What is *The Two Percent Solution* by Matthew Miller about?

*The Two Percent Solution* argues that redirecting 2% of America’s GDP (about $220 billion annually) could solve critical issues like universal healthcare, education reform, living wages, and campaign finance. Matthew Miller proposes bipartisan, market-friendly policies to achieve these goals while keeping government smaller than during the Reagan era.

Who should read *The Two Percent Solution*?

This book is ideal for policymakers, political enthusiasts, and voters seeking pragmatic solutions bridging liberal and conservative ideologies. It appeals to readers interested in healthcare, education, wage reform, and campaign finance overhaul through fiscally responsible frameworks.

Is *The Two Percent Solution* worth reading?

Yes, for its bold yet practical roadmap to address systemic issues without expanding government bureaucracy. Miller’s blend of data-driven analysis and bipartisan appeal makes it a standout for those tired of partisan gridlock.

What is the "2% GDP reallocation" concept in *The Two Percent Solution*?

Miller suggests reallocating 2% of GDP ($220 billion/year) from existing spending to fund universal healthcare, education improvements, living wages, and campaign finance reform. This “conservative means for liberal ends” approach aims to prove systemic change is achievable without drastic tax hikes.

How does *The Two Percent Solution* propose to fix healthcare?

The plan uses tax credits to help individuals buy private insurance, coupled with community rating laws to prevent discrimination. It combines universal coverage with market competition, avoiding a single-payer system while ensuring affordability.

What education reforms does *The Two Percent Solution* advocate?

Miller prioritizes attracting top teachers to low-income schools via competitive salaries and student loan forgiveness. The plan also funds infrastructure upgrades in underserved districts, aiming to close the education gap through targeted investment.

How does the book address wage inequality?

It proposes expanding the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) to guarantee full-time workers a living wage. This market-compatible approach supplements incomes without mandating higher employer wages.

What campaign finance reforms does Miller suggest?

The book advocates replacing corporate donations with citizen vouchers, allowing every voter to allocate public funds to candidates. This system aims to reduce special interest influence while encouraging civic participation.

2퍼센트의 해법

자유주의자와 보수주의자 모두가 환영할 방식으로 미국의 문제 해결하기

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3.98(89 Reviews)

2퍼센트의 해법 개요

GDP의 단 2%만으로 미국의 가장 큰 문제들을 해결할 수 있을까요? 매슈 밀러(Matthew Miller)의 획기적인 초당적 청사진은 양측 모두가 수용할 수 있는 실질적인 해결책을 통해 워싱턴의 교착 상태에 도전합니다. 존 매케인(John McCain)의 고문조차 "이것은 실제로 효과가 있을 수 있다"라고 인정했습니다.

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2퍼센트의 해법의 같은 아이디어를 담았습니다. 나에게 맞는 목소리, 깊이, 속도를 고르고 언제든 바꿔 보세요.

1장

The Two Cents That Could Transform America

What if I told you that for just two pennies on the national dollar, we could solve America's most pressing domestic challenges? Imagine a country where everyone has health insurance, every full-time worker earns a living wage, and every poor child has a great teacher in a well-maintained school. This isn't a utopian fantasy but the central premise of Matthew Miller's provocative book that sparked interest across the political spectrum, from Wesley Clark to Barack Obama to Mitch Daniels. The book challenges America's political establishment by proposing that neither the traditional left nor right has answers, but rather a new center focused on equal opportunity through market-friendly approaches adequately funded by conservatives. As America approaches a demographic cliff with baby boomers' retirement, Miller argues we face a critical choice: tackle these challenges together with modest resource reallocation or continue pretending to solve them until they explode. With political power closely divided, the time for bipartisan solutions has arrived, even as most Americans remain unaware that we're just two cents away from transformative change.

2장

The Illusion of Action in American Politics

What happens when neither major political party has a strategy for solving our biggest domestic problems? The result is what Matthew Miller calls the "tyranny of charades" - a political culture where leaders pretend to address issues while offering solutions that have almost nothing to do with solving actual problems. Consider healthcare for the uninsured. Our national ambitions regarding coverage have shrunk dramatically over the past decades, even as the country grew wealthier and the problem worsened. In the 2000 Democratic primary, Bill Bradley offered a serious $50-billion-a-year plan to cover all 40 million uninsured Americans. What went unreported was that Bradley's supposedly "liberal" plan was actually a slightly cheaper version of President George H.W. Bush's 1992 proposal. Both plans would have enabled families to buy private insurance via tax credits that tapered off as income rose. Bush Sr. offered his plan during $250 billion deficits, while Bradley proposed his during budget surpluses. Yet Bradley's approach was condemned as a "liberal fantasy" while Bush's earlier identical approach was dismissed for different political reasons. Meanwhile, education reform focuses on testing and standards while ignoring the teacher crisis in our poorest neighborhoods. Politicians mandate "quality teachers in every classroom" but provide no funding to make this possible. The depressing reality is that our high-profile education wars over standards, accountability, charters and vouchers are largely a sideshow. Without hundreds of thousands of talented teachers in our toughest schools, systemic reforms won't make much difference. Similarly, the "living wage" debate has become a showdown between inadequate liberal baby steps and conservative sidesteps. After a decade of activism, living wage ordinances cover at most 250,000 workers - a tiny fraction of the 25 million full-time workers earning near-poverty wages. Meanwhile, conservatives offer only "training and education" as solutions, which might help tomorrow's workers but do nothing for today's janitors, dishwashers, and home health aides. Even celebrated campaign finance reforms like McCain-Feingold represent Washington "fixes" that acquired symbolic power while doing little to solve actual problems. Without public financing, money continues to dominate politics, deepening public cynicism about Washington's false promises.

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2퍼센트의 해법의 각 단어가 오디오에 맞춰 실시간으로 강조되어 편하게 따라 읽을 수 있습니다.

3장

Why Our Politics Fails to Solve Problems

America's closely divided electorate creates political paralysis. With razor-thin margins like the 2000 presidential tie and narrow congressional majorities, both parties focus on "swing voters" rather than bold solutions. This parity breeds risk-averse "game of inches" politics where candidates "pretend to lead while basically trying to follow opinions" of undecided suburban voters. Democrats suffer from special fears driving deeper timidity. The Clinton healthcare fiasco of 1993-94 left psychological scars, costing Democrats congressional control and creating "a lost decade" for ambitious policy thinking. The party struggles with two competing camps: "Old Democrats" with traditional spending ambitions who distrust market approaches, and "New Democrats" with market-friendly instincts but unwilling to commit resources equal to today's problems. As Lawrence Summers noted, they've been reduced to a "reactionary liberal strategy" of warning voters about Republican threats rather than offering bold solutions. Republicans claim concern for the disadvantaged while pursuing contradictory budget priorities. When pressed, they offer several explanations: government action often has unintended consequences; their proposals aren't really "government programs" despite involving federal subsidies; poverty's solution is simply "working 80 hours a week"; systemic reform must precede funding (yet they pour billions into the unreformed Pentagon); and capitalism naturally improves everyone's lot eventually. Many Republicans suffer from cognitive dissonance - maintaining contradictory beliefs about caring for the disadvantaged while opposing policies that would help them. The media contributes to this dysfunction not primarily through ideological bias but through "stenography" - faithfully reflecting the boundaries of debate set by the two major parties without challenging them. As Walter Isaacson noted, "We tend to be guided by what public officials are debating," while Bill Keller described news gathering as "essentially a reactive process." Money further warps political debate by putting sensible policy options off-limits, turning politicians' attention toward wealthy Americans and business interests, allowing politicians to shake down businesses for campaign cash, and discouraging promising candidates from running for office. The "money primary" determines which candidates can even compete, as demonstrated by Bush's $72 million war chest crushing McCain's $21 million in 2000. The result is an elaborate charade where leaders pretend to be serious about solving problems while actually just signaling which "side" they're on. This performance corrupts political discourse and subjects citizens to orchestrated hoaxes that sour them on public discussion.

4장

The Coming Demographic Tsunami

The coming retirement of 76 million baby boomers threatens to overwhelm America's fiscal future while crowding out all other national priorities. Our government has transformed into an "ATM state" where 70% of federal spending now goes to mandatory entitlement programs rather than discretionary investments. This shift has already caused public investment in infrastructure, education and research to decline from 2.6% of GDP two decades ago to just 1.7% today. The demographic facts are stark: Worker-to-retiree ratios are plummeting from 5:1 in 1960 to nearly 2:1 by 2040. Between 2010-2030, the workforce will grow by just 13 million while Social Security recipients will increase by 31 million. Health and pension costs will soar by 3.7% of GDP between 2000-2020 (equivalent to adding $400 billion annually to today's budget), then rise another 2.5% in the decade after. By 2018, Social Security will begin paying out more than it collects, and by 2030, five entitlement programs will consume all available revenue. The nation faces $25 trillion in unfunded liabilities, effectively promising massive tax increases on future generations. Complicating matters is seniors' outsized political power through the AARP (growing from 35 to 50 million members) and their high voter turnout (68% in presidential elections versus 30% for young voters). The ultimate irony, especially for liberals, is that Medicare - not conservatives - will soon become the greatest obstacle to funding unmet social needs. Every unnecessary dollar spent on Medicare will be one that can't help a poor child. While experts acknowledge the burden the boomers' retirement will place on younger generations, most agree economic growth will still leave incomes higher than today. America can afford the baby boom's retirement, but the real question is whether we'll be wise enough to do so while leaving room for government to address other priorities.

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5장

Taking Luck Seriously: A Foundation for Reform

To move beyond our current political stalemate, we must organize around first principles, particularly the phenomenon of luck. "Luck" here refers specifically to the pre-birth lottery - those aspects of existence outside our control: inherited genes, race, wealth, looks, brains, talents, family values, and educational opportunities. Milton Friedman struggled with the concept of luck in economic outcomes. While acknowledging that "inequalities resulting from deliberate decisions clearly raise very different normative issues than do inequalities imposed from outside," he danced around luck's implications. Friedman's blind spot stemmed from his fear that acknowledging luck's role would justify freedom-limiting redistribution. Having fought against communism and 70-90% tax rates, he presented a false choice between incentive-killing equality and unfettered capitalism, missing middle-ground solutions. John Rawls offered a "Third Way" between Marxism and classical liberalism. His landmark 1971 work "A Theory of Justice" proposed that a just society should be designed as if from behind a "veil of ignorance" where no one knows what traits or circumstances they'll be born into. From this perspective, Rawls argued people would agree on two principles: equality in basic rights and duties, and social inequalities arranged to benefit the least advantaged while ensuring positions remain open to all. A more serious regard for luck's dominion can be integrated into modern capitalism and command broad consensus, leading to an agenda built around equal opportunity and a minimally decent life, achieved through market-friendly mechanisms.

6장

Universal Coverage, American Style

What would a bipartisan approach to universal healthcare look like? The author arranged a meeting between two congressmen from opposite sides of the political spectrum - Jim McDermott (D-Seattle) and Jim McCrery (R-Louisiana) - to explore what he calls "The Bradley-Bush Sr. Health plan," which offers tax subsidies to help people buy insurance from competing private plans. The meeting proved productive, with both congressmen acknowledging the need for compromise. McDermott, typically an advocate for single-payer healthcare, admitted: "I'm so frustrated by having spent thirty years watching it get worse that I'm willing to try practically anything to get us moving." McCrery, a conservative, conceded: "I'm willing to accept a lot more government intervention in the market than I normally would to create a system that will have some vestige of the market left in it." Their discussion focused on defining the basic benefits package that would be available to all Americans. McCrery advocated for a system where government provides basic coverage while allowing market-driven premium services for those who can afford them. He suggested using the federal employee health plan as a model, which defines general areas of coverage rather than specifying every test and procedure. Both congressmen tackled how to protect people with predictably high medical costs. McCrery surprisingly advocated for community rating - where everyone pays the same premium regardless of age, sex, or medical history. "I looked at it nine ways to Sunday," McCrery explains, "and I don't think there's any other way to do it." He argues insurers should compete on service and efficiency rather than "getting lucky" by cherry-picking healthier customers. McCrery also explained the inequity in the current healthcare system, where taxpayers subsidize coverage for the well-off while offering nothing to those who need help most. He proposed dismantling the current $125 billion tax subsidy that disproportionately benefits wealthy executives, instead creating a sliding scale system helping those who truly need assistance. The congressmen believe universal coverage is achievable through a bipartisan approach that would function like a healthcare voucher system. People would receive tax credits based on income, applied directly to insurance premiums through certified private insurers. This approach could satisfy both liberal goals of universal coverage and conservative preference for market solutions at a cost of approximately $80 billion annually.

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2퍼센트의 해법의 각 단어가 오디오에 맞춰 실시간으로 강조되어 편하게 따라 읽을 수 있습니다.

7장

Millionaire Teachers: Transforming Education for the Disadvantaged

Urban America faces an education crisis, with students in poor neighborhoods three grade levels behind those in higher-income areas. While schools need many reforms, teacher quality stands as the single most critical issue. Research shows that half the achievement gap facing poor and minority students stems not from poverty but from systematic differences in teacher quality. The problems begin with education schools, widely viewed as third-tier campus backwaters. Most elementary teachers major only in education rather than subject matter, leading to widespread "out-of-field" teaching that disproportionately affects poor children. Eighteen million children are taught core subjects by teachers lacking even a minor in those fields. When Roy Romer became L.A. superintendent, he discovered only 40-50% of math teachers in grades 3-5 were adequately prepared. "How can the most technically advanced nation have this situation?" he asked in frustration. Meanwhile, the neediest children routinely face brand new, untrained rookies each year as experienced teachers flee troubled schools. The market reality is stark: in 1970, a starting lawyer and teacher in New York had only a $2,000 salary gap; today, that lawyer makes $145,000 while teachers earn roughly $40,000. As Harold Levy puts it, "Why would we think the laws of supply and demand have been repealed with respect to public education?" Urban districts face a particularly cruel disadvantage - suburban schools typically offer higher pay, better conditions, and easier-to-teach students. A truly serious approach would make teaching poor children the career of choice for talented Americans. The author proposes "Title I for Teachers" - raising salaries for every teacher in poor schools by 50 percent, conditioned on two reforms: allowing the top half of performers to earn another 50 percent on average, and streamlining dismissal of poor performers to a fair 4-6 month process. In practice, this means starting teachers earning $60,000 instead of $40,000, with the best eventually earning close to $150,000. The goal: make America's best teachers of poor children millionaires over their careers. This would transform teaching from an embarrassing profession to one held in awe. The plan would cost roughly $30 billion annually - a 7 percent increase in K-12 spending that would create a 1000 percent revolution in how teaching is viewed. This serious proposal dwarfs current political offerings - Bush's symbolic tax breaks and Democrats' underfunded plans of $3 billion rather than $30 billion. Education leaders across the spectrum find this approach compelling. Sandra Feldman of the AFT acknowledged that everyone knows who the best teachers are in any school, and agreed it was unfair they weren't rewarded accordingly. Conservative reformer Chester Finn worried about "a 50 percent boost for just showing up" without performance measures, suggesting teachers surrender tenure in exchange for higher pay. A federal challenge approach could transform education politics by putting billions on the table for communities willing to meet conditions. This would reverse typical dynamics where unions and district managers negotiate privately, instead creating public pressure from parents, media, business leaders, and rank-and-file teachers who'd stand to gain $20,000-$50,000 annually.

8장

Vouchers Even Liberals Can Love

The voucher debate represents one of America's most politically polarized education issues, yet affects only a tiny fraction of students. While Milwaukee and Cleveland offer public vouchers to about 17,500 students combined, and private voucher programs serve 60,000 nationwide, these represent just one-tenth of one percent of America's schoolchildren. The voucher movement has progressive roots often overlooked in today's polarized debate. In 1962, law professor Jack Coons began studying why suburban schools outperformed urban ones, discovering the fundamental inequity in property-tax school financing. This system creates dramatic disparities: a poor district taxing itself at twice the rate of a wealthy district might still generate far less funding per student. Coons eloquently denounced this "socialism for the rich," noting that while other public services like highways and libraries are accessible to all, admission to good public schools "comes only with the price of the house." His work led to California's landmark Serrano case in 1971, where he proposed vouchers as a remedy for inequitable school funding. Milton Friedman, meanwhile, had advocated vouchers since 1955 from a market-based perspective, arguing that government could finance education without administering schools directly - similar to the G.I. Bill for higher education. Where Coons focused on equity for disadvantaged students, Friedman emphasized liberty and competition. Both sides perpetuate misleading arguments. Unions claim vouchers lack evidence (despite opposing larger trials), drain money from public schools (despite insisting on additional funding), are unconstitutional (despite the Supreme Court's 2002 ruling), lack capacity (ignoring market responses), and introduce harmful profit motives (though education is already big business). Meanwhile, conservatives falsely claim vouchers save money (ignoring costs of special education and infrastructure) and naively believe unregulated markets will serve disadvantaged students (when markets naturally favor the advantaged). Fresh perspectives are emerging that could break the voucher stalemate. Arthur Levine, president of Teachers College and lifelong voucher opponent, now advocates a "rescue operation" giving vouchers to 2-3 million poor children in the worst schools, calling it his "Schindler's list." Republican Lisa Graham Keegan criticizes property-tax school funding as "pernicious" and "wholly unfair," noting that poor districts often bear twice the tax burden of wealthy ones while receiving less funding. The proposed voucher bargain would increase urban per-pupil spending by 20-30% but implement it through universal vouchers giving every child choice. In cities spending $6000 per pupil, each child would receive a $7500 voucher, with federal funding guaranteed for 10-15 years. Schools accepting vouchers would need to reserve about 15% of seats where the voucher covers full tuition. This compromise attracted support from diverse voices, from Jack Coons to Clint Bolick to Senator Lamar Alexander. Even NAACP President Kweisi Mfume expressed openness if his concerns about inclusivity, accountability, and transportation costs were addressed. Only teachers' union leaders remained adamantly opposed, even when asked about doubling or tripling urban school funding through vouchers. Progress on vouchers requires progressive oversight to ensure benefits reach the poor without harm. Democrats should be the natural champions of this approach, but teachers unions' political influence blocks reform. Republicans alone can't carry this issue without minority leaders' trust.

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9장

Uncle Sam Guarantees a Living Wage

Pat Williams' story illustrates America's working poor crisis. Despite working two jobs, this single mother earned just $12,367 in 2000, leaving her vulnerable when an unexpected $477 gas bill arrived. Millions like her face declining wages despite full-time work, creating urban wastelands where work no longer provides dignity or adequate living. The usual remedies-improved education, labor law reform, immigration changes-could take decades to help, while the living wage debate remains stuck between right-wing free market absolutism and left-wing mandates that price the unskilled out of jobs. Enter Edmund Phelps, a Columbia economist whose thinking was influenced by philosopher John Rawls. Phelps developed a non-ideological approach that challenges both liberal dependency-creating welfare and conservative laissez-faire indifference. His solution: guarantee $9-10/hour for full-time work through sliding-scale employer tax credits. Under Phelps' plan, employers might pay $6/hour while government adds $3, creating a $9 effective minimum wage. As wages rise, the subsidy tapers off, reaching zero around $14/hour. Unlike the Earned Income Tax Credit, Phelps' plan covers all workers including childless singles, applies only to private sector jobs, and requires full-time work. This approach recognizes that the social benefits of employment exceed the productivity of less-skilled workers, making government subsidization logical. This "grand bargain" requires liberals to stop burdening employers with the full living wage while conservatives accept government's role in supplementing low wages. The $85 billion annual cost (partly offset by repurposing the $35 billion EITC) would create millions of entry-level jobs while ensuring work pays decently.

10장

Patriot Dollars: Democratizing Campaign Finance

Bruce Ackerman, Yale's Sterling Professor of Law, conceived "patriot dollars" as a market-based campaign finance reform. His solution: give every registered voter a $50 voucher (via special ATM card) to support federal candidates or political organizations. This injects $5 billion in grassroots money-outweighing the $3 billion raised from special interests in 2000-while avoiding bureaucratic allocation of public funds. The system would amplify ordinary voters' voices, potentially shifting campaign focus to issues affecting millions without financial clout, like healthcare for the uninsured. It increases political speech rather than limiting it, and lets individuals, not bureaucrats, direct public campaign funds. An alternative to Patriot dollars is the "clean elections" approach adopted in states like Arizona and Maine, where candidates receive public funding after demonstrating viability through small-dollar contributions. Jonathan Rauch proposed a framework combining public financing for candidates who reject private money with unlimited private contributions requiring immediate disclosure for those who don't. This "grand bargain" would provide public financing (through either Patriot dollars or clean elections) while deregulating private spending with instant disclosure requirements. This would make campaign financing itself an election issue, putting focus back on ethics rather than legality.

들리는 모든 단어를 눈으로 확인하세요

2퍼센트의 해법의 각 단어가 오디오에 맞춰 실시간으로 강조되어 편하게 따라 읽을 수 있습니다.

11장

Finding Two Cents: Paying for Transformation

Having outlined ideologically balanced solutions for universal healthcare ($80 billion), improving teaching in poor schools ($30 billion), establishing a living wage ($85 billion), funding school voucher trials ($2 billion), and campaign finance reform ($3 billion), we've allocated $200 billion of our $220 billion "Two Percent Solution" budget. The remaining $20 billion is allocated to universal preschool ($10 billion) and addressing the $100 billion school construction and repair backlog ($10 billion). How do we find these resources? The author proposes several approaches: 1. Stop giving unjustified subsidies to big corporations. Analysts from across the political spectrum estimate $90-125 billion annually goes to "corporate welfare." Rather than eliminating all corporate welfare, this proposal suggests ending just one-quarter of it, saving $25 billion annually. 2. Stop subsidizing extra health coverage for Americans who already have good coverage. Americans don't pay taxes on employer-paid health insurance, a $120 billion annual subsidy with 70% going to the highest-earning third of Americans. Including as taxable income employer health contributions exceeding the average would save $35 billion annually. 3. Shift one of every six dollars going to bureaucratic programs serving the poor. In 2004, governments at all levels will spend about $175 billion on means-tested benefits for low-income Americans. This proposal would shift $30 billion to the Two Percent agenda. 4. Shift half of current federal aid to poor schools to the Two Percent teacher initiative. Title I sends about $12 billion yearly to poorer districts, but much is spent ineffectively. Redirecting $5 billion from Title I makes sense. 5. Shift $25 billion now given as 'backstop compensation' to health care providers for serving the uninsured. With universal coverage, these subsidies become unnecessary. 6. Implement a Middle Eastern oil liberation tax. Phasing in a 60-cent-per-gallon gas tax would generate $60 billion annually while still keeping prices below 1981 highs and half what Europeans pay. 7. Cancel a portion of President Bush's tax relief for America's highest earners. Scrapping about one-third of Bush's tax cuts-primarily those benefiting the highest earners-would generate roughly $70 billion annually. 8. Consider defense spending reductions. By 2004, defense spending will reach nearly $400 billion-more than the next twenty nations combined and 15% higher than our Cold War average. An "Eisenhower-style 8-7-23 defense plan" could save $50 billion annually while still spending 8 times more than China, 7 times more than Russia, and 23 times more than Iran, North Korea, and Syria combined.

12장

Building a Two Percent America

In Orange County, California, focus groups of swing voters revealed encouraging receptivity to the Two Percent agenda. When asked whether they had a stake in solving problems like the uninsured, failing schools, and working poverty, participants readily connected these issues to the nation's future prosperity and their own well-being. Polling showed substantial support for increased federal action: 74% believed government should do more about the uninsured, 68% about poor schools, and 65% about the working poor. When asked about willingness to pay higher taxes for these issues, 55% supported taxes for the uninsured, 59% for poor schools, but only 38% for helping the working poor. The strongest supporters of the Two Percent agenda were women, young adults (18-34), Black Americans, and those earning under $30,000 annually - groups that generally believe poverty stems from bad luck rather than personal choices. Suburban women, highly coveted by both parties, showed encouraging support for all three proposals after hearing arguments. Testing revealed two particularly effective arguments for the Two Percent package. The first framed it as "a smart investment in our nation's future" that would prevent long-term costs of neglecting education and opportunity. The second positioned the agenda not as "big spending" but as a shift in priorities, emphasizing that it would leave government smaller than during Reagan's presidency. Creating a Two Percent Society requires changing the cynical habits of mind prevalent in America's public culture. While conventional wisdom views problems like healthcare and education as intractable, the Two Percent mindset recognizes these problems have answers requiring only modest changes in resource allocation. The author paints a vivid picture of America transformed by the Two Percent Solution. In this vision, no American would consider emergency rooms their primary care provider or fear bankruptcy from illness. The teaching profession would attract top talent, with the best teachers gravitating toward the neediest students. Low-wage workers would still face challenges, but would feel their country values work through guaranteed health coverage, good schools for their children, and living wages. This America would face the aging population challenge while meeting other public goals. Its social progress would enhance its global standing and inspire fresh appreciation for the American model of "civilized freedom" - producing both growth and justice while maintaining lower tax rates and higher job creation than other advanced nations.

★★★★★

2퍼센트의 해법 완독을 축하합니다

100만 명 이상의 학습자가 사랑합니다

“23일째 매일 사용하고 있어요. 이제 제 일상의 한 부분이 되었습니다.”

jayallen

2퍼센트의 해법의 핵심 주제

bipartisan policy reform
market-based social safety
equal opportunity funding
political gridlock solutions
universal healthcare access

2퍼센트의 해법의 명언

The time for bipartisan solutions has arrived.
Money continues to dominate politics.
We tend to be guided by what public officials are debating.
Capitalism naturally improves everyone's lot eventually.
The nation faces $25 trillion in unfunded liabilities.

2퍼센트의 해법의 등장인물

Matthew MillerAuthor and policy strategist
Bill BradleyFormer presidential candidate with healthcare plan
George H.W. BushFormer President who proposed private tax credits
Lawrence SummersEconomist who analyzed Democratic strategy
Walter IsaacsonMedia figure discussing political journalism

저자 소개

The Two Percent Solution의 저자인 매튜 밀러(Matthew Miller)는 사회경제적 문제에 대한 예리한 분석으로 잘 알려진 저명한 저널리스트이자 정책 전문가입니다.

미국진보센터(Center for American Progress)의 선임 연구원이자 Fortune의 월간 칼럼니스트인 밀러의 작업은 클린턴 행정부 고문과 맥킨지(McKinsey & Company) 컨설턴트로서의 경험을 바탕으로 정치 이론과 실질적인 정책 입안을 연결합니다. 그의 글은 The New York Times Magazine과 The Atlantic Monthly에 정기적으로 게재되며, CNN에서 정치 평론가로 활동하기도 했습니다.

밀러의 통찰력은 컬럼비아 대학교 법학 학위와 브라운 대학교 학사 학위를 포함한 다학제적 배경, 그리고 2014년 캘리포니아주 제33선거구 연방 하원의원 출마 경험에서 비롯되었습니다. 20년 동안 공영 라디오 프로그램인 Left, Right & Center의 공동 진행자로 활동하며, 거버넌스와 형평성에 대한 밀러의 미묘하고 정교한 관점은 공공 담론에서 실용적인 목소리로서의 명성을 공고히 했습니다.

The Two Percent Solution은 데이터 기반의 엄격함과 이해하기 쉬운 스토리텔링을 결합하여 혁신적인 정책 프레임워크에 집중해 온 그의 평생의 경력을 반영합니다. 이 책은 체계적인 불평등을 해결하기 위한 실행 가능한 제안으로 학계와 정치권에서 인용되어 왔습니다.

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