What is *Black Flags: The Rise of ISIS* about?

*Black Flags: The Rise of ISIS* chronicles the origins and expansion of the Islamic State, tracing its roots to radical Islamist ideology in a Jordanian prison and the pivotal roles of figures like Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. Pulitzer Prize-winning author Joby Warrick combines CIA intelligence, Middle Eastern geopolitics, and operational narratives to explain how U.S. policy missteps and regional conflicts fueled ISIS’s rise.

Who should read *Black Flags: The Rise of ISIS*?

This book is essential for readers interested in modern terrorism, Middle Eastern history, or U.S. foreign policy. Journalists, policymakers, and students of geopolitics will value its investigative depth and firsthand accounts from intelligence operatives, diplomats, and jihadis.

Is *Black Flags: The Rise of ISIS* worth reading?

Yes. Warrick’s Pulitzer-winning work is hailed as a definitive history of ISIS, blending rigorous research with a gripping narrative. Critics praise its ability to contextualize complex events, such as Zarqawi’s brutality and the unintended consequences of the Iraq War, making it both informative and accessible.

How does *Black Flags* explain the origins of ISIS?

The book identifies Abu Musab al-Zarqawi—a Jordanian militant radicalized in prison—as ISIS’s ideological founder. It details how Zarqawi exploited the U.S. invasion of Iraq to incite Sunni-Shiite violence, establishing a blueprint for terror that his successor, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, expanded into a caliphate.

What role did the U.S. invasion of Iraq play in ISIS’s rise?

Warrick argues the 2003 invasion created a power vacuum and sectarian divisions that Zarqawi leveraged to recruit followers and orchestrate attacks. The collapse of state institutions and prolonged occupation provided fertile ground for ISIS’s eventual resurgence under Baghdadi.

How does *Black Flags* describe Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi’s leadership?

Baghdadi is portrayed as a calculating strategist who transformed Zarqawi’s fragmented network into a centralized caliphate. Unlike his predecessor, he focused on territorial control, governance, and global propaganda, exploiting the Syrian civil war to consolidate power.

What key sources does Joby Warrick use in the book?

Warrick draws on declassified CIA documents, interviews with Jordanian intelligence officials, and insights from U.S. policymakers. This multi-perspective approach provides granular details on operations like Zarqawi’s 2005 hotel bombings in Amman and Baghdadi’s prison breaks.

What critiques exist about *Black Flags*?

While praised for its narrative thrust, some reviewers note the book prioritizes operational drama over deeper analysis of systemic issues like Western complicity or the ideological appeal of extremism. However, its focus on pivotal figures and events remains widely acclaimed.

블랙 플래그

ISIS의 부상

조비 워릭

4.32(15992 Reviews)

블랙 플래그 개요

퓰리처상 수상작인 "블랙 플래그(Black Flags)"는 ISIS가 감옥에서부터 칼리프 국가에 이르기까지 어떻게 공포스럽게 부상했는지를 추적합니다. 전 CIA 국장 존 브레넌은 이 책을 중동 갈등을 이해하기 위해 "반드시 읽어야 할 책"이라고 평했습니다. 어떻게 한 명의 요르단 범죄자가 전 세계 테러리즘의 지형을 영원히 바꾼 운동을 기획할 수 있었을까요?

전달 방식을 선택하세요

한 권의 책, 다양한 듣기 방식.

블랙 플래그의 같은 아이디어를 담았습니다. 나에게 맞는 목소리, 깊이, 속도를 고르고 언제든 바꿔 보세요.

1장

The Birth of a Terror: Zarqawi's Rise from Prison to Infamy

When Jordan's King Abdullah II ordered the execution of Sajida al-Rishawi in February 2015, he was closing a chapter that began nearly a decade earlier. Rishawi had been the failed suicide bomber in Jordan's worst terrorist attack-a 2005 hotel bombing orchestrated by Abu Musab al-Zarqawi that killed sixty people, mostly wedding guests. Her execution came after ISIS, the successor to Zarqawi's organization, demanded her release in exchange for a captured Jordanian pilot. The world was witnessing the culmination of a terrifying legacy that began in a remote desert prison and evolved into the most feared terrorist organization on earth. "Black Flags" became an instant bestseller upon its 2016 release, winning the Pulitzer Prize for its gripping account of how ISIS emerged from the ashes of al-Qaeda. The book resonated deeply in foreign policy circles, with President Obama reportedly keeping it on his nightstand and counterterrorism officials using it as required reading for understanding the psychological and strategic foundations of modern jihadism.

2장

From Street Thug to Terrorist Mastermind

In Jordan's notorious al-Jafr prison, a young doctor named Basel al-Sabha encountered two men who would shape the future of global terrorism. One was Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi, a scholarly intellectual whose radical writings declared Arab leaders to be infidels worthy of death. The other was Ahmad Fadil al-Khalayleh, known as "al-Zarqawi," a high-school dropout with a criminal past who controlled the other inmates with just his eyes. The contrast between the two leaders was stark. Maqdisi was mild-mannered and intellectual, offering nuanced interpretations of Islamic law despite his violent rhetoric. Zarqawi was his perfect enforcer-physically imposing, utterly ruthless, and completely devoted. Under Maqdisi's guidance, Zarqawi channeled his street thug rage into religious devotion, memorizing the Koran while developing intense hatred for Jordan's monarchy. Yet Zarqawi contained contradictions that hinted at his complex psychology. He ruled the Islamist prisoners with an iron hand, berating them for skipping prayers or watching television shows with unveiled women. He fearlessly defied prison authorities, once hanging a guard from a coat hook. But Sabha also glimpsed another side-Zarqawi worshipped his mother, preparing meticulously for her visits and writing her gushing letters adorned with poems and hand-drawn flowers. He showed surprising tenderness toward vulnerable inmates, personally carrying a double-amputee to the toilet and insisting on preserving his modesty during medical treatments. By 1998, a subtle power shift emerged among the imprisoned jihadists. The high-school dropouts and petty criminals preferred Zarqawi's tough-guy credentials over Maqdisi's nuanced theological arguments. Maqdisi gradually ceded leadership while maintaining spiritual oversight. When King Abdullah declared a general amnesty in March 1999, Zarqawi was among 2,500 prisoners released-a decision that would have catastrophic consequences. The day after his release, Zarqawi demonstrated his commitment by returning to al-Jafr prison before dawn to minister to remaining inmates. Witnessing this dedication, the prison doctor remarked, "Here was a real leader... I knew at that moment that I would be hearing about him. This man was going to end up either famous, or dead."

들리는 모든 단어를 눈으로 확인하세요

블랙 플래그의 각 단어가 오디오에 맞춰 실시간으로 강조되어 편하게 따라 읽을 수 있습니다.

3장

The Making of a Global Terrorist Network

Six months after his release, Zarqawi was intercepted at Queen Alia International Airport by Jordanian intelligence agents. Captain Abu Haytham, a fifteen-year veteran of counterterrorism, had been tracking Zarqawi's preparations and was suspicious of his fabricated travel scheme to Pakistan. Though Zarqawi protested his innocence, the captain knew his prison stint had only hardened his views and expanded his network. Zarqawi's destination-Peshawar-was the gateway to Afghanistan where Osama bin Laden was based. "You can't just push him off on others," Abu Haytham warned colleagues. "Sooner or later, a problem like that always comes back." His first encounter with Zarqawi had been during a 1994 raid when fourteen officers stormed an apartment where Zarqawi was hiding. They found him asleep, but he awoke violently, reaching for a gun behind his pillow. During interrogation, Zarqawi remained defiant, shouting religious curses at his captors. In Afghanistan, Zarqawi established his own training camp in Herat, independent from bin Laden's organization. Unlike bin Laden, who focused on attacking America, Zarqawi remained obsessed with overthrowing Jordan's monarchy and targeting Israel. The 9/11 attacks and subsequent American invasion of Afghanistan scattered both networks, but Zarqawi found refuge in Kurdish-controlled northern Iraq, where he joined Ansar al-Islam, a radical group operating beyond Saddam Hussein's control. Zarqawi's influence grew despite being far from al-Qaeda's leadership. He found new allies including sympathetic Islamists in Baghdad who sheltered him during medical treatment. His hatred expanded beyond his traditional targets to include the United States, telling associates before leaving Iran that he wanted "revenge on the Americans for the crimes they committed during the bombardment of Afghanistan." While bin Laden was fleeing in Pakistan, Zarqawi predicted to friends that the real showdown would happen in Iraq-a country with little recent history of religious militancy. "Iraq," he told them, "will be the forthcoming battle against the Americans."

4장

America's Hunt for the Phantom Terrorist

The world first learned about Abu Musab al-Zarqawi on February 5, 2003, during Colin Powell's speech to the UN Security Council justifying war against Iraq. Powell's claims about Zarqawi's connections to Saddam Hussein distorted intelligence assessments. While technically true that Zarqawi was in Iraq, he operated in Kurdish-controlled mountains beyond Saddam's reach. The speech contained selective facts favoring invasion, with some assertions baffling CIA analysts who knew the intelligence didn't support such claims. The speech ultimately tarnished Powell's reputation but had another devastating effect-it transformed Zarqawi from an unknown jihadist into an international celebrity. Jordanian intelligence officials who had tracked Zarqawi were furious. As Islamist Hasan Abu Hanieh noted, "Before anyone knew who he was, here was the secretary of state of the world's most powerful government saying Zarqawi was important." The White House had inadvertently launched the career of one of history's most effective terrorists. After the invasion, CIA analyst Nada Bakos found herself interrogating former Iraqi officials while Baghdad's security deteriorated. Following the August 2003 bombings of the Jordanian Embassy, UN headquarters, and Najaf's Imam Ali Mosque, intelligence increasingly pointed to Zarqawi as the mastermind. Despite pressure from supervisors concerned about contradicting the administration's war narrative, Bakos finalized her report confirming Zarqawi's involvement. "We knew there would be push-back," she recalled, "because what we were telling them meant that this was no longer a victory. It was a freaking nightmare." When CIA officials tried explaining insurgency characteristics to President Bush, Defense Secretary Rumsfeld interrupted demanding they "define 'insurgency'" while Pentagon representatives remained unconvinced, preferring to believe the war was ending. Despite the brief respite from Saddam Hussein's December 2003 capture, Zarqawi's movement grew stronger daily, supported by thousands of embittered Iraqis and foreign Islamists. As Robert Richer, a senior CIA official, later put it: "The fertile soil was Iraq after de-Baathification... the ineptitude of the provisional authority and U.S. misunderstanding of Iraqis and their culture allowed Zarqawi to blossom and grow."

블랙 플래그에서 더 많은 것을 얻으세요

매일 새로운 인사이트를 10만 개 이상의 레슨에서 만나보세요
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5장

Igniting the Sectarian Inferno

On March 2, 2004, Zarqawi's operatives attacked Shiite pilgrims celebrating Ashura in Baghdad and Karbala with coordinated bombings and mortar fire. The attacks targeted the first Ashura celebration since Saddam's fall, killing nearly 180 people and injuring hundreds more. Many Iraqis blamed American occupiers for failing to provide security, with some even accusing the U.S. of orchestrating the attacks. In just a year since arriving in Iraq, Zarqawi had achieved his twin goals of harassing American forces and igniting sectarian conflict, while cleverly shifting blame to the occupiers. After his mother's death, Zarqawi planned a devastating chemical attack on Jordan's intelligence headquarters. His operative Jayousi methodically assembled the operation with trucks, explosives and twenty tons of chemicals. The plot involved a sophisticated attack sequence designed to create a toxic cloud that would prevent even ambulances from entering. Jordanian intelligence officer Abu Mutaz tracked the plotters through careful detective work, discovering their warehouse containing the yellow truck with its steel barrier-buster frame and barrels of chemicals. When commandos finally cornered Jayousi in an apartment, he surrendered without resistance despite having endangered his own family by keeping them with him amid explosives and detonators. In videotaped confessions, Jayousi detailed the plot that could have killed 80,000 people, explaining his absolute loyalty to Zarqawi: "I promised my loyalty to Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. I agreed to work for him-no questions asked." In May 2004, Zarqawi orchestrated his most shocking spectacle yet. In a chilling video, Zarqawi, dressed entirely in black with a ski mask, towered over Nicholas Berg, a bound American in an orange jumpsuit. Flanked by four similarly dressed armed men, Zarqawi began reading a script with theatrical inflection before personally beheading Berg on camera. The 26-year-old Berg had traveled to Iraq against all advice, driven by dual ambitions: reviving his struggling communications equipment repair business and participating in what he saw as Iraq's noble transformation. Zarqawi had seized Berg simply because he wanted any American victim for his grotesque debut on the world stage. After Berg's brutal beheading video went viral, Zarqawi achieved his goal of eclipsing bin Laden in notoriety. The video strategically referenced Abu Ghraib prison abuses, with Zarqawi declaring, "The dignity of Muslim men and women in the prison of Abu Ghraib will be redeemed by blood and souls." Three days later, Zarqawi announced a new terrorist organization, "al-Tawhid wal-Jihad" (Unity and Jihad), positioning himself as bin Laden's rival. While CIA analysts wondered if he had overreached without institutional religious backing, Zarqawi's brutal theatrics drew countless admirers who began calling him the "sheikh of the slaughterers."

6장

Democracy Versus Terror: Iraq's Turning Point

Iraq's historic January 30, 2005 elections became the battleground between democracy and Zarqawi's terror campaign. Bin Laden had denounced the polls as "an apostasy against Allah," and Zarqawi worked tirelessly to ensure they failed by intimidating Iraq's Sunnis from participating. Robert Ford, the U.S. Embassy's chief political officer, faced the impossible task of convincing Sunni politicians to run for office despite the mortal danger. Sunni officials and candidates had been systematically targeted-shot, kidnapped, and blown up. Ford sought counsel from Tariq al-Hashimi, a former army colonel and leader of the Iraqi Islamic Party, who bluntly refused to field candidates: "We're not going to get ourselves killed." Hashimi articulated Sunni grievances: marginalization since Saddam's fall, attacks by vengeful Shiites, and nighttime American raids that violated cultural taboos. Despite Ford's warnings to Washington that proceeding with elections would produce a "heavily lopsided Shiite-Kurdish government," President Bush refused to postpone the vote. The election proceeded with millions casting ballots, but Sunnis largely boycotted-in Anbar Province, participation was a mere 2%. Zarqawi had achieved his goal of Sunni disenfranchisement, deepening sectarian divisions. Hashimi eventually entered politics as Iraq's vice president, but paid a terrible price when Zarqawi's network killed his sister and two brothers in targeted attacks. Meanwhile, the hunt for Zarqawi intensified. Analysis of his captured laptop showed strategic, long-term thinking beyond immediate attacks. CIA psychologist assessments identified him as a classic narcissist who saw himself as an incarnation of ancient Islamic warriors, with his opinions now trumping centuries of Islamic scholarship. In July 2005, CIA analyst Nada Bakos discovered a revealing letter from al-Qaeda's deputy Ayman al-Zawahiri expressing concern that Zarqawi's brutality was damaging the al-Qaeda brand. "The mujahed movement must avoid any action that the masses do not understand or approve," Zawahiri warned, particularly criticizing the hostage beheadings. Zarqawi defiantly responded by declaring "all-out war on the Rafidha" (Shiites) and rejecting al-Qaeda's leadership advice. His brutal tactics, while repulsive to most Muslims, were attracting 100-150 jihadist recruits monthly. "People think he's hurting al-Qaeda's brand," Bakos observed. "The truth is, he's helping his own brand, because he's winning."

들리는 모든 단어를 눈으로 확인하세요

블랙 플래그의 각 단어가 오디오에 맞춰 실시간으로 강조되어 편하게 따라 읽을 수 있습니다.

7장

The Fall of Zarqawi and the Birth of ISIS

General Stanley McChrystal's Task Force 6-26 had developed sophisticated intelligence on Zarqawi's operation, revealing his remarkably efficient system for recruiting, transporting, and deploying suicide bombers. To counter Zarqawi's advantage, McChrystal assembled an elite team of counterterrorism experts, placing them together in a "Situational Awareness Room" surrounded by live drone feeds. His strategy was to apply "relentless body blows against AQI" to "stunt its growth and maturation" by keeping the terrorist network constantly on defense. By fall 2005, the impact was unmistakable. McChrystal's teams had eviscerated Zarqawi's command structure, removing hundreds of operatives. Of twenty-one known senior deputies, twenty were killed or captured. But then, on November 9, 2005, three hotels in Jordan's capital were struck by suicide bombers. McChrystal immediately recognized it as Zarqawi's work-and potentially a fatal miscalculation. Following the Amman bombings, King Abdullah raced home and visited wounded survivors in hospitals. Seething with anger, he declared to his security chiefs: "We're going on the offensive. The gloves are off, and I want you to get him." This marked a dramatic shift in Jordan's security posture, with the monarchy deploying intelligence teams to work directly with American special forces against terrorist cells in Iraq. Stung by the public backlash, Zarqawi attempted damage control, claiming the wedding guests were merely collateral damage in an attack targeting "Israeli and American intelligence." But even al-Qaeda leadership rejected this excuse. Bin Laden's adviser sharply rebuked Zarqawi, ordering him to seek approval for major operations. In February 2006, Zarqawi orchestrated his most devastating attack yet-the bombing of the al-Askari Mosque's golden dome in Samarra. Though no one died in the blast itself, it ignited unprecedented sectarian violence that killed over 1,300 people within days. White House officials considered it a tipping point in the war, with President Bush reportedly devastated by the news. The breakthrough in hunting Zarqawi came when interrogators leveraged Jordanian intelligence about a suspicious associate's travels. Under pressure, the man revealed that Zarqawi regularly met with a spiritual adviser named Sheikh Abd al-Rahman. After two weeks of surveillance, Rahman's silver sedan suddenly broke pattern, swapping vehicles before heading northeast toward Baqubah. Following Rahman through multiple vehicle swaps, American forces tracked him to a secluded house in Hibhib, where they spotted a man in black who resembled Zarqawi. With Delta Force commandos delayed by helicopter troubles, McChrystal reluctantly ordered an F-16 airstrike. The fighter dropped two 500-pound bombs, obliterating the house. When Delta arrived, they found Zarqawi gravely wounded but briefly conscious-long enough to look into American eyes before dying at 7:04 p.m. from massive internal injuries.

8장

From Defeat to Resurrection: The Syrian Opportunity

The Islamic State of Iraq had declined dramatically since Zarqawi's death. Though violence initially spiked in 2006-2007, the battlefield had fundamentally shifted. The "Sons of Iraq" Sunni militias began driving out foreign jihadists, while President Bush's troop surge flooded the country with fresh soldiers. Most devastatingly effective were the U.S. "fusion cells"-elite intelligence and special forces teams who hunted terrorists with unprecedented precision. The results were dramatic. U.S. casualties dropped from 904 in 2007 to just 314 in 2008, while Iraqi civilian deaths from suicide bombings fell by more than half. CIA Director Michael Hayden declared al-Qaeda in Iraq to be in "near-strategic defeat." By December 2011, the last American troops departed Iraq, leaving security to the Iraqis themselves. The new leader, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, inherited an organization that lacked resources, fighters, sanctuary, and a unifying cause. But soon, within the chaos of revolutionary Syria, it would find all four. In Syria's sixth month of uprising, Baghdadi dispatched a small team to exploit the growing chaos. Though physically unimposing, his religious scholarship gave him stature among jihadists. He had been transformed at Camp Bucca, the "jihadi university" detention facility, where he forged important connections, including with Abu Muhammad al-Adnani, who later became his chief deputy. After ten months in detention, Baghdadi was released in December 2004 when a prison panel deemed the bespectacled academic posed little threat. He emerged with greater determination to fight America, resuming his doctoral studies in Islamic law while gradually being drawn back into the insurgency. When U.S. missiles killed the top two leaders in April 2010, Baghdadi-the scholarly figure once dismissed as "insignificant"-unexpectedly ascended to leadership. Despite lacking military experience, Baghdadi offered two crucial advantages: his willingness to provide religious justification for extreme brutality, and his suitability as a potential caliph due to his genealogical and scholarly credentials. He deliberately cultivated his image as divinely appointed, dispatching emissaries to Syria in 2011 to establish a launchpad for his caliphate and begin erasing the "artificial boundaries" between Islamic states.

블랙 플래그에서 더 많은 것을 얻으세요

매일 새로운 인사이트를 10만 개 이상의 레슨에서 만나보세요
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9장

The Black Flags Rise: ISIS Emerges from Syria's Chaos

On January 24, 2012, al-Qaeda officially entered Syria's civil war with the unveiling of the al-Nusra Front. Abu Mohammad al-Julani, dispatched from Iraq five months earlier, announced their arrival through a sixteen-minute video, claiming they would be "the Muslim nation's weapon" against Assad. Al-Nusra had already demonstrated their tactics with synchronized car bombings in Damascus that killed forty-four people. While Syria's government and moderate rebels denounced these terrorist methods, al-Nusra's approach found support across the Sunni Muslim world. Young men from Saudi Arabia, Libya, and Tunisia traveled to join the fight, while wealthy Arab donors sent money and supplies. Some Gulf countries like Qatar and Kuwait allowed funding to flow to extremist groups, with officials privately viewing jihadists as the best hope against Assad. For Jordan's King Abdullah II, the threat was immediate-Islamist fighters attempted to infiltrate his country, planning attacks on targets in Amman before being captured by intelligence services. Abdullah worked desperately to contain the spreading conflict, building refugee camps and coordinating with Western powers on contingency plans. He warned fellow Arab leaders against supporting jihadists, telling one Gulf counterpart who admitted funding extremists, "You have moved yourself down on the menu. But eventually they're going to come after you." In May 2012, Robert Ford, the U.S. ambassador to Syria who had been recalled to Washington after security threats, met privately with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. During their meeting, Clinton expressed grave concerns about Syria becoming "a regional disaster" with spillover violence affecting neighboring countries. Intelligence reports showed alarming growth in jihadist groups within Syria. By late summer 2012, key members of Obama's team urged arming moderate rebels as the "least objectionable" option. Clinton and Petraeus developed a plan to build, train and arm moderate rebels, but President Obama remained unconvinced, ultimately rejecting the CIA plan. In April 2013, Baghdadi announced a major restructuring, merging his organization with al-Nusra Front under the name "Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham" (ISIS). He claimed al-Nusra had always been "only an expansion of the Islamic State of Iraq." The al-Nusra leader immediately rejected the merger and appealed to al-Qaeda's leader Ayman al-Zawahiri to intervene. Zawahiri publicly rebuked Baghdadi, ordering a halt to the merger. Baghdadi simply ignored the directive, claiming "I prefer the command of Allah over the command that contravenes it."

10장

The Caliphate Rises: ISIS's Brutal Reign

In Raqqa, ISIS quickly established a reign of terror through public executions and strict religious rules. They banned Western influences, required women to be fully covered, and enforced mandatory religious observances. Punishments ranged from public floggings to executions that seemed to occur almost randomly. Citizens faced constant financial extortion through "fines and fees for everything," with the money funding foreign fighters' salaries. Most disturbing was ISIS's treatment of children. Schools were closed for months, then reopened with religious indoctrination replacing regular education. Orphaned children were sent to military camps where they learned to handle weapons and drive suicide trucks. These "youth camps" were showcased on social media, with images of prepubescent boys in military gear executing prisoners. Meanwhile, ISIS's ranks swelled to nearly ten thousand fighters, attracting recruits from fifty countries who were drawn by better pay and the promise of fighting for something "bigger than Syria." Foreign fighters dominated Raqqa's streets as the group grew wealthy from extorted fees and oil sales from captured wells. To many Sunnis like Sheikh Zaydan, the revolt was purely an internal affair that Americans and Baghdad had misread. "This is a tribal revolution," declared Ali Hatim al-Suleiman, the Dulaim tribe's leader. The Sunnis candidly acknowledged they had handed ISIS the keys to Anbar Province, but only as a temporary measure. They believed ISIS was merely providing firepower to help assert independence from Iraq's central government. "They changed," Zaydan claimed. "Their leadership became Iraqi, and their program changed completely. The government claims that Baghdadi is a terrorist, but he's not. He's defending fifteen million Sunnis." Zaydan believed Baghdadi could be controlled: "He will not dare talk about Sharia here, because he knows the tribes will not tolerate it." But ISIS was already settling scores-when Sheikh Abdalrazzaq al-Suleiman was away, fighters destroyed his home with explosives. His offense: leading the Anbar Awakening that had driven out Zarqawi's followers years earlier. ISIS's grand offensive began on June 5, 2014, with an attack on Baghdadi's hometown of Samarra. By noon on June 10, just four days after the offensive began, ISIS controlled Mosul's airport and central district. They emptied bank reserves, seized U.S.-made weapons, and took over the main prison-releasing Sunni inmates while executing about 670 Shiites, Kurds, and Christians. By late June, ISIS's total land holdings from western Syria to central Iraq was greater than the combined areas of Israel and Lebanon. Baghdadi now controlled oil wells, refineries, hospitals, universities, army bases, factories, and banks. His holdings in cash and financial instruments approached half a billion dollars.

들리는 모든 단어를 눈으로 확인하세요

블랙 플래그의 각 단어가 오디오에 맞춰 실시간으로 강조되어 편하게 따라 읽을 수 있습니다.

11장

The World Confronts the Caliphate

On July 4, 2014, Baghdadi appeared at Mosul's Great Mosque of al-Nuri to declare the restoration of the caliphate. Every gesture was calculated for religious symbolism-he wore a black robe and turban like Muhammad on his final sermon, climbed the minbar steps slowly, and cleaned his teeth with a miswak stick in accordance with Islamic tradition. Facing his audience, Baghdadi formally declared victory, claiming the caliphate had been restored after centuries of absence. Though professing humility, he decreed that Muslims worldwide must obey him as head of the Islamic State. The movement was spreading beyond Iraq and Syria, with self-proclaimed ISIS "wilayats" (provinces) appearing in Saudi Arabia, Libya, Algeria, Nigeria, Yemen, Afghanistan, and Pakistan. In each case, they promised freedom from tyranny but delivered armed dictatorship defined by corruption, cruelty, and death. The spark that truly ignited Arab passions against ISIS came in eastern Syria on January 3, 2015. Muath al-Kasasbeh, a 26-year-old Jordanian F-16 pilot, had been captured on December 24 when his aircraft suffered engine failure during a coalition bombing mission over Raqqa. Within nine days, ISIS had planned his execution. They filmed al-Kasasbeh walking through a gauntlet of masked fighters before placing him in a metal cage. The most horrific part showed al-Kasasbeh, his orange tunic soaked in fuel, being burned alive inside the cage. Even as the execution was completed, ISIS continued negotiating with Jordan for weeks, pretending the pilot was still alive. Though ISIS had previously shocked the world with videotaped beheadings of Western hostages, it was al-Kasasbeh's immolation that sparked widespread condemnation among ordinary Arabs. From Jordan's cosmopolitan capital to conservative Saudi villages came howls of rage. While beheading was countenanced by the Koran and practiced by some governments, burning a human being-especially a practicing Sunni Muslim-broke an ancient taboo. Salman al-Odah, a venerated Saudi scholar, declared "Only God punishes by fire," while Saudi Grand Mufti Abdul Aziz al-Shaykh pronounced that ISIS members were "enemies of Islam," not Muslims at all. Even Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi, Zarqawi's former mentor, condemned ISIS after they deceived him during negotiations for al-Kasasbeh's release. "They lied to me, and swore solemn oaths," he said, denouncing the movement he helped create for understanding "conquests and victories" only through "slaughtering and killing." King Abdullah returned from Washington vowing war, launching massive airstrikes against ISIS positions before his plane even landed in Amman. Thousands of Jordanians lined streets to cheer the king's motorcade. The normally secretive military allowed photographers to capture airmen writing messages on bombs, including "Islam has nothing to do with ISIS." The Defense Ministry issued a defiant statement: "This is the beginning. You will know who the Jordanians are!" As Zarqawi's former handler, Abu Haytham, had warned years earlier: "Look how fruitful they have been. They sometimes get sick, but they never die." The world now faced a terrorist organization unlike any other-one born from a prison in the Jordanian desert, forged in the crucible of Iraq's sectarian violence, and transformed into a pseudo-state that combined medieval brutality with modern media savvy. The black flags that Zarqawi once dreamed of raising over Jerusalem now flew across vast swaths of the Middle East, and the movement he created had evolved beyond even his apocalyptic vision.

★★★★★

블랙 플래그 완독을 축하합니다

100만 명 이상의 학습자가 사랑합니다

“23일째 매일 사용하고 있어요. 이제 제 일상의 한 부분이 되었습니다.”

jayallen

블랙 플래그의 핵심 주제

islamic state origins
radicalization in prisons
intelligence failure consequences
jihadist insurgency tactics
middle east counterterrorism

블랙 플래그의 명언

Sooner or later, a problem like that always comes back.
Iraq will be the forthcoming battle against the Americans.
It was a freaking nightmare.
Define 'insurgency'
This man was going to end up either famous, or dead.

블랙 플래그의 등장인물

Abu Musab al-ZarqawiThe ruthless founder of the movement that became ISIS
Abu Muhammad al-MaqdisiA radical intellectual and Zarqawi's prison mentor
King Abdullah IIThe monarch of Jordan who faced Zarqawi's threat
Abu HaythamA veteran Jordanian counterterrorism official
Basel al-SabhaA prison doctor who observed Zarqawi's rise

저자 소개

퓰리처상 수상 기자이자 베스트셀러인 *블랙 플래그: ISIS의 탄생(Black Flags: The Rise of ISIS)*의 저자인 조비 워릭(Joby Warrick)은 *워싱턴 포스트(The Washington Post)*의 국가 안보 전문 기자로, 테러리즘과 중동 문제에 관한 심층 보도로 명성이 높습니다.

두 차례 퓰리처상을 수상한 워릭은 1996년 돼지 사육 산업의 환경 오염 실태를 폭로하여 첫 상을 받았으며, 2016년에는 지정학적 오판과 지역적 혼란을 통해 ISIS의 기원을 밝혀낸 블랙 플래그로 두 번째 상을 거머쥐었습니다. 워싱턴 포스트에서 수십 년간 다져온 무기 확산 및 대테러 분야에 대한 그의 전문성은 ISIS가 요르단의 감옥에서 어떻게 탄생하고 미국의 정책적 허점을 어떻게 이용했는지를 다룬 이 책의 흡입력 있는 서사에 깊이를 더해줍니다.

워릭의 다른 저서로는 아프가니스탄에서 발생한 치명적인 CIA 작전을 상세히 다룬 뉴욕 타임스 베스트셀러 *트리플 에이전트(The Triple Agent)*와 시리아의 화학 무기 위기를 기록한 *레드 라인(Red Line)*이 있습니다. 템플 대학교 동문인 그는 글로벌 안보와 탐사 보도에 대해 빈번히 강연을 진행하고 있습니다. 블랙 플래그는 12개 이상의 언어로 번역되었으며, 뉴욕 타임스와 워싱턴 포스트가 선정한 2015년 최고의 책 중 하나로 이름을 올렸습니다.

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블랙 플래그 요약을 무료 PDF 또는 EPUB으로 받으세요. 인쇄하거나 오프라인에서 언제든 읽을 수 있습니다.

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블랙 플래그

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한 권의 책, 다양한 듣기 방식.

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블랙 플래그 완독을 축하합니다

블랙 플래그의 핵심 주제

블랙 플래그의 명언

블랙 플래그의 등장인물

저자 소개

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What is Black Flags: The Rise of ISIS about?

Who should read Black Flags: The Rise of ISIS?

Is Black Flags: The Rise of ISIS worth reading?

How does Black Flags explain the origins of ISIS?

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