What is *Justice at Work* by Marc Doussard about?

*Justice at Work* analyzes how grassroots coalitions in U.S. cities drove progressive policies like $15 minimum wages and paid sick leave during the 2010s. It highlights the interplay between economic and racial justice organizing, policy entrepreneurship, and coalition-building to challenge urban inequality. The book combines case studies from cities like Chicago and Seattle to show how localized movements create durable systemic change.

Who should read *Justice at Work*?

This book is essential for urban planners, policymakers, labor organizers, and scholars studying social movements. It offers actionable insights for advocates of economic equity and anti-racist policies, particularly those interested in coalition-building strategies between grassroots groups and municipal governments.

Is *Justice at Work* worth reading?

Yes—it provides a rare, evidence-backed roadmap for achieving tangible policy wins through intersectional organizing. The authors blend academic rigor with real-world examples, making it a practical resource for understanding modern urban justice movements.

What case studies are featured in *Justice at Work*?

The book examines campaigns in Chicago, Seattle, and New Orleans, including the Fight for $15 movement, targeted hiring initiatives, and anti-austerity protests. These cases illustrate how coalitions leverage local governance structures to advance worker protections and racial equity.

How does *Justice at Work* define "policy entrepreneurship"?

Policy entrepreneurs are activists and officials who use public discourse and city resources to create "agenda windows" for progressive reforms. They bridge grassroots demands and legislative action, often through national networks that amplify local policies like fair scheduling laws.

What role do narratives play in economic justice movements, according to the book?

Doussard and Schrock argue that compelling narratives (e.g., "We are the 99%") reshape public discourse by prioritizing racial and class solidarity over technocratic fixes. These stories help coalitions build broad support while holding corporations and policymakers accountable.

How does *Justice at Work* critique traditional urban economic development?

The book challenges trickle-down models, showing how decades of austerity and corporate subsidies exacerbated inequality. It advocates for policies that directly empower marginalized workers, such as targeted hiring and community benefits agreements.

What is the connection between racial and economic justice in the book?

The authors emphasize that racial equity cannot be achieved without economic redistribution—and vice versa. Successful coalitions, like those behind paid sick leave laws, intentionally address both issues to build solidarity across diverse communities.

工作中的正义

城市中经济与种族正义联盟的崛起

马克·杜萨德

5(3 Reviews)

《工作中的正义》概述

《职场正义》（Justice at Work）揭示了城市联盟如何在全美范围内赢得 15 美元最低时薪和公平排班法。露丝·米尔克曼（Ruth Milkman）赞扬了这项开创性的研究，展示了城市层面的行动主义如何通过种族与阶级正义运动的强力融合，正深刻改变着经济政策。

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第 1 章

The Urban Renaissance Paradox: Cities as Battlegrounds for Justice

When Marc Doussard and Greg Schrock began researching urban economic justice movements, they discovered something remarkable: cities once deemed powerless against global capital were becoming epicenters of progressive policy innovation. Despite warnings that businesses would flee at the first sign of regulation, more than fifty U.S. cities had enacted minimum wage laws by the late 2010s, many at $15 per hour-double what activists had initially proposed just a decade earlier. This transformation wasn't happening through traditional politics but through a new kind of activism that explicitly linked economic and racial justice. Their book "Justice at Work" arrives at a pivotal moment, as the 2020 convergence of COVID-19, police violence protests, and massive job losses revealed these inequalities as deeply interconnected rather than separate problems. The work has become required reading for organizers and policymakers alike, with figures from Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez to labor leader Sara Nelson citing its insights on how cities can become laboratories for economic democracy despite seemingly insurmountable constraints.

第 2 章

Cities' Surprising Power in the Global Economy

America's cities present a striking paradox. While inequality has worsened dramatically, urban areas have become unexpected winners in the global economy. This challenges traditional theories suggesting cities lack power to address inequality for fear of scaring away investment. The reality is more complex and offers surprising leverage for justice movements. Three key economic shifts have transformed urban dynamics: the emergence of "post-Fordism" replacing mass production with specialized industries; deindustrialization shifting employment from manufacturing to polarized service sectors; and financialization intensifying inequality through both employment and housing markets. These changes have reversed decades of disinvestment, making central cities essential coordination hubs for global production networks. Today's businesses depend on dense urban centers to provide specialized labor and innovation ecosystems. This reversal creates problems of growth rather than decline-gentrification rather than abandonment-opening new opportunities for progressive movements. As businesses become anchored to specific urban locations, they can't credibly threaten to relocate when faced with regulations improving wages or working conditions. This economic transformation enables a fundamental shift in how we approach development. Rather than focusing solely on manufacturing exports and hoping benefits trickle down, cities can directly regulate service industries that cannot easily relocate. Policies mandating higher pay and better working conditions in these sectors can create the same economic multipliers that once characterized manufacturing while directly addressing inequality. The evidence contradicts traditional assumptions about the incompatibility of growth and equity. Chicago's $15 minimum wage passed with minimal controversy and strong public support. Even business-friendly mayors like Rahm Emanuel have embraced wage laws under activist pressure. Cities remain committed to growth but have found ways to reconcile economic development with distributive fairness, challenging long-held assumptions about what's politically possible.

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第 3 章

The Evolution of Economic and Racial Justice Coalitions

Urban social movements have undergone a remarkable transformation over the past four decades, evolving from neighborhood-based organizing to sophisticated multi-issue coalitions that explicitly connect economic and racial justice. This evolution has unfolded through four distinct periods aligned with economic changes. During deindustrialization in the 1980s, neighborhood coalitions attempted electoral takeovers by uniting minority neighborhoods with white progressives. Notable victories included electing Harold Washington in Chicago and Ray Flynn in Boston, who used public power to direct resources to neglected neighborhoods. However, these efforts yielded disappointing results as mayors struggled to govern while alienating private interests, and the movement's discursive strategy of pitting neighborhoods against downtown placed reform mayors in conflict with the economic centers needed to overcome deindustrialization. The 1990s saw the emergence of citywide living-wage movements that joined neighborhood coalitions with labor unions to address service-sector poverty. This approach expanded advocacy for social and economic equality by building multi-organizational networks that eventually gained power to set political agendas beyond city government's limited powers. The Association of Community Organizations for Reform Now (ACORN) provided crucial organizational structure, supplying a network to spread policy proposals and convening coalitions that converted neighborhood concerns into city-level advocacy. In the 2000s, these movements pursued community benefits agreements with developers, responding to inequitable reinvestment in previously disinvested neighborhoods. Organizations like the Los Angeles Alliance for a New Economy helped secure agreements attaching conditions to major development projects, including union labor requirements, above-market wages, affordable housing contributions, and job training support. After the Great Recession, activism transformed again, embracing previously downplayed elements: explicit racial and economic justice messaging, public confrontation, multi-organization networks, and ideological critiques of capitalism and institutional racism. Organizations increasingly prioritized racial justice in their mission statements and resource allocation, with the SEIU declaring "We cannot achieve economic justice without racial justice." Chicago's Grassroots Collaborative exemplifies this shift. Beginning with a traditional economic focus, the organization's trajectory changed after the failed 2006 "Big Box" living-wage campaign. Executive director Amisha Patel recognized that while "the faces of the people on the protests were black and Latino," the campaign didn't address race directly, allowing Mayor Daley to control the racial narrative. The Great Recession cemented their pivot toward addressing racial inequities through public finance campaigns, challenging austerity measures that disproportionately affected communities of color. Unlike earlier movements that emphasized class over race, today's Economic and Racial Justice (ERJ) coalitions treat economic and racial inequalities as manifestations of the same problem. Their success stems from three key innovations: finding leverage by targeting place-dependent service economies rather than mobile manufacturing; explicitly incorporating racial justice rather than subsuming it; and adopting expansive framing that connects workers' rights to broader social justice.

第 4 章

Urban Policy Entrepreneurs: How Movements Win

How do grassroots movements capitalize on political opportunities? Rather than seeing successful campaigns as products of luck specific to individual cities, Doussard and Schrock examine how activists strategically replicate victories across multiple locations through what they call "urban policy entrepreneurship." Urban policy entrepreneurs (UPEs) work through coalitions to identify favorable political venues and systematically experiment with legislation and advocacy techniques. Building on John Kingdon's concept of policy entrepreneurs, they operate within three semi-autonomous streams-problems, policies, and politics-that must align for major policy changes to occur. In the problem stream, UPEs have greater ability to shape public perception than national policy entrepreneurs. Cities provide advantages for making "focusing events"-like Occupy Wall Street using the local tactic of occupying Zuccotti Park to draw national attention to inequality. Urban spaces offer "trenches" for collective action, with visible inequalities creating fertile ground for activism. Local media, which have strong connections with community organizations and need content, provide coverage opportunities. In the policy stream, UPEs operate through complex networks spanning multiple cities and issues. These networks provide access to diverse policy models, research and testimony from numerous municipal experiments. The multitude of subnational legislative forums allows UPEs to "shop" for opportunities across cities, counties and states, running several campaigns simultaneously. Urban legislation often faces less conservative opposition and requires convincing fewer officials (just a dozen city council members in many cities), allowing ambitious bills to survive negotiation intact. In the politics stream, cities offer UPEs two distinct advantages. First, the urban real estate boom creates numerous intervention points through public approvals for funding, zoning, and site assembly. These visible targets allow activists to force concessions from developers and public authorities. Second, municipal elections provide opportunities to escalate pressure, with justice coalitions manufacturing political pressure by targeting campaigns or supporting challengers. Unlike Washington policy entrepreneurs who must "wait for the fortuitous event," UPEs can "make their own luck" by actively opening agenda windows. They use problem and politics streams strategically-staging protests, introducing legislation, and shaping political narratives through organizing. Campaigns are most effective when articulating simple problems like inequality or racism rather than complex issues like housing justice.

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第 5 章

The Fight for $15: A Movement Transformation

The Fight for $15 movement transformed minimum wage politics in America. At the turn of the century, the federal minimum wage remained stagnant at $5.15, few states had their own minimum wages, and city-level minimum wages didn't exist. Today, most states have minimum wages, many exceeding $10, and numerous cities have enacted $15 minimum wages. This dramatic shift resulted from a movement that evolved from experimental strikes in 2012 to a nationwide campaign spanning hundreds of cities. Starting with Black Friday ministrikes in Manhattan, Chicago, and Detroit, organizers tested whether workers could protest without losing jobs. The campaign expanded strategically, choosing cities with symbolic significance-St. Louis and Detroit highlighted issues facing Black workers in areas with anti-union legislation. By September 2013, coordinated national strikes occurred in over 150 cities, eventually incorporating airport workers, home health workers, security guards, and adjunct faculty. The movement deliberately built a national network of organizations, including the National Employment Law Project, Economic Policy Institute, SEIU, and the UC Berkeley Labor Center, creating infrastructure to support local campaigns led by economic and racial justice coalitions. This network provided draft legislation, legal advice, and testimony, allowing campaigns to learn systematically from both failures and successes. SeaTac, Washington became the first U.S. city to approve a $15 minimum wage through Proposition 1 in November 2013. Despite SeaTac's small size (26,900 residents), the campaign faced challenges from economic divisions within the city, requiring intensive door-knocking across diverse immigrant communities. The proposition passed by just 77 votes, proving $15 was viable but through methods too resource-intensive to easily replicate elsewhere. Seattle's $15 campaign culminated in a working group of 23 business, labor, and public representatives tasked with creating legislation both sides could accept. Organizers maintained outside pressure through public events and a ballot initiative threat that polls showed would pass with 68-80% support. Research from national policy networks, particularly Berkeley Labor Center studies showing minimum wage increases didn't harm employment growth, proved persuasive to business representatives. The Seattle City Council unanimously passed the bill in June 2014. Chicago activists adapted Seattle's model to reach a $13 minimum wage despite significant barriers: machine politics, racial segregation, non-binding ballot initiatives, and opposition from Mayor Rahm Emanuel. Organizers strategically placed a non-binding $15 minimum wage referendum on ballots in key precincts during March 2014 elections, winning 80% approval. This symbolic victory, combined with challenger Jesus "Chuy" Garcia's mayoral campaign and the epithet "Mayor 1%" pressured Emanuel to establish a working group. By 2018, the movement shifted from municipal policies to state-level ballot initiatives in Republican-controlled states like Michigan, Missouri, Arkansas, Colorado, and Arizona. These campaigns were increasingly streamlined and cost-effective. Colorado's successful Amendment 70 operated on just $5 million with only four staff members, yet covered 150 times more workers than SeaTac's initiative at just 4.5 times the cost. In Democratic-controlled states like Illinois, New Jersey, and Connecticut, $15 minimum wage laws passed through legislatures with minimal debate in 2019. Illinois' bill moved through both chambers with little testimony and quick gubernatorial approval, showing how the issue had transformed from controversial to routine business.

第 6 章

Targeted Hiring: Connecting Jobs to Racial Justice

The fight against racial inequality remains one of the most persistent challenges in urban political economy. Since the Great Migration, organizers have struggled to secure good jobs in communities of color, with civil rights activists initially focusing on desegregating public employment and creating affirmative action programs. Targeted hiring policies represent a through-line in this work, moving local governments from passive to active roles in the labor market by leveraging public construction, contracting, and economic development to create jobs for structurally unemployed residents. These policies take various forms, from procedural requirements to use local employment services to outcome-based goals for marginalized populations. Chicago's experiment with targeted hiring in the 1970s-80s illustrates both possibilities and constraints. Harold Washington's mayoral administration (1983-1987) emerged from organizing around jobs and economic development, drawing on neighborhood-based movements challenging downtown-oriented growth. "Local hiring" became central to Washington's platform, with the "Chicago First" program launching in 1987. However, the program faced fierce opposition from contractors who called the requirements "official intimidation," while construction trade unions had their own history of excluding Black workers. After Washington's death in 1987, momentum dissipated, and Mayor Richard M. Daley quietly killed the program in 1991. The community benefits movement revived targeted hiring in the 2000s. As private investment returned to central cities, Community Benefits Agreements (CBAs) demanded developers compensate communities for projects receiving public subsidies or land-use approvals. CBAs typically included provisions beyond targeted hiring: living-wage requirements, community social spaces, environmental impact mitigation, and affordable housing. By the late 2000s, San Francisco's First Source Hiring program and Local Hire policy were failing to meet their 50% resident hiring goals. In 2010, Chinese for Affirmative Action and Brightline Defense issued a damning report declaring that "the 'good faith efforts' approach has clearly failed" and advocating for "targeted hiring mandates." Rather than regulating the market, the city could enforce mandates as a "participant" in the construction market. This legal innovation convinced San Francisco's Board of Supervisors to pass the Mandatory Local Hire ordinance in 2011, creating a model ready for export to other cities. In post-Katrina New Orleans, a city marked by extreme racial inequality, targeted hiring emerged from community organizing around the city's reconstruction boom. Despite billions in new investment, a 2013 report revealed 52% of working-age Black men were unemployed or out of the workforce, creating what activists called a "Black jobs crisis." Building on momentum from the Black Lives Matter movement with their "Black Workers Matter" campaign, organizers forced Mayor Mitch Landrieu's administration to establish a task force exploring targeted hiring. By fall 2015, the administration unveiled "Hire NOLA," requiring 40% local hiring and 20% disadvantaged worker participation on city-funded projects exceeding $150,000. Though organizers expressed concerns about enforcement, the ordinance passed unanimously, pairing with a Living Wage Ordinance to broaden its coalition support. Seattle's targeted hiring initiative emerged in response to tech-driven growth that exacerbated racial inequality. The Construction Jobs Equity Coalition mobilized after finding only 6% of city-funded construction work went to Seattle residents and just 3% to low-income community residents. Their "Priority Hire" program mandated 20% of hours on city projects over $5 million go to workers from economically distressed ZIP codes, bypassing constitutional limitations on explicit racial targeting.

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第 7 章

Beyond Wages: The Struggle for Time and Dignity

Economic justice movements have expanded beyond wage issues to address workers' control over their time and ability to manage household responsibilities. Following the Great Recession, workers faced not just low wages but increasingly unpredictable schedules and limited protections for time off, creating a "functionally intersectional" crisis that affected every aspect of workers' lives. Unlike minimum wage campaigns that tap into widespread understanding about fair pay, scheduling and time-off issues lack a clear vocabulary and organizing tradition. When interviewed, striking fast food workers often complained more about unpredictable scheduling than low wages-being sent home early after arranging childcare, facing "clopens" (closing late and opening early), and other practices that made stable life impossible. Policy networks addressing social reproduction issues emerged in the late 1990s following welfare reform, as organizations like the Children's Defense Fund, Center for Budget and Policy Priorities, and newer groups like A Better Balance shifted focus to working poverty. Unlike minimum wage campaigns with their clear graphics and statistics, advocacy for sick time and fair scheduling relies more on narrative descriptions of problems that official labor statistics don't track. Since 2012, twenty cities and states have passed paid time off laws, primarily in the form of sick days. The resulting legislation varies widely, with numerous exemptions and qualifications-Philadelphia exempts healthcare, Connecticut excludes businesses with fifty or fewer employees, and other laws exempt various government workers. The most progressive aspect is accelerating accrual rates to one hour per thirty worked, translating to about eight days annually for full-time workers-still meager by international standards. Fair workweek policies exist in even smaller numbers-just six cities and three states-with inconsistent coverage across industries. These laws lack internal coherence, introducing heterogeneous bundles of reforms including advance notice requirements, compensation for schedule changes, minimum paid hours per shift, and rights to rest between shifts. While sick days and fair scheduling never achieved the national prominence of the Fight for $15, they've successfully passed in numerous cities because they offered elected officials a way to demonstrate commitment to addressing inequality. Chicago's experience illustrates this dynamic perfectly-after securing a $13 minimum wage, labor organizers found Mayor Emanuel's administration fixated on matching New York Mayor de Blasio's progressive policies. Despite policy victories, organizers have struggled to make the public recognize and act against inhumane scheduling practices. Unlike minimum wage laws that operate within the historically well-regulated world of wage labor with ready-made economic measures, social reproduction work remains largely invisible. There's no "Bureau of Household Care" to measure caring work, which is performed either without compensation or by underpaid, low-status workers.

第 8 章

Fighting Austerity Through Anti-Racism

Fiscal austerity has become a crucial target for economic and racial justice coalitions who recognize that achieving their goals requires universal public goods to bridge the gap between unstable work and basic needs. Budget cuts in cities have been ongoing for fifty years, with federal fiscal support to cities now less than one-quarter of their funding. This pressure has disproportionately affected public education, social services, and public health, while police and real estate development budgets remain robust. Organizing against austerity faces two distinct challenges: the bewildering complexity of public finance creates barriers to grassroots mobilization, and the profusion of special districts and funds makes standardized policy approaches difficult. Activists have responded by simplifying their message-framing austerity directly as a problem of white supremacy. Through the mid-2010s, organizers tried to become financial educators, conducting TIF district bus tours and PowerPoint presentations explaining complex financial instruments. These efforts largely failed-"We presented too many PowerPoints," admitted organizers. The breakthrough came when they abandoned technical education in favor of narrative framing centered on race. When one organizer showed graphs on subprime mortgages, participants suddenly connected: "Oh, I get it: it's a big conspiracy by the banks." This shift to what Marshall Ganz calls "public narrative"-emotionally compelling stories rather than technical details-proved transformative. By naming perpetrators and centering racial inequality, organizers found a simplifying language that replaced exhausting technical details with emotionally compelling explanations. The Chicago Teachers Union effectively challenged Mayor Emanuel's "Renaissance" plan to close dozens of schools in low-income neighborhoods on Chicago's South and West sides. The Caucus of Rank-and-File Educators (CORE) transformed the union's approach, shifting from narrow bargaining over pay to activism that connected education with Chicago's broader inequalities. They directly confronted racial issues, labeling the school closure plan as "educational apartheid" in their report "The Black and White of Education in Chicago Schools," which highlighted that 88 percent of students affected by school closures since 2001 were African American. Tax increment financing (TIF) in Chicago exemplifies both chronic fiscal problems and acute crises for low-income communities. By 2000, TIF districts covered more than 30% of Chicago, freezing general-purpose property tax revenues at founding-year levels while diverting all future growth to "anti-blight" activities. Organizers gained traction against TIF by reframing it as a racial justice issue rather than a technical problem, simplifying complex financial mechanisms by showing how Wall Street itself began as a slave trading post. As economic and racial justice coalitions expand beyond workplace issues, they increasingly target regressive tax structures at the state level. The Colorado Fiscal Policy Institute exemplifies this evolution, transforming from a semi-volunteer organization in the 1990s to a sophisticated advocacy group with ten employees by 2019. Their expanded staff now includes outreach directors focused on building alliances with communities of color and communications specialists who create resonant messaging about complex fiscal policy.

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第 9 章

The Future of Urban Justice Movements

The recent success of social and economic justice movements in cities upsets traditional urban studies assumptions. These movements disprove warnings that mobile investors will punish cities for attempting redistribution. Their method of victory is particularly significant-uniting previously separated agendas around work and home, race and class. Despite institutional threats like the Janus Supreme Court decision cutting public-sector union revenue, economic and racial justice coalitions have demonstrated remarkable resilience. Their power stems from multiple durable sources, including the decades-long urban "renaissance" of investment and repopulation. Their collaborative methods have become systematized over twenty-plus years, making each new policy campaign more efficient than the last. What once required enormous resources-like Chicago's minimum wage campaigns-now moves through legislatures with minimal effort, as policy entrepreneurship networks convert labor-intensive advocacy into reproducible campaigns. The success of economic justice policy victories stems less from legislative votes than from the discursive framing that compels legislative bodies to act. Only in hindsight does the consensus on inequality seem inevitable-it took the Great Recession and movements like Occupy Wall Street to make inequality impossible to ignore. Teacher strikes demonstrate this power of problem framing: they succeeded not through organizational skill but by successfully rallying public support. However, the $15 minimum wage is not justice. Fair workweek legislation provides limited support for workers balancing paid and unpaid labor. Justice movements embrace necessarily utopian visions that evolve as movements mature. Early economic and racial justice coalitions strategically minimized racial components, focusing on narrowly material demands fitted to the American welfare state. Their vision centered on wages, employment benefits, and consumption-specifically "standard" jobs offering forty weekly hours, "family-wage" jobs supporting dependents, or simply "good" jobs exceeding undefined thresholds. These limited aspirations were products of their time, when expanding postwar incomes papered over glaring problems in this vision of justice through the workplace. This vision ignored how workplaces rationed access to "family wage" jobs for white men, declining public goods spending, rising costs of housing and healthcare, environmental costs of economic expansion, and the toll of repetitive work on human flourishing. Racial justice framing has transformed activism by turning abstract inequalities into concrete, actionable problems that "cut issues with great effectiveness." This conceptual power has allowed movements to quickly frame issues like disinvestment, undervalued care work, financial systems, police violence, and COVID-19 as racial justice problems. The most hopeful question is whether contemporary justice movements will transcend liberal pluralism's institutional means and goals. Current activists pursue visions rooted in New Deal era materialism-jobs, pay, housing-but alternatives like human development capabilities and Lefebvre's "right to the city" offer promising frameworks. Despite institutional disadvantages, justice activists increasingly shape rather than merely respond to problems, with mayors and council members now pledging loyalty to racial and economic equality. The work ahead is daunting but happening everywhere, allowing urban scholars to move citizens from the margins to the center of our stories.

★★★★★

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《工作中的正义》核心主题

urban economic justice
labor policy innovation
progressive coalition building
service sector regulation
racial and economic intersectionality

《工作中的正义》经典语录

Cities were becoming epicenters of progressive policy innovation.
Cities can directly regulate service industries that cannot easily relocate.
Cities remain committed to growth but have found ways to reconcile economic development with distributive fairness.
Inequality has worsened dramatically, urban areas have become unexpected winners in the global economy.

《工作中的正义》主要人物

Marc DoussardCo-author and researcher of urban justice
Greg SchrockCo-author and researcher of urban justice
Harold WashingtonFormer Mayor of Chicago and coalition leader
Ray FlynnFormer Mayor of Boston and coalition leader
Rahm EmanuelFormer Mayor of Chicago who embraced wage laws

关于作者

Marc Doussard 是《Justice at Work》的作者，也是一位备受赞誉的城市政策学者。他目前担任伊利诺伊大学厄巴纳-香槟分校城市与区域规划系的教授兼系主任。他的工作重点关注经济正义、基层组织，以及种族公平与城市政策的交汇点。

他与 Greg Schrock 合著的《Justice at Work》探讨了美国城市的联盟如何推动进步政策的变革，将严谨的学术研究与包容性经济发展的实践见解相结合。Doussard 的专业知识源于数十年来对城市不平等、劳工运动以及社区-劳工伙伴关系的研究，这些研究体现在他屡获殊荣的著作《Degraded Work》（2015年保罗·达维多夫奖获得者）以及发表在《Social Service Review》和《Journal of Urban Affairs》等期刊上的同行评审论文中。

作为城市研究领域备受推崇的权威，Doussard 的研究同时为政策辩论和学术课程提供了参考。他将城市视为政治和经济创新枢纽的分析被广泛引用，而《Justice at Work》也因其在重新构想公平城市未来方面所展现的务实乐观主义而受到赞誉。他出生并受教育于芝加哥，拥有伊利诺伊大学芝加哥分校的城市规划与政策博士学位，他的工作持续影响着关于可持续社区发展和社会正义改革的讨论。

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由哥伦比亚大学校友在旧金山创建

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@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

查看更多网络上关于 BeFreed 的讨论

开启你的学习之旅，就是现在

第 6 章

工作中的正义

概述《工作中的正义》概述

一本书，多种聆听方式。

The Urban Renaissance Paradox: Cities as Battlegrounds for Justice

Cities' Surprising Power in the Global Economy

边听边看，每个词都清晰呈现

The Evolution of Economic and Racial Justice Coalitions

Urban Policy Entrepreneurs: How Movements Win

从 《工作中的正义》中收获更多

The Fight for $15: A Movement Transformation

Targeted Hiring: Connecting Jobs to Racial Justice

边听边看，每个词都清晰呈现

Beyond Wages: The Struggle for Time and Dignity

Fighting Austerity Through Anti-Racism

从 《工作中的正义》中收获更多

The Future of Urban Justice Movements

你已读完 《工作中的正义》

《工作中的正义》核心主题

《工作中的正义》经典语录

《工作中的正义》主要人物

关于作者

下载《工作中的正义》摘要

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关于本书的常见问题

What is Justice at Work by Marc Doussard about?

Who should read Justice at Work?

Is Justice at Work worth reading?

What case studies are featured in Justice at Work?

发现更多

1,000,000+ curious minds.

1,000,000+ curious minds.

一本书，多种聆听方式。

The Urban Renaissance Paradox: Cities as Battlegrounds for Justice

Cities' Surprising Power in the Global Economy

边听边看，每个词都清晰呈现

The Evolution of Economic and Racial Justice Coalitions

Urban Policy Entrepreneurs: How Movements Win

从 《工作中的正义》中收获更多

The Fight for $15: A Movement Transformation

Targeted Hiring: Connecting Jobs to Racial Justice

边听边看，每个词都清晰呈现

Beyond Wages: The Struggle for Time and Dignity

Fighting Austerity Through Anti-Racism

从 《工作中的正义》中收获更多

The Future of Urban Justice Movements

你已读完 《工作中的正义》

用户还喜欢

发现更多

《工作中的正义》概述

从《工作中的正义》中收获更多

从《工作中的正义》中收获更多

你已读完《工作中的正义》

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从《工作中的正义》中收获更多

你已读完《工作中的正义》