and policymakers seeking to understand systemic racism’s role in mass incarceration. It also resonates with educators, social workers, and readers interested in African American history, offering critical insights into race, class, and the unintended consequences of well-intentioned reforms.

Is *Locking Up Our Own* worth reading?

Yes—it won the 2018 Pulitzer Prize for its groundbreaking analysis of racial inequities in the legal system. Forman combines legal expertise, historical research, and firsthand experience as a public defender to challenge conventional narratives about crime and punishment in Black America.

What are the main arguments in *Locking Up Our Own*?

1. **Black leaders supported punitive policies** to address immediate crises like drug epidemics and gun violence, often underestimating long-term harms. 2. **Systemic racism distorted policy outcomes**, with “tough-on-crime” measures disproportionately targeting Black communities. 3. **Mass incarceration resulted from cumulative choices** by lawmakers, police, and courts—not just racial bias or federal mandates.

How does James Forman Jr. explain the war on drugs in *Locking Up Our Own*?

Forman argues Black leaders initially backed drug criminalization to protect communities from addiction and violence. However, aggressive policing and mandatory minimums—coupled with racial profiling—expanded incarceration rates while failing to address root causes like poverty and underfunded schools.

What role do Black churches play in *Locking Up Our Own*?

The book describes how some Black churches endorsed punitive measures, viewing strict laws as moral solutions to crime. This alliance between religious institutions and lawmakers often sidelined restorative justice approaches, exacerbating racial disparities in arrests.

What critiques exist about *Locking Up Our Own*?

Some scholars argue Forman underemphasizes the federal government’s role in mass incarceration. Others praise the book for humanizing Black policymakers while urging readers to confront systemic failures beyond individual choices.

How does *Locking Up Our Own* compare to *The New Jim Crow*?

While Michelle Alexander’s *The New Jim Crow* focuses on structural racism in the legal system, Forman’s work highlights Black leaders’ complex agency in shaping punitive policies. Both books are critical for understanding intersectional approaches to criminal justice reform.

我们自己的囚笼

美国黑人社区的罪与罚

小詹姆斯·福尔曼

4.37(4480 Reviews)

《我们自己的囚笼》概述

普利策奖获奖作品《锁住我们自己》（Locking Up Our Own）探讨了黑人领袖如何通过严厉打击犯罪的政策，在无意中助长了大规模监禁。这部合时宜的著作曾被最高法院案件引用，并受到伊布拉姆·X·肯迪（Ibram X. Kendi）博士的赞誉，它提出了一个问题：初衷良好的正义是如何演变成系统性不公的？

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第 1 章

When Justice Turns on Its Own People

In a Washington D.C. courtroom, a Black judge lectures a Black teenager about wasting opportunities that civil rights leaders died for. The boy is sentenced to six months in detention for gun and marijuana possession. Everyone in the courtroom-the judge, prosecutor, bailiff, court reporter-is Black. Even the police chief and mayor are Black. This scene from James Forman Jr.'s powerful book raises a profound question: How did a majority-Black jurisdiction end up incarcerating so many of its own? The answer lies in the complex history of how African Americans, having gained political power after the 1965 Voting Rights Act, helped shape criminal justice policies that would ultimately devastate their communities. "Locking Up Our Own" has garnered widespread acclaim, winning the Pulitzer Prize and appearing on Barack Obama's recommended reading list. The book challenges simplistic narratives about mass incarceration by revealing how Black citizens and leaders, facing unprecedented crime waves and with limited options, made difficult choices that contributed to America's punitive turn-decisions they couldn't foresee would help create the world's largest prison system.

第 2 章

The Gateway to Mass Incarceration

The War on Drugs is widely recognized as a catastrophic mistake that disproportionately damaged low-income African American communities. In Washington D.C. alone, marijuana possession arrests for Blacks were eight times higher than for whites in 2010. This raises a crucial question: Why would Black people ever support the drug war? To understand this paradox, we must return to 1975 Washington D.C., a majority-Black city celebrating newfound political power. After decades of being denied self-governance by Southern Democrats who controlled the District Committee, D.C.'s Black citizens (70% of the population) finally gained meaningful self-determination through the 1973 Home Rule Act. On January 2, 1975, Thurgood Marshall swore in Walter E. Washington as D.C.'s first elected Black mayor in a century, along with a predominantly Black city council. That same year, the city council considered the Marijuana Reform Act, which would have decriminalized possession of small amounts of marijuana. The bill faced fierce opposition from an unexpected source: Black ministers with deep community connections and significant electoral influence. After fifty ministers met with Council Chair Sterling Tucker, he tabled the legislation, effectively killing it. The defeat of marijuana decriminalization reveals a crucial but overlooked aspect of the War on Drugs-it wasn't simply white politicians imposing harsh penalties on Black communities. In D.C., Black leaders actively opposed decriminalization while white residents largely supported it. These opponents weren't "Uncle Toms" but committed race men practicing what might be called the "politics of responsibility." Having witnessed heroin's devastation of Black communities, they rejected libertarian drug arguments. The specter of heroin made the "gateway drug" theory particularly frightening-even a small risk that marijuana might lead to heroin seemed too dangerous. Crucially, decriminalization's opponents couldn't foresee the eventual impact of criminalization. In 1975, most marijuana arrestees didn't end up with convictions, and almost none went to prison. The severe collateral consequences of criminal records that would develop in coming decades weren't yet apparent. Racial distrust also played a key role-with decriminalization championed primarily by white figures, many Black leaders were skeptical of their motives, especially in the newly independent post-Home Rule political climate.

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第 3 章

When Black Lives Mattered

As D.C.'s newly elected government took office in January 1975, violent crime posed an immediate challenge. Between 1960 and 1969, the District's murder rate had tripled, making the majority-Black city a target for national politicians. Barry Goldwater used D.C.'s crime rate in his 1964 presidential campaign to attack liberalism, with racial implications that NAACP executive Roy Wilkins called "ill-concealed racial overtones." The crime crisis hit Black D.C. hardest, with gun violence becoming the leading cause of death for D.C. males under forty. In 1974, firearms were used in over 60% of the city's record 407 murders. Neighborhood newsletters took urgent tones, Howard University's campus was under siege, and residents fortified homes or learned martial arts. Fear kept many indoors-45% of women reported never going out alone at night. Former civil rights activist John Wilson, now on the D.C. Council, proposed a radical solution: banning all handguns and shotguns in the city, with mandatory surrender of existing weapons. Unlike the marijuana debate, Wilson's gun control proposal had vocal support from Black crime victims like Richard Ware, whose son had been murdered during a robbery. Ware lamented the bitter irony that "as black men have more frequently called each other brother, there has been an increase in black killing black." Black church leaders became important allies in the gun control movement. Congressman Walter Fauntroy, pastor of New Bethel Baptist Church and D.C.'s first elected representative to Congress, testified he was "tired of handgun funerals" and had personally officiated at numerous funerals of gun violence victims. Rev. Stanford Harris of Ebenezer United Methodist Church spoke of his own "continuing psychic pain" after losing his 22-year-old son to gun violence. Alongside empathy for victims grew outrage at perpetrators, leading to demands for tougher criminal penalties for gun crimes. Wilson criticized judges and prosecutors for being too lenient, noting that only 7.6 percent of those convicted of illegal gun possession in 1974 received jail time. Wilson proposed mandatory minimum sentences-"10 to 12 months, no ifs, ands, or buts"-and wanted to eliminate plea bargaining in gun cases. Gun control advocates recognized the limits of what D.C. alone could accomplish but saw themselves as vanguards of a national movement. Fauntroy acknowledged that even strict enforcement would "hardly make a dent" with thousands of guns pouring in from "control-free havens" in neighboring states. Nevertheless, Council member Clarke believed "decisive action by the new City Council of our Nation's capital" would "start the momentum in the nation for a sane handgun control policy."

第 4 章

The Black Tradition of Arms

Not all Black leaders supported gun control. The "Black tradition of arms" had deep historical roots that Council member Doug Moore and Detroit Mayor Coleman Young invoked in their opposition. After the Civil War, newly freed Black Americans faced terrorism with little protection from the state. The Fourteenth Amendment promised equal protection, but as Reconstruction collapsed, white supremacists used violence to subjugate Blacks while simultaneously working to disarm them. Alabama's law forbade any "freedman, mulatto, or free person of color" from owning firearms, a pattern repeated across the South. Black Americans consistently used guns for self-defense throughout history. During Reconstruction, Black citizens in South Carolina warned would-be suppressors that "80,000 black men in this state who can bear Winchester rifles and know how to use them." In the 1919 race riots in Washington DC, Black veterans organized armed resistance that earned praise from NAACP leader James Weldon Johnson for having "saved Washington" from becoming "another and worse East St. Louis." The tradition continued through civil rights leaders from Ida B. Wells to Malcolm X. Ironically, gun control gained momentum in the late 1960s precisely when Black people began using guns politically. California enacted strict gun control after Black Panthers publicly armed themselves, and Congress targeted "Saturday night specials" favored by poor Americans. Black nationalists including Stokely Carmichael opposed these measures, with the Black United Front arguing that "D.C. gun-control legislation is a white racist means of taking away from black people an instrument of self-defense." Despite these historical arguments, the Black political establishment had definitively embraced significant gun restrictions by the mid-1970s. The 12-1 vote for D.C.'s gun control reflected this shift. Two major factors drove this change: First, the Black tradition of arms had grown out of white-on-Black violence, but now Black-on-Black crime represented the greater threat. Second, political power had shifted. Guns had developed special meaning in Black communities as protection when government ignored or abetted Black death. But now Black lawmakers like John Wilson occupied positions of authority, promising police protection to communities long denied it.

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第 5 章

From Integration to Enforcement

Burtell Jefferson's swearing-in as D.C.'s first Black police chief in January 1978 marked a historic moment in a century-long struggle for police integration. Jefferson, who had struggled against discrimination for three decades, focused on remedying past injustices by creating opportunities for minorities. Since Black officers already constituted most new recruits, he tackled the promotion process, the final barrier to Black advancement. Jefferson's efforts were tremendously successful. Isaac Fulwood, who later became police chief himself, called Jefferson "the all time affirmative action person" who "broke it wide open." More than twenty senior Black police leaders, including chiefs in major cities, traced their careers to Jefferson's influence. But Jefferson's success in advancing racial equality within the police force didn't translate to a progressive approach to policing Black communities. When interviewed about his childhood experience of being wrongfully detained alongside dice-shooting boys, Jefferson surprisingly defended the white officer's actions: "I've always been taught that if you yourself are not actually engaged in some wrongdoing, if you're with a crowd you're just as guilty." Jefferson strongly supported mandatory minimum sentences for drug and gun offenses. In this, he aligned with most Black officers. The National Council of Police Societies had urged members to "move against pushers" in 1970, and D.C.'s rank-and-file officers cited lenient sentencing as their top concern in a 1976 survey. For most Black officers, ideology took a backseat to practical concerns. They joined the force simply because they needed stable employment. When Nicholas Alex interviewed hundreds of Black NYPD officers in the mid-1960s, they consistently cited economic motives: "I was broke," one admitted, while another explained, "I looked around for the highest paying nonprofessional civil service job available." Police work offered steady income and advancement opportunities that were rare in the discriminatory private sector. This economic motivation undermined the theory that integration would transform policing. Officers who saw policing primarily as a job rather than a civil rights battleground were less likely to challenge the powerful police culture. Additionally, the need to protect their hard-won economic security meant Black officers and their unions often prioritized wages, benefits, and promotion opportunities over addressing police brutality.

第 6 章

The Punitive Turn in Sentencing

In 1996, as a newly promoted public defender in Washington D.C., James Forman Jr. represented Tasha Willis, arrested for selling $10 worth of heroin to an undercover officer. What truly concerned him wasn't just the evidence, but the severe mandatory sentence she faced. When he'd ask friends what punishment seemed appropriate for selling small amounts of drugs, most suggested probation or a few months in jail. Their shock was palpable when he revealed the truth: for first-time offenders, D.C. law mandated up to thirty years; for someone with a prior conviction like Ms. Willis, up to sixty years. The prosecutor rejected treatment options, saying programs "don't work" for Ms. Willis who'd had "two chances" already. This common prosecutorial reasoning infuriated Forman-addiction specialists know many people relapse multiple times before achieving sustained sobriety. Yet while we treated drug program failures as disqualifying, we never treated prison's failure as a reason not to try more prison. These severe penalties resulted from decisions D.C. had made fifteen years earlier, when city politicians and voters dramatically toughened criminal sentencing. Two prominent figures championed this change: newly-elected councilman John Ray and former police chief Burtell Jefferson, who sought to increase maximum sentences for drug sales and implement mandatory minimums for certain drug and gun crimes. By the late 1970s and early 1980s, pressure mounted to toughen D.C.'s outdated drug laws. Communities like Shaw, U Street, and Columbia Heights-already struggling to recover from the 1968 post-King assassination riots-faced "open and notorious" drug markets. Councilman John Wilson described "droves of drug dealers, sometimes numbering fifty to one hundred" at Tenth and O Streets, while Chapin Street became known as "the McDonald's of the marijuana business." The situation was dire, with children frequently cited as victims. One Chapin Street resident kept her children "in the back of the house so they don't see the kids selling pot in the front." When school board member Frank Smith visited Cleveland Elementary in Shaw, he was "frankly frightened" by the throng of young men surrounding the building. Public complaints about the criminal justice system fell into two categories. First, many criticized what they saw as lackadaisical street-level enforcement by police. These complaints often carried racial overtones, with activists arguing that open drug dealing "wouldn't be tolerated in Georgetown and other [predominantly white] communities." The second target was the court system, particularly what many called "revolving door justice." For many Black observers, this revolving door seemed discriminatory-spinning fastest for criminals who victimized Black communities.

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第 7 章

The Push for Mandatory Minimums

In spring 1981, David Clarke, chair of the D.C. Council's Judiciary Committee, proposed strengthening the District's drug sentencing guidelines. Though Clarke had fought for marijuana decriminalization years earlier, he recognized the city's shifting mood toward tougher penalties. His proposal separated drugs into classes and distinguished between possession and sale, generally reducing penalties for possession while increasing them for sales. Police Chief Burtell Jefferson wanted even tougher measures, pushing for both higher maximum sentences and mandatory minimum sentences. From law enforcement's perspective, mandatory minimums addressed a frustrating reality: officers would make dangerous arrests only to see defendants released on bail, acquitted on technicalities, or given probation. Jefferson found an ally in John Ray, an ambitious 37-year-old council member with mayoral aspirations. Born in rural Georgia and raised by his grandmother in a crowded two-bedroom house, Ray had worked cotton and tobacco fields as a child before graduating as valedictorian. He framed his proposals in terms of racial justice, citing NAACP and Urban League research showing that "Black crimes against blacks get very low sentences" while "Black crimes against whites get very big sentences." To Ray, mandatory minimums would eliminate the discretion that allowed rich defendants to escape punishment "while the poor lad on the street is put away in Lorton." Despite support from community groups, Ray faced substantial opposition during council hearings in March 1981. The local NAACP president Edward Hailes acknowledged the group's outrage over crime but rejected mandatory minimums as "a club" when what was needed was "a scalpel of justice to cut crime out of the community." Most surprisingly, U.S. Attorney Charles Ruff testified against Ray's proposal, arguing that mandatory sentences would clog the system and remove necessary discretion. On May 19, the council passed new drug legislation but rejected mandatory minimums. Nevertheless, Ray and Jefferson secured higher maximum sentences and planned to take their mandatory minimum proposal directly to voters through a ballot initiative.

第 8 章

The Worst Thing to Hit Us Since Slavery

The harsh treatment of Black youth had deep historical roots, but warrior policing as we know it emerged in the late 1980s with the crack cocaine epidemic. Crack devastated Black communities already struggling with economic decline, factory closures, and Reagan-era cuts to social programs. The drug created addicts rapidly and spawned unprecedented violence as heavily armed gangs fought for territory. Black leaders compared crack to slavery and the Klan, with Jesse Jackson declaring, "I won't take it from the Klan with a rope; I won't take it from a neighbor with dope." The Los Angeles Sentinel called it "the most serious threat we have faced since the end of slavery." 1988 became what Assistant Police Chief Isaac Fulwood called "Washington's Year of Shame." The year began with nineteen-year-old Michael Saunders found shot in the head with sixty packets of crack in his coat. A horrifying litany of violence followed, culminating in the thirty-seventh murder of January when Reginald Small, a fifteen-year-old eighth grader, was shot near his home. D.C. was midway through a seven-year stretch where its homicide rate tripled, earning it the title "America's Murder Capital." The violence brought a rush of increasingly powerful guns into the city, with traditional revolvers giving way to rapid-fire weapons like Uzis. The toll fell disproportionately on black communities-in 1989, nine out of ten homicide victims were black, despite the city being 30% white. Ward 8, economically barren and almost entirely black, had a homicide rate thirty times higher than affluent Ward 3. As crack devastated black communities, the criminal justice system responded with increasingly harsh measures. Congress established stiffer mandatory minimums in 1984, 1986, and 1988, often through hurried processes described as "political poker games" rather than thoughtful policy development. The most notorious outcome was the hundred-to-one cocaine-to-crack ratio, which punished crack offenses far more severely than powder cocaine-a distinction based on racialized fear rather than science. As inner-city drug sellers increased their firepower, police responded in kind. Police began upgrading from revolvers to 9mm semiautomatic weapons as they found themselves increasingly outgunned by teenagers on the streets. Mayor Barry himself demonstrated the new weapons at a press event in 1988, marveling at their firing speed.

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第 9 章

The Legacy of Warrior Policing

Operation Clean Sweep, spearheaded by Assistant Chief Fulwood, represented D.C.'s aggressive response to drug trafficking. The initiative employed "jump-out squads"-teams of officers in unmarked vehicles who would swarm corners known for drug dealing. Clean Sweep also established specialized units like the Rapid Deployment Unit (RDU), staffed by self-described "super-aggressive" young officers who "rewrote the Constitution every day." Despite Fulwood's personal ambivalence about mass arrests-partly informed by his own brother's struggles with addiction-the operation proceeded with ruthless efficiency, stopping any car with young black men inside. Accompanying aggressive policing tactics was an expansive asset forfeiture program that allowed police to seize property connected to drug transactions. D.C. leaders embraced this approach enthusiastically, with Fulwood declaring they would "make it expensive to come into this man's town and buy drugs." Mayor Barry, who had once supported marijuana decriminalization, now advocated for seizing cars even for possession of "one marijuana joint." The seizures extended beyond vehicles to homes, jewelry, and even furniture purchased with drug money. The crack epidemic transformed attitudes toward drug users and low-level dealers, who became targets of severe punishment. Prosecutor Albert Herring articulated the prevailing view: "There was not a single rock of crack anywhere in the District of Columbia that wasn't stained with the blood of some mother's child." This mindset justified harsh treatment throughout the distribution chain, with even users seen as morally responsible for drug-related violence. Clean Sweep's first eighteen months produced forty-six thousand arrests-one for every fourteen D.C. residents, the highest per-capita drug arrest rate in any comparable American city. Many arrestees ended up in D.C. Jail or Lorton prison, facilities notorious for inhumane conditions that had deteriorated further with overcrowding. U.S. District Court Judge June Green condemned the "purposeless infliction of pain" in a system marked by squalid cells, violence, and negligent healthcare. Despite Clean Sweep's aggressive approach and escalating arrests, the murder rate continued to rise under Fulwood's leadership: from 372 in 1988 to 489 in 1991. Fulwood resigned in 1992, admitting his failure to reduce homicides and expressing frustration with racial disparities: "I'm tired of seeing black children locked up every five minutes. And it's not having a significant impact." Two months after his resignation, his brother Teddy, recently released from prison, became the city's 401st murder victim that year, killed just blocks from their childhood home.

第 10 章

Beyond the Violent Offender Label

D.C.'s 2014 marijuana decriminalization succeeded where a similar 1975 proposal had failed because of dramatic changes in context. By 2014, America was experiencing "the great American crime decline," with D.C.'s homicides dropping from 485 in 1991 to just 88 in 2012. Meanwhile, the devastating impact of marijuana criminalization on Black communities had become undeniable-African Americans were incarcerated at five times the rate of whites, with young Black men without high school diplomas more likely to be imprisoned than employed. The case of sixteen-year-old Dante Highsmith illustrates the limitations of current reform efforts focused exclusively on "nonviolent drug offenders." Dante was charged with armed robbery after threatening a man at a bus stop with a knife and taking $12. Despite strong evidence against him, Forman investigated his background as his public defender and found a traumatic history-removed from his crack-addicted mother at age eight, raised by his ailing grandmother, and struggling in school despite showing talent in woodworking. When Forman tried finding alternative programs for Dante, he encountered the same barrier repeatedly: "We don't accept people charged with violent offenses." This illustrates the fundamental problem with President Obama's approach to criminal justice reform, which focused exclusively on "nonviolent drug offenders." Even if America released every prisoner held on drug charges, we'd still have the world's largest prison population. By declaring "no sympathy" for those who committed violent offenses, Obama effectively marked this larger group as permanently beyond redemption, ignoring context, mitigating factors, and individual stories. After numerous rejections, Dante's mother Jacinda, now in recovery from addiction, found a tiny church-based carpentry program willing to accept her son. Though defense lawyers rarely approach victims, Forman visited Mr. Thomas, the robbery victim, hoping to convince him to support this alternative to incarceration. At the sentencing hearing, Mr. Thomas told Judge Walker that while he wasn't sure he could forgive Dante, he was willing to try. Because of Mr. Thomas's grace, Judge Walker granted probation instead of incarceration. Years later, Forman encountered Dante by chance at a construction site in downtown D.C. He had grown into a man with a hard hat and steady employment. He had completed the carpentry program, earned his GED, and despite difficulties finding and keeping work, had stayed out of trouble and now had steady employment and a son of his own. Though such incremental changes might seem meager against our vast prison system with its grotesque racial disparities, they matter immensely to those involved. And just as mass incarceration was constructed incrementally, it may have to be dismantled the same way-one person, one case, one act of mercy at a time.

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《我们自己的囚笼》核心主题

black punitive turn
politics of responsibility
intraracial class dynamics
mass incarceration origins
community crime responses

《我们自己的囚笼》经典语录

Mass incarceration is, at bottom, a story about choices—choices made by people in positions of power.
The drug war was not simply imposed on black communities; it was in part a response to demands from them.
Black people are not merely victims of the drug war; they are also its agents.
We must acknowledge that the tough-on-crime movement was a multiracial phenomenon.
We must be willing to see black people as actors, as people with agency, as people who make choices.

《我们自己的囚笼》主要人物

James Forman Jr.Author and former public defender
Walter E. WashingtonFirst elected Black mayor of Washington D.C.
John WilsonCivil rights activist and D.C. Council member
Walter FauntroyCongressman and pastor who supported gun control
Sterling TuckerD.C. Council Chair who tabled drug reform

关于作者

詹姆斯·福尔曼（James Forman Jr.）是普利策奖获奖作品《锁住我们自己：美国黑人的犯罪与惩罚》（Locking Up Our Own: Crime and Punishment in Black America）的作者，也是领先的法学学者和刑事司法改革倡导者。作为耶鲁大学法学院教授及前华盛顿特区公设辩护人，福尔曼将严谨的学术研究与代表边缘化群体的第一线经验相结合。

他的开创性研究探讨了大规模监禁的复杂根源，特别是 20 世纪 70 年代至 90 年代的黑人领袖如何促成了旨在保护弱势社区的惩罚性政策——他通过历史文献和法庭叙事分析了这一悖论。

福尔曼的专业造诣源于他曾担任最高法院大法官桑德拉·戴·奥康纳（Sandra Day O’Connor）的书记员，以及共同创办了专门服务于在押青少年的华盛顿玛雅·安杰卢学校（Maya Angelou School）。他的文章散见于《纽约时报》、《大西洋月刊》和《华盛顿邮报》，使他成为种族、法律与不平等领域的重要发声者。

《锁住我们自己》——《纽约时报》2017 年度十大好书及国家图书奖入围作品——已成为法学院和政策界的必读书目，并被翻译成六种语言。这部《华盛顿邮报》畅销书持续影响着关于警务和监狱改革的全美辩论。

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由哥伦比亚大学校友在旧金山创建

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@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

查看更多网络上关于 BeFreed 的讨论

开启你的学习之旅，就是现在

第 10 章

我们自己的囚笼

概述《我们自己的囚笼》概述

一本书，多种聆听方式。

When Justice Turns on Its Own People

The Gateway to Mass Incarceration

边听边看，每个词都清晰呈现

When Black Lives Mattered

The Black Tradition of Arms

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From Integration to Enforcement

The Punitive Turn in Sentencing

边听边看，每个词都清晰呈现

The Push for Mandatory Minimums

The Worst Thing to Hit Us Since Slavery

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The Legacy of Warrior Policing

Beyond the Violent Offender Label

你已读完 《我们自己的囚笼》

《我们自己的囚笼》核心主题

《我们自己的囚笼》经典语录

《我们自己的囚笼》主要人物

关于作者

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关于本书的常见问题

What is Locking Up Our Own by James Forman Jr. about?

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Is Locking Up Our Own worth reading?

What are the main arguments in Locking Up Our Own?

发现更多

1,000,000+ curious minds.

1,000,000+ curious minds.

一本书，多种聆听方式。

When Justice Turns on Its Own People

The Gateway to Mass Incarceration

边听边看，每个词都清晰呈现

When Black Lives Mattered

The Black Tradition of Arms

从 《我们自己的囚笼》中收获更多

From Integration to Enforcement

The Punitive Turn in Sentencing

边听边看，每个词都清晰呈现

The Push for Mandatory Minimums

The Worst Thing to Hit Us Since Slavery

从 《我们自己的囚笼》中收获更多

The Legacy of Warrior Policing

Beyond the Violent Offender Label

你已读完 《我们自己的囚笼》

用户还喜欢

发现更多

《我们自己的囚笼》概述

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从《我们自己的囚笼》中收获更多

你已读完《我们自己的囚笼》

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你已读完《我们自己的囚笼》