What is *Some People Need Killing* by Patricia Evangelista about?

*Some People Need Killing* is a memoir and investigative report on Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte’s brutal anti-drug campaign, documenting state-sanctioned killings and vigilante violence from 2016-2022. Patricia Evangelista, a trauma journalist, immerses readers in the psychological and societal impact of extrajudicial murders, chronicling survivors’ stories and perpetrators’ twisted justifications. The title引用s a vigilante’s chilling rationale: “I’m not all bad. Some people need killing.”

Who should read *Some People Need Killing*?

This book is essential for readers interested in human rights, Southeast Asian politics, or investigative journalism. It appeals to true crime enthusiasts seeking gritty, real-world accounts and scholars studying authoritarianism’s erosion of democracy. The graphic content and ethical questions make it suited for mature audiences grappling with moral ambiguities in governance.

Is *Some People Need Killing* worth reading?

Yes—it’s a critically acclaimed “journalistic masterpiece” (*The New Yorker*) and one of *TIME*’s top nonfiction books of 2023. Its unflinching examination of state violence, combined with Evangelista’s lyrical prose, offers profound insights into fear, complicity, and resistance under tyranny.

What does the phrase “some people need killing” mean in the book?

The title引用s a vigilante’s defense of his actions during Duterte’s drug war, reflecting widespread desensitization to violence. This mantra rationalized murder as public service, exposing how dehumanizing rhetoric enabled ordinary citizens to justify atrocities.

How does Patricia Evangelista’s background inform the book’s perspective?

As a trauma journalist and *Rappler* reporter, Evangelista spent six years embedding with killers, survivors, and activists. Her Pulitzer Center-supported investigations and awards like the Kate Webb Prize ground the narrative in rigor and empathy, blending reportage with intimate storytelling.

What critiques exist about *Some People Need Killing*?

While praised for its bravery, some note the unrelenting brutality may overwhelm readers. Others highlight its narrow focus on Manila-centric accounts, though this intentional choice amplifies systemic patterns over isolated incidents.

How does the book explain Duterte’s rise to power?

Evangelista traces Duterte’s populist appeal to public frustration with crime and corruption, juxtaposing his “strongman” image with the human cost of his policies. She analyzes how media manipulation and disinformation fueled acceptance of state-sanctioned murder.

What role do vigilantes play in the Philippine drug war?

The book揭露s collusion between police and vigilante groups, who often carried out executions to bypass legal scrutiny. Evangelista documents how economic desperation and ideological indoctrination turned civilians into ruthless actors.

죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약

필리핀 살인 연대기

패트리샤 에반젤리스타

4.2(8824 Reviews)

죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약 개요

패트리샤 에반젤리스타(Patricia Evangelista)의 수상작인 이 회고록은 피해자 가족들과 살인자 본인들과의 거침없는 인터뷰를 통해 두테르테의 잔혹한 마약 전쟁을 폭로합니다. 뉴욕타임스(NYT)가 선정한 2023년 최고의 도서 중 하나인 이 잊히지 않는 기록은 묻습니다: 국가는 언제 살인을 정상화하는가? "내가 완전히 나쁜 사람은 아닙니다. 어떤 사람들은 죽어야 하거든요."

전달 방식을 선택하세요

다양한 학습 방식으로 죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약 살펴보기

죽여 마땅한 사람들의 같은 아이디어를 담았습니다. 나에게 맞는 목소리, 깊이, 속도를 고르고 언제든 바꿔 보세요.

1장

When Justice Bleeds: Inside Duterte's Reign of Terror

In a country where the president proudly declares "I am the death squad," Patricia Evangelista's "Some People Need Killing" offers a harrowing journey through the Philippines' drug war. This unflinching chronicle has become required reading for human rights advocates worldwide, with Amal Clooney calling it "essential testimony of our time." The book's raw power comes from Evangelista's unique position - not as a foreign correspondent parachuting into chaos, but as a Filipino journalist documenting her own nation's descent into state-sanctioned violence. As President Rodrigo Duterte's death toll mounted between 2016 and 2022, Evangelista followed the blood trails through Manila's darkest corners, revealing how a democracy can embrace extrajudicial killing while its citizens applaud.

2장

The Killing Fields of Manila

When Rodrigo Duterte took office as Philippine president in 2016, the Philippine Daily Inquirer began "the Kill List" - a public record of those murdered in his war on drugs. The entries were numbered, chronological, and methodical. "Unknown hitmen" became a common phrase in reports, with victims consistently labeled as drug suspects. The killings were targeted, as Duterte had promised, against "people who would threaten to destroy my country." As a field correspondent for Rappler, I documented these deaths until security concerns forced me to flee Manila. The methods varied wildly - men abducted from homes, bodies found in canals, people shot in bedrooms or in front of schools. A new vocabulary emerged: "drug-related deaths," "salvagings," "extrajudicial killings." None were officially attributed to police. The stories of victims like five-year-old Danica Mae, killed by a bullet meant for her grandfather, haunted me. Fourteen-year-old Christine watched police force her father to kneel on an armchair before shooting him at close range. She blamed herself for letting go when they threw her against the wall, believing if she had held him tighter, he might have lived. Love-Love's parents had surrendered to authorities during Duterte's anti-drug campaign, believing this would keep them safe. One night, masked men burst into their home at 3 AM, declaring "Positive" over her sleeping father. When he awoke with a baby on his chest, they shot him in the head. Love-Love bravely stood between the gunmen and her mother, demanding they kill her instead. One gunman was restrained by another - "Don't shoot, she's only a child." Before killing her mother, the gunman declared "We are Duterte." Unlike foreign correspondents who can escape to safety, Filipino journalists inhabit the disaster zones we cover. We understand the cultural nuances: the guilt of Catholic fathers who couldn't protect their sons, the desperate hospitality of impoverished widows. The language fails as body counts rise - blood simply sits in pools or streams in rivulets. "Dead" becomes the most reliable word - concrete, verifiable.

들리는 모든 단어를 눈으로 확인하세요

죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약의 각 단어가 오디오에 맞춰 실시간으로 강조되어 편하게 따라 읽을 수 있습니다.

3장

Democracy's Dark Turn

Until Duterte's election, I believed in democracy as more than just government - as a community that condemned brutality. I didn't understand that my version of democracy was shared only by a minority. Duterte reimagined the Philippines as lawless badlands where addicts were armed threats and bureaucracy was the enemy. He promised salvation through violence: "Fuck the bleeding hearts," no second chances, just a loaded gun. The Philippines' journey to this moment began centuries ago. After Ferdinand Magellan claimed the islands for Spain in 1521 (before being killed by Chief Lapulapu), centuries of colonial rule followed. When Filipinos finally fought for independence from Spain in 1898, America intervened, purchasing the Philippines for $20 million and suppressing the Filipino republic with military force. My grandfather Mario Chanco's life spanned this complex history. Born to privilege in Manila during American occupation, he survived WWII when his family faced hardship under Japanese occupation. As a witness to atrocities, he later became a celebrated journalist known for his wit and "disgracefully humorous" writing style. His story connects personal heritage to the broader colonial experience, showing how San Chang Co's descendants transitioned from Chinese immigrants to English-speaking American subjects to citizens of an independent Philippines. In 1965, Ferdinand Marcos was elected president, falsely claiming to be "the most decorated war hero in the Philippines." When his constitutional term limits approached in 1972, he declared martial law, silencing critics and the free press. The Marcos dictatorship lasted fourteen years with American support, marked by corruption, imprisonment of 70,000 people, torture of 34,000, and over 3,000 extrajudicial killings. Opposition leader Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino Jr. returned to the Philippines in 1983 after three years in the United States, despite knowing the risks. Military officers escorted him from the plane, and gunshots rang out. A witness later testified: "it was a soldier who shot Ninoy." His assassination galvanized opposition to Marcos, with four million people marching in his funeral procession. The 1986 People Power Revolution transformed Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (EDSA) from a highway into a battlefield where Filipinos stood against Marcos's tanks. Despite armed troops with grenade launchers and machine guns, the people refused to run-they pressed their palms against hot metal, prayed, and held the line. Marcos and his family fled to Hawaii, and Corazon Aquino was inaugurated as president. For many Filipinos like me, EDSA became a foundational myth-"one part myth, two parts magic"-that shaped our national identity.

4장

The Punisher Rises

Rodrigo Duterte cultivated an image as a common man despite his privileged background. Though he portrayed himself as "born poor," he was actually the son of a provincial governor, raised with bodyguards, cooks, and drivers in a politically connected family. Young "Rody" was a troubled youth who skipped school, joined gangs, drank with his father's police bodyguards, and got into fights. At 27, he shot a fraternity brother named Octavio Goco who had bullied him over his Visayan accent-an incident he later boasted about, though Goco survived. Despite mediocre academic performance, Duterte became a prosecutor through political connections when his mother approached her late husband's colleague for help. His political career began when his mother Soledad "Soling" Duterte, who had led the Yellow Friday Movement against Marcos, declined the position of OIC vice-mayor of Davao City and suggested her son instead. The Davao that Duterte inherited in 1986 was known as "murder city" and "crime capital," a sprawling urban landscape plagued by violence, poverty, and Communist insurgency. During his second term as mayor, a new pattern of killings emerged targeting petty criminals and drug users. A group that came to be known as the Davao Death Squad (DDS) emerged, composed largely of "former New People's Army partisans and some policemen." Despite finding human remains at the Laud quarry burial site, the Commission on Human Rights' 2012 report could only conclude there was "circumstantial evidence" of the DDS's existence. The Coalition Against Summary Executions documented 1,424 deaths attributable to the DDS between 1998 and 2015, noting a lull when Duterte was in Congress and spikes during his mayoral terms. Two key witnesses later emerged. Edgardo Matobato, a self-confessed DDS hitman who claimed to have killed at least fifty people, testified that Duterte ordered killings. Police Chief Master Sergeant Arturo Lascanas initially denied these claims but later recanted after a religious awakening. Lascanas eventually confessed to numerous murders on Duterte's orders, including mosque bombings, the killing of a journalist, and executions of drug dealers. Despite these testimonies, Duterte maintained there was no need for a death squad since he "had a police department," though he had previously stated "Am I the death squad? True. That is true."

죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약에서 더 많은 것을 얻으세요

매일 새로운 인사이트를 10만 개 이상의 레슨에서 만나보세요
단어가 강조되어 오디오와 실시간으로 동기화됩니다
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5장

The Duterte Defense Squad

"Where I come from, most of the people were Duterte," Ann Valdez explained about her hometown. The statement was telling-residents didn't just support Duterte, they identified as him, embodying his values and worldview completely. For Ann, to be Duterte was to belong after a lifetime of searching for family connection. At twenty-five, she finally found the father figure she'd been seeking since childhood. She called him Father and proudly identified as DDS-not Davao Death Squad, but Diehard Duterte Supporter. The Duterte political dynasty had dominated Davao City for decades, circumventing term limits through family succession. This dynastic control was so complete that "Davao meant Duterte and Duterte meant Davao." The Duterte Defense Squad emerged after Sara Duterte punched a sheriff during a demolition dispute, with the rallying cry "WE DEFEND OUR MAYOR." This movement evolved into numerous variations-Digong Duterte Supporters, Duterte's Destiny's to Service to the Country, and ultimately Diehard Duterte Supporters. Rodrigo Duterte's path to presidential candidacy was characterized by a prolonged public performance of reluctance spanning almost two years. Despite saying "no" thirteen times in public statements, each refusal making headlines, he simultaneously outlined presidential promises. When the filing deadline passed in October 2015, his party fielded Martin Dino instead, who later withdrew. A quirk in election law allowed for substitution, and Duterte finally announced his candidacy. At campaign rallies, Duterte unleashed his unfiltered rhetoric to cheering crowds. He boasted about his sexual exploits, threatened drug users with death, and promised to order military and police to kill every addict in the country. He dismissed concerns from human rights activists and Congress, threatening to send tanks if they challenged him. He pointed to Davao's safety as proof his methods worked, assuring "law-abiding, God-fearing citizens" they had nothing to fear.

6장

The War Begins

Duterte won the presidency by four million votes while human rights lawyer Leni Robredo narrowly defeated Ferdinand Marcos Jr. for vice president. At his noon inauguration, Duterte delivered a surprisingly statesmanlike address, quoting Lincoln and Roosevelt while promising due process and rule of law. But by evening, addressing the poor in Tondo's Delpan Sports Complex, he reverted to his campaign persona, threatening drug users: "If you do, I will kill you." Within hours, the first victim appeared-an unidentified man shot behind the ear, abandoned in a Tondo alley with a cardboard sign reading "I Am a Chinese Drug Lord." In Philippine English, "salvage" became a contronym meaning both "to save" and "to execute without trial"-a linguistic corruption born during Marcos's martial law era when extrajudicial killings became commonplace. The journalists who documented Duterte's drug war at night were dubbed "nightcrawlers" by foreign press. Vincent Go, whose own father was abducted and murdered when Vincent was eleven, captured one of the first victims: a body bound with duct tape, head stuffed in a black trash bag, abandoned on Delpan Bridge with a sign reading "Chinese Drug Lord Li Peng Hui." For photographer Raffy Lerma, his first night covering the drug war revealed a disturbing public bloodlust. At a crime scene in Pandacan, he witnessed a daughter unable to grieve openly for her father, killed and labeled a drug pusher, while bystanders cursed the dead. Later that night, he encountered another body bound in a sack with a warning sign. A lone woman screamed at the journalists, asking if they had hearts or consciences-"like she was the only one who made sense that night."

들리는 모든 단어를 눈으로 확인하세요

죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약의 각 단어가 오디오에 맞춰 실시간으로 강조되어 편하게 따라 읽을 수 있습니다.

7장

The Machinery of Death

President Duterte carefully avoided using the word "murder" while calling for drug suspects to be killed. He spoke of them being "wiped out," "slaughtered," thrown from helicopters, or hanged with barbed wire, but insisted this wasn't murder-it was war. Duterte distinguished between murder (killing a bound man begging for his life) and what he called necessary killing for the nation's protection. He repeatedly promised no police officer would spend a day in jail for performing their "duty to kill." According to Duterte, drug addicts could be identified by their physical appearance-particularly their damaged teeth. He claimed addicts are "smelly," don't bathe or sleep, and constantly grind their teeth, resulting in tooth loss. The president portrayed addicts as monsters beyond redemption, claiming they rape indiscriminately, kill without reason, and are "no longer viable as human beings." The president's claims about drug users were grossly inflated. While he insisted there were 3-8 million drug addicts, the government's own Dangerous Drugs Board estimated only 1.8 million current drug users in 2015-a figure consistent with previous years and below global averages. When DDB chairman Benjamin Reyes publicly acknowledged this discrepancy, the president fired him, declaring "You do not contradict your own government." In July 2016, the Philippine National Police launched the drug war through Command Memorandum Circular No. 16-2016. The operation, called Project Double Barrel, targeted both high-value suspects and street-level users. The second component, "Tokhang"-a portmanteau of Visayan words meaning "knock" and "plead"-involved police visiting suspected drug users' homes to persuade them to surrender. While officially described as an invitation rather than a demand, the president's rhetoric made clear the deadly consequences for those who "resisted." The word "nanlaban" (fought back) became police justification for killing. "Nanlaban siya"-"he fought back"-appeared in countless reports explaining deaths during police operations. The phrase became both judgment and justification, a shorthand for those who "deserved what they got."

8장

Inside the Killing Machine

Buy-bust operations followed a predictable pattern in police reports. After surveillance, an undercover officer posed as a drug buyer to catch dealers in the act. Police reports used consistent language-"consummated transaction" followed by arrest. When suspects died, reports invariably claimed they "sensed the presence of lawmen" before drawing weapons, leading to fatal shootouts. This narrative appeared with suspicious regularity across countless reports, despite statistically improbable outcomes. On August 15, 2017, police in Bulacan province conducted sixty-seven operations resulting in thirty-two deaths within twenty-four hours. Each report followed the same template: suspects "sensed" they were dealing with police, drew weapons, and were killed in the ensuing firefight. Despite claiming multiple gunfights, police reported zero injuries among their ranks and a 100% kill rate of suspects who "resisted"-a statistically impossible outcome suggesting systematic execution rather than legitimate encounters. The day after thirty-two citizens died at the hands of state agents in Bulacan, President Duterte addressed the Volunteers Against Crime and Corruption at Malacanang Palace. Rather than expressing concern over the bloodshed, he declared "Thirty-two died early in Bulacan in a massive raid. Maganda 'yun"-"That's beautiful." His approval came while presenting his "narco list" of public servants allegedly involved in illegal drugs. According to President Duterte, killing drug addicts requires following procedure: being on duty, having a warrant, announcing police authority, and attempting arrest. When suspects resist, officers must overcome resistance. If the suspect appears armed, officers must shoot. The president's doctrine relies on "presumption of regularity"-the legal principle that official actions are presumed proper unless proven otherwise. "It's your duty to kill," Duterte instructed police, adding they could "kill them legally" rather than illegally. Police spokespeople offered contradictory justifications for the killings. While claiming addicts naturally resist and must be killed, they simultaneously boasted that millions of suspects surrendered peacefully-proof, they argued, that extrajudicial killings weren't state-sponsored. This contradiction revealed the fundamental flaw in the presumption of regularity: to kill legally required making an irrevocable connection between addicts and guns-a connection the president reinforced in speech after speech until it became accepted as normal.

죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약에서 더 많은 것을 얻으세요

매일 새로운 인사이트를 10만 개 이상의 레슨에서 만나보세요
단어가 강조되어 오디오와 실시간으로 동기화됩니다
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9장

The Faces Behind the Numbers

Efren Morillo, a fruit vendor and father of two, survived what should have been his execution. Shot in the chest during a police operation, he played dead as Police Staff Sergeant Allan Formilleza killed his friend Marcelo Daa just steps away. After the officers left, Morillo threw himself down a ravine and eventually found help on a highway. When police discovered him, they handcuffed him to his hospital bed and charged him with assault. His family sold their house to pay for bail and medical expenses. With pro bono help from the Center for International Law, Morillo filed criminal charges against the officers for frustrated murder, murder, robbery, and planting evidence. Physicians for Human Rights conducted independent forensic analyses that supported Morillo's account. On March 17, 2023, five years after the shooting, a Quezon City court acquitted Efren Morillo of assaulting police officers. The court determined that the presumption of innocence outweighed the presumption of regularity in police operations. Morillo's case exposed the falsehoods only because of a single "irregularity" in the drug war's fatal police encounters-he had survived. Lieutenant Colonel Robert Domingo ran Police Station 6 in Manila's Santa Ana district from a casual, workmanlike office. Short, square and solid, he proudly served under Duterte's administration, appreciating the president's support for police and the resulting safer streets. Domingo boasted that his patrols had cleared neighborhoods of troublemakers, allowing even his teenage son to roam safely at night. Domingo proudly recounted the takedown of "Buwaya" (Crocodile), allegedly the most dangerous criminal in Santa Ana. According to police, Buwaya was a six-foot-tall menace who terrorized neighbors, fired guns recklessly, and continued selling drugs despite the war on drugs. "He didn't believe in Tokhang," Domingo explained. "So, we encountered him." In police parlance, "encountered" is a euphemism for killing. According to Domingo, Buwaya's death followed democratic process. Residents of Village 767 had gathered at a basketball court to anonymously vote on who were the drug dealers in their community. Buwaya topped the list. But court documents tell a different story. Valerie, Buwaya's partner, testified that armed men burst into their bedroom, dragged her downstairs despite Ryan's (Buwaya's real name) pleas as he stripped to prove he was unarmed, then shot him twice. She claimed police planted evidence, took photos "for the cameras," and extorted 30,000 from her family before jailing her.

10장

The Hidden Hand of Vigilantes

In January 2017, the murder of South Korean businessman Jee Ick Joo by police officers exposed the corruption within Duterte's drug war. Jee had been abducted from his home on a fake drug bust, strangled at police headquarters, and his body cremated while officers extorted ransom from his wife. The international scandal forced Duterte to temporarily suspend police participation in the drug war and admit corruption within the force. For the first time in seven months, the death toll-which had reached 7,080-stopped climbing. Even vigilante killings ceased, revealing the connection between police operations and supposedly independent extrajudicial killings. After the drug war's suspension damaged credibility, authorities highlighted vigilante activity. PNP chief Dela Rosa presented the Confederate Sentinels Group (CSG), a "civilian volunteer organization" that had become vigilantes killing robbery suspects. They murdered sixteen-year-old Charlie Saladaga, shooting him in the face and dumping his body in a sack. The press conference aimed to dispel accusations that police were behind extrajudicial killings. However, not all killers were arrested, and some spoke to me about their involvement in state-sanctioned murders for bounties ranging from 30,000 to 100,000 per kill. Angel, a vigilante I interviewed in a motel, revealed that the CSG press conference was "putting on a show" while knowing the arrested men "were their men on the ground." Under Commander Maning's orders, Angel joined CSG to "clean out thieves and drug dealers." CSG Chapter 2 in Tondo had 20-40 members-garbage collectors, drivers, security guards-who considered themselves soldiers in Duterte's drug war. Commander Maning set bounties ranging from 30,000-100,000 per kill, split among team members. "The police knew," Angel insisted. "We couldn't have operated if they didn't know." Another killer, whom I called Simon, described himself as an ordinary religious man with a family who believed Duterte was right that addicts should die. The group targeted meth users, drug runners, thieves, and even unfaithful husbands, killing about twenty people in seven months. "After Duterte was elected, the killing was automatic," Simon said. Though claiming he was never paid, he stayed because he believed in the cause: "Some people need killing." The vigilantes operated confidently, knowing police would release them if they mentioned Commander Maning's name. Four sources claimed a specific police commander had ordered extrajudicial killings from late 2016 to early 2017. When a journalist revealed the name to me, I was shocked-it was my friend Domingo, Station 1 chief. According to the vigilantes, Domingo outsourced murders to CSG Chapter 2, providing target lists and ensuring police wouldn't interfere. "It was Domingo," Angel confirmed, pointing to his photo. My friend never told me if he ordered the killings.

들리는 모든 단어를 눈으로 확인하세요

죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약의 각 단어가 오디오에 맞춰 실시간으로 강조되어 편하게 따라 읽을 수 있습니다.

11장

When the Camera Captures Truth

Rodrigo Duterte wasn't the first politician to declare war on a domestic issue, but unlike metaphorical "wars" on poverty or hunger, when Duterte declared war on drugs and said "kill," he meant it literally. Despite some dissent from lawyers, priests and activists, most Filipinos continued their normal lives as the death toll mounted. For those in privileged areas, death remained an abstraction-until December 2020, when everything changed. An eleven-second video captured the final confrontation between off-duty police officer Jonel Nuezca and the Gregorios. After a brief moment when peace seemed possible, Nuezca taunted Anton ("You be the cop so you can get a gun"), while Sonya refused to let her son be taken. The situation escalated when Nuezca's twelve-year-old daughter shoved Sonya and proudly declared "My father is a policeman!" When Sonya mockingly responded with a singsong "I don't care-eh-eh-eh," Nuezca snapped. Four gunshots rang out in less than five seconds-leaving both Sonya and Anton dead on the ground while the cop and his daughter calmly walked away. The video flooded cyberspace with millions of views, triggering widespread outrage with hashtags like #StoptheKillingsPH and #CopsareTerrorists trending. Journalists who had covered the drug war for years expressed frustration at those suddenly shocked by police violence when similar killings had occurred for years without video evidence. Many journalists were angered not by the violence itself-a constant presence for years-but by those expressing sudden indignation after ignoring a "four-year parade of coffins." Within 24 hours of the shooting, police leadership and government officials rushed to distance themselves from Nuezca. The cop surrendered an hour after the murders, and was quickly condemned by the Tarlac police chief, interior secretary, and PNP Chief Debold Sinas, who assured the public "the PNP does not and will never condone any criminal act." In a televised address, President Duterte called Nuezca "an isolated case" who was "sick in the head." The government successfully recast Nuezca as an exception rather than representative of police culture, with Duterte declaring the officer should be jailed and even suggesting he be "fried alive."

12장

The Legacy of Blood

Thirty-six years after the EDSA Revolution that overthrew Ferdinand Marcos, I stand on Epifanio de los Santos Avenue observing what should be a commemoration but feels more like a wake. The Philippines has come full circle: from Ferdinand Magellan who claimed the islands for Spain, to Ferdinand Marcos who bled the nation as dictator, to Ferdinand Marcos Jr. now taking his oath of office while Ferdinand Marcos III waits in the wings. Jubilant crowds celebrate at Marcos-Duterte campaign headquarters on the very avenue where citizens once marched to overthrow the dictator. The war on drugs leaves countless victims like Rene Desierto, found on a bridge with packing tape wrapped around his head and a cardboard sign reading "Drug Pusher. Do Not Imitate." His wife Ivy identifies him by his feet, begging police to let her touch him. The investigator struggles to cut through the tape mask, revealing a face with a thin dark line across the neck-Rene had been stabbed nineteen times and garroted. Then there's Djastin "with a D," whose mother used to carry him through floods to the hospital when he seized, shot dead at twenty-five on railroad tracks gasping "Mama, help me." The Ocdin family lost three brothers to Duterte's war-Mark Andy being the last, killed on the final Sunday of Duterte's presidency. The Ocdins had learned all the rituals of death: which hospital handled gunshot wounds, which councilor would lend a tent for the wake, where to buy balloons stamped "We Love You Mark Andy," and how to fit multiple bodies into a single cemetery niche. The Filipino greeting "Mabuhay"-meaning "to live"-takes on grim irony in a nation where extrajudicial killings became policy. While presented to tourists as a warm welcome, in Manila during Duterte's reign it became both wisdom and warning: "I hope you live." Vincent, a photojournalist who documented at least 990 killings after Duterte took office, tells me he might have supported Duterte if the president had truly focused on killing the corrupt rather than drug users, whom Vincent sees as victims of disease. The vigilante's phrase "Some people need killing" reveals the moral calculus of Duterte's Philippines. It's an active sentence where the subject is "people" and the verb is "need"-suggesting they earned their deaths, removing accountability from those who pulled triggers. But "kill" is transitive-someone killed Djastin Lopez. The direct line from order to trigger to bullet to death can be drawn straight. I recall Ninoy Aquino's words: "Is the Filipino worth suffering, or even dying, for?" He concluded yes, because Filipinos are brave, value life, are patient and dignified. But what of those deemed criminals and addicts? What of those who voted for killers? Are they worth dying for? The question hangs unanswered while the mayor's brutal philosophy counters: "The Filipino is worth killing for. The dead do not count."

★★★★★

죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약 완독을 축하합니다

“23일째 매일 사용하고 있어요. 이제 제 일상의 한 부분이 되었습니다.”

jayallen

죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약의 핵심 주제

extrajudicial killings
state-sanctioned violence
democratic backsliding
drug war atrocities
authoritarian populism

죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약의 명문장

I am the death squad.
We are Duterte.
Fuck the bleeding hearts.
it was a soldier who shot Ninoy.
Don't shoot, she's only a child.

죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약의 등장인물

Patricia EvangelistaFilipino journalist and author of the chronicle
Rodrigo DutertePresident of the Philippines and drug war architect
Mario ChancoCelebrated journalist and the author's grandfather
Ferdinand MarcosFormer dictator who declared martial law in 1972
Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino Jr.Opposition leader whose assassination sparked reform

저자 소개

패트리샤 찬코 에반젤리스타(Patricia Chanco Evangelista)는 찬사를 받는 트라우마 전문 기자이자 《일부 사람들은 죽어야 한다: 내 나라에서 벌어진 살인에 관한 회고록(Some People Need Killing: A Memoir of Murder in My Country)》의 저자입니다. 그녀는 조사 보도의 엄밀함과 현장 취재를 결합하여 정치적 폭력과 인권 위기를 기록합니다.

서사적 비허구와 실화 범죄 분석이 어우러진 이 회고록은 그녀가 《래플러(Rappler)》에서 로드리고 두테르테의 마약 전쟁을 취재하며 보낸 9년의 시간을 바탕으로 합니다. 그녀의 수상작인 "불처벌(Impunity)" 시리즈는 초법적 살인에 가담한 경찰의 체계적인 공모를 폭로했습니다.

뉴 아메리카(New America) 펠로우이자 예일대 동남아시아 연구 위원회 준회원인 에반젤리스타의 작업은 위험 지역 저널리즘에 수여하는 케이트 웹 상(Kate Webb Prize)과 2024년 헬렌 번스타인 저널리즘 우수 도서상(Helen Bernstein Book Award for Excellence in Journalism)을 수상했습니다. 슈퍼태풍 하이얀과 같은 재난을 다룬 ABS-CBN 뉴스 채널의 다큐멘터리로 뉴욕 페스티벌 메달을 받기도 했습니다.

《일부 사람들은 죽어야 한다》는 《타임(TIME)》 선정 2023년 비허구 부문 도서 1위, 《뉴욕 타임스(New York Times)》 톱 10 도서에 이름을 올렸으며, 여성 비허구 문학상(Women’s Prize for Non-Fiction) 후보 명단에 올라 국가 주도 폭력에 관한 결정적 기록으로서의 위상을 공고히 했습니다.

죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약 다운로드

죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약을 무료 PDF 또는 EPUB으로 받으세요. 인쇄하거나 오프라인에서 언제든 읽을 수 있습니다.

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Nature's Lethal Ambition

This plan offers a unique look at how humanity has harnessed nature's toxins for power, war, and status. It is ideal for history buffs, science enthusiasts, and true crime fans interested in the dark evolution of toxicology.

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The Anatomy of a Murderous Idea

This plan is essential for students of literature and philosophy seeking to understand the psychological depths of Crime and Punishment. It is ideal for anyone interested in the intersection of morality, criminal psychology, and the arduous path toward spiritual atonement.

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The Mind of the Hunter

Understanding the psychological architecture of violent offenders is crucial for professionals in criminal justice and forensic psychology. This plan is ideal for aspiring profilers or true crime enthusiasts looking to move beyond headlines into the science of behavioral analysis.

2 h 18 m•3 섹션

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The Hidden Psychology of Female Serial Killers

This course provides a deep dive into the unique behavioral patterns and psychological frameworks of female offenders. It is essential for criminology students, true crime enthusiasts, and legal professionals seeking to move beyond gender stereotypes in criminal profiling.

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Psychologie noir

This learning plan provides critical insights into the darker aspects of human behavior and the mechanics of manipulation. It is essential for professionals in law enforcement, psychology, or anyone seeking to protect themselves from predatory personalities.

5 h 40 m•4 섹션

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Thrive in Nice Nasty Workplaces

This plan is essential for professionals navigating toxic environments hidden behind a facade of politeness. It benefits anyone facing passive aggression or gaslighting who needs actionable strategies to reclaim their agency and well-being.

1 h 30 m•3 섹션

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Mastering dark manipulation,

This curriculum is essential for high-stakes negotiators and leaders who need to navigate and dominate complex social landscapes. It provides a deep dive into the darker aspects of human psychology to ensure you can recognize and utilize the mechanics of power.

6 h 9 m•4 섹션

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Power, Blood, and Statecraft

This plan provides a deep dive into the brutal evolution of political authority and the shift from divine right to state sovereignty. It is essential for students of political science, history buffs, or anyone seeking to understand the ruthless mechanics behind how power is seized and held.

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컬럼비아 대학교 동문들이 제작 | 샌프란시스코에서 개발

BeFreed는 호기심 넘치는 글로벌 커뮤니티를 하나로 연결합니다

4.7

평균 평점

앱 평가 7.84천 개 이상

BeFreed 커뮤니티

정말이지 아직 앱을 다 써 보지도 않았는데, 며칠 써 본 것만으로도 깊은 인상을 받았어요… BeFreed는 제가 써 본 어떤 학습 앱과도 차원이 달라요. 몰입감이 엄청나고 집중력도 실제로 좋아져서, 스마트폰을 하염없이 스크롤하는 분들께 딱이에요!

@ladyInfinity

정확히 23일 전에 BeFreed를 구입했는데, 그날부터 하루도 빠짐없이 쓰고 있어요. 제 일상 업무 흐름과 학습 습관에 완전히 자리 잡았어요.

@jayallen

솔직히 이 앱은 제 기대를 전부 뛰어넘었어요. 어떤 주제든 오디오로 만들어 달라고 할 수 있고, 결과물이 놀라워요. 제 전문 분야는 심리치료 쪽이고 여러 학문이 얽혀 있는데도 답변이 아주 정확해요.

@Raguipa

제일 고마운 건 스크롤하는 시간이 확 줄었다는 거예요. 검색하는 시간은 줄고 흡수하는 시간은 늘었어요. 오디오북 전권, 팟캐스트, 학습 플랜의 조합이 정말 훌륭해요.

@colonyofcreatorsNGO

저는 24년째 PhotoReading 속진 학습 강사로 일하고 있어요… 책과 독서, 배움이 제 전문인데, BeFreed는 정보를 소화하기 쉽게 전달하는 혁신적인 방식을 정말 잘 구현했어요.

@BeFreed user

단순한 책 요약 앱이 아니에요. '재미' 스타일을 써 봤는데, 전통적인 방식보다 훨씬 나은 요약이고 아이디어를 이해하기도 쉬워요. 이것만으로도 값어치를 해요.

@austinakon

이 앱이 정말 좋아요. 며칠 써 봤는데 듣는 걸 멈출 수가 없어요. 시작하기에 이보다 좋을 수 없어요.

@jcrules328

정말 마음에 들어요. 한 달 정도 써 봤는데 숨은 보석을 찾은 기분이에요. BeFreed로 제가 원하는 주제를 직접 만들 수 있어서 좋고, 목소리도 훌륭한 데다 내레이션 선택지가 무궁무진해요.

@DanielCZ

정말이지 아직 앱을 다 써 보지도 않았는데, 며칠 써 본 것만으로도 깊은 인상을 받았어요… BeFreed는 제가 써 본 어떤 학습 앱과도 차원이 달라요. 몰입감이 엄청나고 집중력도 실제로 좋아져서, 스마트폰을 하염없이 스크롤하는 분들께 딱이에요!

@ladyInfinity

정확히 23일 전에 BeFreed를 구입했는데, 그날부터 하루도 빠짐없이 쓰고 있어요. 제 일상 업무 흐름과 학습 습관에 완전히 자리 잡았어요.

@jayallen

솔직히 이 앱은 제 기대를 전부 뛰어넘었어요. 어떤 주제든 오디오로 만들어 달라고 할 수 있고, 결과물이 놀라워요. 제 전문 분야는 심리치료 쪽이고 여러 학문이 얽혀 있는데도 답변이 아주 정확해요.

@Raguipa

제일 고마운 건 스크롤하는 시간이 확 줄었다는 거예요. 검색하는 시간은 줄고 흡수하는 시간은 늘었어요. 오디오북 전권, 팟캐스트, 학습 플랜의 조합이 정말 훌륭해요.

@colonyofcreatorsNGO

저는 24년째 PhotoReading 속진 학습 강사로 일하고 있어요… 책과 독서, 배움이 제 전문인데, BeFreed는 정보를 소화하기 쉽게 전달하는 혁신적인 방식을 정말 잘 구현했어요.

@BeFreed user

단순한 책 요약 앱이 아니에요. '재미' 스타일을 써 봤는데, 전통적인 방식보다 훨씬 나은 요약이고 아이디어를 이해하기도 쉬워요. 이것만으로도 값어치를 해요.

@austinakon

이 앱이 정말 좋아요. 며칠 써 봤는데 듣는 걸 멈출 수가 없어요. 시작하기에 이보다 좋을 수 없어요.

@jcrules328

정말 마음에 들어요. 한 달 정도 써 봤는데 숨은 보석을 찾은 기분이에요. BeFreed로 제가 원하는 주제를 직접 만들 수 있어서 좋고, 목소리도 훌륭한 데다 내레이션 선택지가 무궁무진해요.

@DanielCZ

유용한 정보와 아이디어를 8~15분짜리 팟캐스트 스타일 오디오로 압축해서 들을 수 있다는 게 정말 좋아요. 원래 팟캐스트는 군더더기가 많아서 안 좋아했는데, 여기는 그걸 싹 걷어냈어요.

@BeFreed user

박사 과정을 마무리하는 중이라 낯선 자료를 많이 읽어야 해요… BeFreed에서는 프롬프트만 입력하면 앱이 자료를 찾아서 오디오 팟캐스트로 만들어 줘요. BeFreed의 과정이 NotebookLM보다 더 매끄럽게 느껴져요.

@Brad

아침을 준비하거나 산책하거나 출퇴근할 때 들을 것을 YouTube에서 자주 찾곤 했는데, BeFreed는 광고도 군더더기도 없이 훨씬 더 딱 맞는 걸 들려줘요!

@BeFreed user

이 플랫폼의 가장 큰 장점은 활용도예요. 다루지 못하는 주제가 말 그대로 하나도 없어요. 무엇을 던져도 다 소화해요… 제한이 전혀 없으면서 약속을 실제로 지키는 학습 도구는 정말 드물어요.

@jayallen

BeFreed는 환상적이에요. 디자인이 편해서 헤매는 시간은 줄고 배우는 시간은 늘었어요. 오디오북, 팟캐스트, 학습 플랜의 조합은 천재적이에요. 제 하루가 완전히 달라졌어요.

@BeFreed user

처음엔 이탈리아어로 팟캐스트를 만드는 방법을 이해하는 데 시간이 좀 걸렸는데, 알고 나니까 — 와! 정말 대단해요! 어떤 주제든 설명해 달라고 하면 정말 똑똑하게 잘 설명해 줘요!

@matteo77

BeFreed는 제가 매일 쓰는 오디오북 앱이 됐어요… 제일 마음에 드는 건 텍스트를 넣으면 이동 중에도 들을 수 있는 오디오로 만들어 준다는 점이에요.

@kotanzu1

유용한 정보와 아이디어를 8~15분짜리 팟캐스트 스타일 오디오로 압축해서 들을 수 있다는 게 정말 좋아요. 원래 팟캐스트는 군더더기가 많아서 안 좋아했는데, 여기는 그걸 싹 걷어냈어요.

@BeFreed user

박사 과정을 마무리하는 중이라 낯선 자료를 많이 읽어야 해요… BeFreed에서는 프롬프트만 입력하면 앱이 자료를 찾아서 오디오 팟캐스트로 만들어 줘요. BeFreed의 과정이 NotebookLM보다 더 매끄럽게 느껴져요.

@Brad

아침을 준비하거나 산책하거나 출퇴근할 때 들을 것을 YouTube에서 자주 찾곤 했는데, BeFreed는 광고도 군더더기도 없이 훨씬 더 딱 맞는 걸 들려줘요!

@BeFreed user

이 플랫폼의 가장 큰 장점은 활용도예요. 다루지 못하는 주제가 말 그대로 하나도 없어요. 무엇을 던져도 다 소화해요… 제한이 전혀 없으면서 약속을 실제로 지키는 학습 도구는 정말 드물어요.

@jayallen

BeFreed는 환상적이에요. 디자인이 편해서 헤매는 시간은 줄고 배우는 시간은 늘었어요. 오디오북, 팟캐스트, 학습 플랜의 조합은 천재적이에요. 제 하루가 완전히 달라졌어요.

@BeFreed user

처음엔 이탈리아어로 팟캐스트를 만드는 방법을 이해하는 데 시간이 좀 걸렸는데, 알고 나니까 — 와! 정말 대단해요! 어떤 주제든 설명해 달라고 하면 정말 똑똑하게 잘 설명해 줘요!

@matteo77

BeFreed는 제가 매일 쓰는 오디오북 앱이 됐어요… 제일 마음에 드는 건 텍스트를 넣으면 이동 중에도 들을 수 있는 오디오로 만들어 준다는 점이에요.

@kotanzu1

웹에서 BeFreed가 어떻게 논의되고 있는지 더 보기

지금 바로 학습 여정을 시작하세요

10장

죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약

죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약 개요

다양한 학습 방식으로 죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약 살펴보기

When Justice Bleeds: Inside Duterte's Reign of Terror

The Killing Fields of Manila

들리는 모든 단어를 눈으로 확인하세요

Democracy's Dark Turn

The Punisher Rises

죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약에서 더 많은 것을 얻으세요

The Duterte Defense Squad

The War Begins

들리는 모든 단어를 눈으로 확인하세요

The Machinery of Death

Inside the Killing Machine

죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약에서 더 많은 것을 얻으세요

The Faces Behind the Numbers

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들리는 모든 단어를 눈으로 확인하세요

When the Camera Captures Truth

The Legacy of Blood

죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약 완독을 축하합니다

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죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약의 명문장

죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약의 등장인물

저자 소개

죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약 다운로드

다른 사용자들도 좋아한 책

죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약에 관한 자주 묻는 질문

What is Some People Need Killing by Patricia Evangelista about?

Who should read Some People Need Killing?

Is Some People Need Killing worth reading?

What does the phrase “some people need killing” mean in the book?

이 학습 계획의 일부

Political Enforcers: Patterns of Fragility

Philippines History

더 알아보기

BeFreed는 호기심 넘치는 글로벌 커뮤니티를 하나로 연결합니다

다양한 학습 방식으로 죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약 살펴보기

When Justice Bleeds: Inside Duterte's Reign of Terror

The Killing Fields of Manila

들리는 모든 단어를 눈으로 확인하세요

Democracy's Dark Turn

The Punisher Rises

죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약에서 더 많은 것을 얻으세요

The Duterte Defense Squad

The War Begins

들리는 모든 단어를 눈으로 확인하세요

The Machinery of Death

Inside the Killing Machine

죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약에서 더 많은 것을 얻으세요

The Faces Behind the Numbers

The Hidden Hand of Vigilantes

들리는 모든 단어를 눈으로 확인하세요

When the Camera Captures Truth

The Legacy of Blood

죽여 마땅한 사람들 요약 완독을 축하합니다

다른 사용자들도 좋아한 책

이 학습 계획의 일부

Political Enforcers: Patterns of Fragility

Philippines History

더 알아보기