What is *Private Government* by Elizabeth Anderson about?

*Private Government* examines how employers exert authoritarian control over workers' lives, likening workplaces to unaccountable dictatorships. Anderson argues that modern labor practices strip employees of autonomy, perpetuating inequality and stifling societal progress. The book traces this issue from industrial factories to today's gig economy, advocating for stronger worker protections and reimagined labor rights.

Who should read *Private Government* by Elizabeth Anderson?

This book is essential for workers, policymakers, and activists interested in labor rights, workplace democracy, and economic justice. It also appeals to philosophers and sociologists analyzing power dynamics in capitalist systems. Anderson’s clear critique makes complex ideas accessible to general readers seeking to understand employer overreach.

What are the main arguments in *Private Government*?

Anderson contends that workplaces function as “private governments” with arbitrary power over employees, despite cultural myths of market-driven freedom. She highlights invasive employer policies—like monitoring and gig economy precarity—and links them to systemic inequality. Her analysis challenges the idea that markets inherently promote liberty, urging reforms to democratize work environments.

What does Elizabeth Anderson mean by "private government"?

The term describes employers’ unchecked authority to regulate workers’ behavior, both on and off the clock. Examples include dress codes, speech restrictions, and surveillance. Anderson parallels this to authoritarian regimes, arguing such control undermines democratic values and individual dignity.

How does *Private Government* address the gig economy?

Anderson critiques the gig economy as a hyper-exploitative extension of private government, where platforms classify workers as “independent contractors” to evade accountability. She notes how algorithms dictate labor conditions without transparency, leaving workers vulnerable to arbitrary penalties and income instability.

What solutions does Elizabeth Anderson propose in *Private Government*?

Key recommendations include: - Strengthening labor unions and collective bargaining rights. - Legislating protections against employer surveillance and coercion. - Redefining employment contracts to prioritize worker autonomy. Anderson emphasizes systemic reforms to balance power between employers and employees.

How does *Private Government* critique traditional free-market ideology?

Anderson dismantles the myth that markets equate to freedom, showing how unchecked corporate power creates coercive environments. She argues that libertarian ideals ignore workplace hierarchies, enabling employer domination disguised as voluntary exchange.

What historical examples does Anderson use in *Private Government*?

The book traces private government’s roots to 18th-century factory systems, where employers controlled workers’ housing and morals. Anderson contrasts this with pre-industrial artisan autonomy, illustrating how industrialization centralized power in employers’ hands.

私たちが働くということ：自由・平等・権力の政治哲学

雇用主がいかにして私たちの生活を支配しているか

エリザベス・アンダーソン

『私たちが働くということ：自由・平等・権力の政治哲学』の概要

エリザベス・アンダーソンの『プライベート・ガバメント（私的統治）』は、現代の職場がいかに権威主義的な体制として機能しているかを明らかにしています。2017年に発表されたこの刺激的な著作は、自由市場のナラティブに異を唱えることで学術的な論争を巻き起こしました。上司がトイレ休憩まで管理しているとき、あなたには実際にどのような自由があるのでしょうか？職場のパワーダイナミクスを理解するために必読の一冊です。

語り方を選ぶ

1冊の本。さまざまな聴き方。

私たちが働くということ：自由・平等・権力の政治哲学の同じアイデアを、あなたに合う声・深さ・ペースで学べます。いつでも切り替えられます。

第1章

When Freedom Means Dictatorship: The Hidden Paradox of Modern Work

Have you ever wondered why, in a society that champions freedom, millions of Americans effectively work under dictatorships? Elizabeth Anderson's provocative book "Private Government" exposes this contradiction at the heart of modern capitalism. The book has become required reading in political philosophy circles since its 2017 publication, with figures from Bernie Sanders to business ethicists citing its revolutionary reframing of workplace power dynamics. What makes Anderson's work so compelling is her historical revelation: free market thinking began as a radical egalitarian movement before being transformed into a justification for workplace authoritarianism. As a Princeton University Press bestseller that sparked fierce debate in The New York Times, The Atlantic, and The New Yorker, "Private Government" challenges us to reconsider what freedom truly means in our daily working lives.

第2章

The Radical Origins of Free Market Thinking

When we think of free markets today, we often associate them with conservative politics. Yet Anderson reveals a surprising historical truth: free market theory began as a radical egalitarian agenda. From the English Civil War's Levellers through Abraham Lincoln, market society was conceived as "a free society of equals." These early market advocates weren't just concerned with economics-they opposed hierarchies across all domains: economy, politics, religion, society, and family. The Levellers, emerging during the English Civil War when "masterless men" formed the core of Cromwell's New Model Army, challenged multiple social hierarchies simultaneously. Their opposition to economic monopolies was part of a broader campaign against monopolies of power everywhere. John Lilburne, a prominent Leveller, insisted all humans were "equal and alike in power, dignity, authority," arguing that Adam's sin was attempting to rule others without consent. Women like Elizabeth Lilburne and Katherine Chidley were active in the movement, with the latter's "Petition of Women" claiming women's "equal interest in Christ" and commonwealth freedoms. Adam Smith, often mischaracterized as a champion of selfishness, actually envisioned markets as liberating individuals from feudal domination. He believed freeing markets would create an egalitarian society where abolishing primogeniture would make farms affordable for yeoman farmers, and manufacturing would consist primarily of small-scale enterprises run by independent artisans with few employees. Smith assumed large corporations would generally fail without state protection, as owner-managed firms would outcompete them. His vision aligned with the Levellers': abolish state restrictions on "natural liberty," and great wealth would dissipate while labor would enjoy "liberal reward." Thomas Paine, beloved by labor radicals across three countries, championed this vision with broadly libertarian economic views. He advocated free markets, free trade, and minimal government, seeing government as the chief burden on society. Yet Paine went further in his "Agrarian Justice," proposing the world's first comprehensive social insurance system-old-age pensions, disability payments, survivor benefits, and universal stakeholder grants for young adults. This wasn't charity but a universal right based on the principle that landowners owed rent to society for the natural resources they had enclosed.

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

『私たちが働くということ：自由・平等・権力の政治哲学』の一語一語が音声に合わせてリアルタイムでハイライトされ、自然に読み進められます。

第3章

The Industrial Revolution's Cataclysmic Transformation

The Industrial Revolution shattered the egalitarian ideal of universal self-employment that early market advocates championed. Economies of scale overwhelmed small proprietors, replacing them with large enterprises employing many workers. Self-employment opportunities dramatically shrank throughout the nineteenth century and continue diminishing today. The revolution fundamentally altered work relations, widening the gulf between owners and workers. Pre-industrial workshops had hierarchies of masters over journeymen and apprentices, but several factors constrained this power dynamic. Masters worked alongside journeymen performing the same labor, which softened working conditions-masters wouldn't create environments too uncomfortable or unsafe for themselves. The work pace was relaxed with many breaks, alcohol flowed freely, and masters fraternized with journeymen. Most importantly, skilled journeymen could reasonably expect to establish their own shops after a few years, making the hierarchy easier to reconcile with egalitarian republican values. The Industrial Revolution transformed this relationship dramatically. Employers no longer performed the same work as employees, if they worked at all. Mental labor separated from increasingly deskilled manual labor, ranks multiplied, and executives might not even work in the same building. This facilitated severe degradation of working conditions-workers faced relentless machine discipline, harsh conditions, long hours, low wages, and minimal advancement prospects regardless of effort. The nineteenth century saw total institutions spread across society-prisons, asylums, hospitals, orphanages, poorhouses, and factories-all based on Bentham's Panopticon model. This created the central contradiction of the new liberal order: while preaching independence, freedom and autonomy in politics and markets, liberals simultaneously demanded order, routine and subordination in factories, schools and other institutions. Pre-industrial labor radicals called this new arrangement "wage slavery," while liberals called it "free labor." The difference lay in perspective-liberals focused only on the conditions of entering and exiting labor contracts, where workers appeared to meet employers as equals. Labor radicals focused on the actual conditions within the contract, where workers experienced profound subordination.

第4章

Private Government: The Communist Dictatorships in Our Midst

Anderson's most provocative claim is that modern workplaces constitute systems of arbitrary and unaccountable "private government" and "dictatorship." Most American workers are governed by what she provocatively calls "communist dictatorships" in their work lives, with legal authority often extending to regulate off-hours activities-political speech, choice of sexual partner, drug use, and more. Imagine a government that assigns almost everyone a superior they must obey. Though superiors provide routines to follow, there is no rule of law-orders can change arbitrarily without notice or appeal. Superiors remain unaccountable to subordinates, neither elected nor removable by them. Inferiors cannot complain in court about their treatment except in narrowly defined cases, nor do they have any right to consultation about orders. This government operates through multiple ranks with varying degrees of freedom. Higher-ranked individuals may decide how to implement orders and may issue commands to some inferiors. The highest-ranked person takes no orders but issues many, while the lowest-ranked have their movements and speech minutely regulated throughout the day. No personal or private sphere exists free from sanction. The government may dictate dress codes, hairstyles, and language. Everyone lives under surveillance to ensure compliance-superiors can monitor email, record phone conversations, conduct suspicionless searches, and order medical testing. They can sanction consensual sexual activity, choice of partners, political activity, and compel unwanted political participation. The economic system is communist-the government owns all non-labor means of production and organizes work through central planning. The government form is dictatorship, with the dictator either appointed by an oligarchy or self-appointed. Though it cannot imprison people, it can demote them or exile them. Most comply because the government controls all income and rewards loyalty with better pay and promotion.

『私たちが働くということ：自由・平等・権力の政治哲学』をもっと深く楽しむ

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第5章

Understanding Private Government

What makes workplace governance "private government"? Anderson explains that government exists wherever some have authority to issue orders to others, backed by sanctions. The state is merely one form of government. Earlier generations understood this better-John Adams acknowledged government was "everywhere"-in families, schools, churches, guilds, apprenticeships, and master-slave relationships. This broader conception of governance helps explain why workplace authority represents a genuine form of rule over others. The concept of privacy in this context carries specific implications: something is private when it's none of others' business-they aren't entitled to know about it, have no standing in decisions regarding it, and can't hold decision-makers accountable. In contrast, publicity means something is the legitimate business of a defined group, with no member excludable from making it their business. Private government manifests when you're subordinate to authorities who can order you around and sanction non-compliance, while these authorities treat their decision-making process and rationale as none of your business. This creates an asymmetrical power dynamic where workers are subject to rules they have no say in creating or challenging. Under employment-at-will doctrine, which dominates American workplace law, "workers, in effect, cede all of their rights to their employers, except those specifically guaranteed by law." The resulting authority is "sweeping, arbitrary, and unaccountable-not subject to notice, process, or appeal." This means employers can dictate everything from dress codes and speech to off-duty behavior and social media activity. While workers theoretically can quit, the costs of exit are often prohibitively high due to healthcare ties, specialized skills, family obligations, and local job market conditions. Anderson forcefully argues that denying employers' authority over workers because of freedom to exit "is like saying that Mussolini wasn't a dictator, because Italians could emigrate." This analogy highlights how theoretical freedom of movement doesn't negate real power imbalances. Modern workplaces often exercise more minute control over daily life than many historical governments did - monitoring communications, restricting movement, regulating appearance and speech, and even influencing personal life choices. The fact that this control is exercised by private entities rather than state actors makes it no less governmental in nature. This private governance structure creates particular challenges for workplace democracy and employee rights, as traditional constitutional protections against government overreach don't apply within private companies. Workers often find themselves in the paradoxical position of having more rights and protections in their relationship with the state than with their employer.

第6章

The Ideological Blinders of Modern Economics

Theorists of the firm often deny the authoritarian nature of workplace governance, revealing a profound disconnect between economic theory and workplace reality. Alchian and Demsetz's claim that employers "have no power of fiat" represents perhaps the most egregious example, as they equate firing an employee with simply changing grocers. This comparison fundamentally misunderstands the vast power differential between employer and employee, ignoring that exit rights don't dissolve authority relationships. The contradiction becomes even more striking since their very theory aims to explain why production isn't handled by independent contractors but through authority relations within firms. This mischaracterization extends deep into mainstream economic thought. Theorists like Jensen, Meckling, and Tomasi perpetuate this fiction by portraying employees as independent contractors freely negotiating terms. They overlook the fundamental reality that most workers must cede all liberties not specifically reserved by law or contract. Workers typically surrender control over their time, movement, speech, and even bathroom breaks during working hours. This arrangement bears little resemblance to the idealized vision of free market exchange between equals. The error persists largely because pre-Industrial Revolution hopes for market society continue to be blindly applied in our post-Revolution world. Early market theorists envisioned a society of independent artisans and small proprietors engaging in voluntary exchange. However, this vision became obsolete as industrial capitalism created vast corporations employing thousands of wage laborers. The result is what might be termed "political hemiagnosia" - a peculiar inability to perceive the half of the economy that exists beyond the market, after employment contracts are accepted. This theoretical blindness was further reinforced by the historical narrowing of egalitarian vision. While earlier radical thinkers opposed all forms of arbitrary government, whether public or private, later figures like Thomas Paine increasingly focused their criticism mainly on state abuses. This shift had lasting consequences. The Republican Party, for instance, continued championing business interests and celebrating entrepreneurial freedom even after technological and economic changes meant most workers had no realistic prospect of achieving self-employment. Nineteenth-century laissez-faire liberals attempted to reconcile their contradictory tendencies by focusing solely on market entry and exit conditions while deliberately ignoring what happened inside factories. This selective vision allowed them to celebrate freedom of contract while overlooking the often oppressive conditions that resulted from those contracts. Modern economics largely inherited this tradition of strategic blindness, continuing to analyze labor markets as if they were simply commodity markets, while ignoring the fundamental power relations that emerge once employment begins.

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

第7章

Protecting Worker Freedom: Four Strategies

For state governance, we have democratic traditions to draw upon. For employer governance, Anderson identifies four strategies to protect workers' liberties: exit, rule of law, constitutional rights, and voice. Each strategy offers distinct advantages but also faces significant implementation challenges in modern workplaces. Exit rights supposedly protect workers by forcing employers to compete for talent, yet libertarians paradoxically support slavery contracts and other restrictions on worker mobility. Non-compete clauses have become increasingly prevalent, restricting workers' freedom of movement across industries. These clauses now affect even low-skill positions like sandwich makers and janitors, effectively imprisoning their human capital. California's long-standing prohibition of non-compete clauses demonstrates they're unnecessary for economic growth - Silicon Valley's success serves as prime evidence. The state's dynamic labor market has fostered innovation precisely because talent can move freely between companies. Rule-of-law protections face particular challenges in workplaces where efficiency requires centralized authority and managerial discretion. While due process might seem incompatible with quick decision-making needs, larger organizations have successfully implemented procedural protections for specific issues. Sexual harassment complaints, disciplinary actions, and grievance procedures often follow standardized protocols in major corporations. Companies like IBM and Microsoft have established internal appeal systems that provide employees with fair hearing mechanisms while maintaining operational efficiency. Constitutional workplace rights exist through various mechanisms: labor standards setting minimum wages and overtime rules, anti-discrimination laws protecting against bias, and OSHA regulations ensuring basic safety. However, these provide only minimal protection and are chronically underenforced, particularly for disadvantaged workers. Wage theft affects millions annually, with low-wage workers losing an estimated $50 billion yearly to employer violations. Immigration status, language barriers, and fear of retaliation often prevent workers from exercising these rights. Voice remains essential for genuine workplace freedom. While workplace democracy faces practical challenges like negotiation costs and coordination difficulties, workers overwhelmingly desire more say in their working conditions. Union representation has dramatically declined to just 6.6% of private sector workers, yet 85% of American workers express support for joint management-worker governance systems. Germany's codetermination system, requiring worker representation on corporate boards and works councils, offers a successful alternative model. German companies maintain high productivity while providing workers greater job security and voice in corporate decisions. Companies like Volkswagen and Siemens demonstrate that worker participation can coexist with global competitiveness.

第8章

The Reality of Workplace Abuse

Tyler Cowen, one of Anderson's critics, argues that workplace abuses are rare and market forces adequately protect workers. Anderson forcefully rebuts this view with extensive empirical evidence. The stark reality begins with wage distribution: half of all U.S. workers make less than $29,000 annually, placing them in economically vulnerable positions. The evidence of systemic workplace problems is both widespread and deeply concerning: 90% of restaurant workers report experiencing sexual harassment, with women of color and tipped workers facing even higher rates. Labor violations were found in 93% of investigated Southern California garment factories, including wage theft, unsafe working conditions, and excessive overtime without compensation. The abuse extends beyond traditional labor violations. Poultry workers across multiple states report being denied basic bathroom breaks, forcing them to wear diapers during shifts - a practice that violates both human dignity and OSHA regulations. Political coercion is surprisingly common, with seven million workers reporting pressure from their bosses regarding political matters, from campaign contributions to voting preferences. The underreporting of workplace injuries has reached crisis levels, with studies showing that up to 69% of workplace injuries go unreported due to fear of retaliation, creating a dangerous cycle of hidden hazards. Workers increasingly face unpredictable scheduling practices, with many receiving less than 24 hours' notice of shift changes, destroying their ability to plan childcare, education, or second jobs. Walmart, America's largest private employer with 1.4 million workers (nearly 1% of the U.S. workforce), serves as a crucial case study. The company's labor practices have drawn scrutiny from organizations like OURWalmart (Organization United for Respect), which documents systematic issues including arbitrary scheduling, insufficient hours, and retaliatory actions against workers who speak up. Former managers have revealed internal practices of targeting and eliminating workers who discuss unionization or raise concerns about working conditions. The situation becomes even more dire for vulnerable populations. In one California community study, 30% of migrant laborers experienced labor trafficking - including passport confiscation, physical confinement, and debt bondage. Another 55% reported serious labor abuses such as wage theft, dangerous working conditions, and verbal or physical abuse. Undocumented workers face particular exploitation, often working for below-minimum wages with no recourse against abusive employers. Cowen's market-based arguments fail on multiple levels. His first claim about employer competition benefiting workers only applies to those with scarce, in-demand skills - leaving behind the majority of workers who lack specialized training or face discrimination. The theory of compensating differentials (that dangerous or unpleasant jobs pay more) proves false in practice: low-wage workers typically endure both worse conditions and lower pay. The scale of wage theft - $50 billion annually affecting two-thirds of low-wage workers - demonstrates that market forces aren't protecting vulnerable workers. Exit rights prove hollow when similar abusive practices pervade entire industries and when job loss means potential homelessness or inability to afford medical care. Finally, Cowen's efficiency argument falls flat: studies of German codetermination (worker participation in management) show that protecting workers' rights doesn't harm productivity and actually improves long-term employment stability and worker satisfaction.

『私たちが働くということ：自由・平等・権力の政治哲学』をもっと深く楽しむ

毎日の新しい気づきを10万件以上のレッスンから
言葉をハイライトして音声と同期
ライブラリを保存して、どの端末からでも利用

第9章

The Need for Worker Voice and Dignity

Anderson doesn't reject workplace hierarchy or authority entirely, recognizing their essential role in coordinating complex organizations. She accepts that hierarchy and authority are necessary to govern large-scale workplaces and achieve collective goals efficiently. What she objects to is not limited government but private government-arbitrary, unaccountable authority where workers have no voice and are vulnerable to abuse. This distinction between necessary organizational structure and arbitrary power is crucial to her argument. The 1973 Skylab astronaut strike perfectly illustrates the difference between necessary constraints and arbitrary authority. When NASA micromanaged their schedule with no allowance for natural delays, demanding 16-hour days with reduced sleep and meal breaks, the astronauts eventually shut off communications and took a day off. This wasn't mere rebellion - it was highly trained professionals asserting their need for reasonable working conditions. NASA then agreed to stop micromanaging, allowed full meal breaks, and simply provided a daily task list without dictating how to complete it-treating them like adults. The result? All projects were completed successfully, often ahead of schedule, demonstrating that autonomy often leads to better outcomes than rigid control. Exercising autonomy is not merely a pleasant option but a basic human need, fundamental to psychological well-being and productivity. No production process inherently eliminates all autonomy-such elimination is a social design choice, not a natural constraint. Amazon warehouses exemplify unequal standing: workers face unremitting pace, "time theft" reprimands for catching their breath, ever-increasing quotas, constant threats of discharge, and forced denial of work-related injuries. Similar conditions exist in many modern workplaces, from call centers with strict script requirements to retail environments with invasive surveillance systems. Anderson advocates for workers having institutionalized voice in workplace governance, not to impose any particular working conditions but to ensure their interests are heard and respected. European systems of codetermination, particularly in Germany and Scandinavian countries, demonstrate that worker voice is compatible with prosperity. These models show how including workers on corporate boards and establishing works councils can lead to better decision-making and more sustainable business practices. Workers deserve dignity, autonomy, and standing equal to their employers, not subjection to arbitrary, unaccountable authority. This can be achieved through various mechanisms: union representation, employee ownership shares, workplace democracy initiatives, and formal grievance procedures that protect against retaliation. The key is creating systems where authority flows from mutual respect and shared goals, not from pure power dynamics. Modern examples like Mondragon Corporation in Spain and the John Lewis Partnership in the UK demonstrate that successful businesses can operate with high levels of worker participation and democratic governance while maintaining efficiency and profitability.

第10章

Reimagining Workplace Freedom for the Modern Era

Anderson's "Private Government" challenges us to reconsider what freedom means in contemporary workplaces. The Industrial Revolution fundamentally transformed the relationship between workers and employers, destroying the context in which the libertarian vision of market society made sense. What was once envisioned as liberating market relationships devolved into workplace authoritarianism, where employers exercise extensive control over employees' lives, from monitoring communications to regulating behavior both on and off the job. Workers during the industrial transition recognized that interpersonal authority over groups was inescapable in the new industrial order. The rise of factories, assembly lines, and complex organizational structures made traditional notions of worker autonomy increasingly obsolete. If government - in the sense of coordinated authority and decision-making - is necessary for modern production, then the only way to make people truly free is to make that government accountable to the governed, effectively replacing private government with public government. The reality facing most workers today is subjection to authoritarian private government not by genuine choice but through a complex web of laws, policies, and economic conditions that have systematically handed authority to employers. Workers often face "take it or leave it" employment contracts, at-will employment policies, and workplace surveillance that would be considered unconstitutional if implemented by state actors. It's time for public discourse and political theory to acknowledge this reality and experiment with remedies that make workplace governance truly accountable to workers, such as works councils, co-determination policies, and enhanced labor rights. Anderson's analysis draws important parallels between political governance and workplace authority, highlighting how principles we consider fundamental to political democracy - consent of the governed, checks and balances, due process - are largely absent in corporate structures. Her work reminds us that meaningful freedom isn't just about choosing your employer in a theoretical marketplace - it's about having dignity, voice, and standing within the workplace itself. This includes the right to participate in decision-making, protection from arbitrary authority, and respect for personal autonomy. By recovering the radical egalitarian roots of market thinking and exposing the fundamental contradiction at the heart of modern employment relationships, Anderson offers us a new conceptual framework and language to articulate workers' interests and imagine more respectful workplace constitutions. She demonstrates how early market advocates like Adam Smith envisioned markets as tools for promoting independence and equality, not establishing private tyrannies. Her work isn't just academic theory - it's a practical call to reconsider and restructure the meaning of freedom in our everyday working lives, suggesting concrete reforms like strengthened labor protections, workplace democracy initiatives, and mechanisms for employee voice in corporate governance.

★★★★★

『私たちが働くということ：自由・平等・権力の政治哲学』を最後まで読み終えました

100万人以上の学習者に愛用されています

“23日間、毎日使い続けています。今では日課の一部です。”

jayallen

『私たちが働くということ：自由・平等・権力の政治哲学』の主要テーマ

workplace authoritarianism
egalitarian market theory
labor subordination
private government
industrial power dynamics

『私たちが働くということ：自由・平等・権力の政治哲学』の名言

The point is that most people in the United States are governed by communist dictatorships in their work lives.
American workers are not only subject to arbitrary, unaccountable private government but also lack the exit option that is supposed to make private government legitimate.
The unfreedom of workers is a structural problem, arising from the way our economy is organized.
The problem isn’t just that bosses are mean; it’s that, from the standpoint of justice and political theory, they have too much arbitrary power over their employees.
The solution is to democratize workplaces, and to strengthen workers’ voice in how their firms are run.

『私たちが働くということ：自由・平等・権力の政治哲学』の登場人物

Elizabeth AndersonAuthor and philosopher who critiques workplace power
John LilburneLeveller leader who argued for human equality
Thomas PaineRadical who advocated for social insurance
Katherine ChidleyLeveller activist who petitioned for women's rights

著者について

『Private Government（私的政府）』の著者であるエリザベス・S・アンダーソンは、高く評価されている政治哲学者であり、ミシガン大学のアーサー・F・サーナウ教授です。彼女は職場の階層構造や企業の権力構造に対する批判で知られています。

マッカーサー・フェローおよびグッゲンハイム賞の受賞者である彼女は、民主主義理論を現代の労働問題に結びつけ、職場はしばしば個人の自律性を損なう「私的な独裁国家」として機能していると主張しています。

彼女の専門知識は倫理学、フェミニスト哲学、経済的正義に及び、受賞歴のある前著『The Imperative of Integration』や『Value in Ethics and Economics』を含む数十年にわたる学術的研究に裏打ちされています。

『Private Government』の基礎となったアンダーソンの影響力ある2014年のタナー講義は、自由市場イデオロギーが平等主義の理想から歴史的にどのように逸脱してきたかを辿ることで、それらに異を唱えています。アメリカ芸術科学アカデミーの会員でもある彼女の職場民主主義に関する枠組みは、政治理論や労働者の権利に関する議論において広く引用されています。

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201

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"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

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483

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@Cashflowbubu

BeFreedがウェブ上でどのように話題になっているかをもっと見る

コロンビア大学卒業生がサンフランシスコで開発

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"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

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"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

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@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

BeFreedがウェブ上でどのように話題になっているかをもっと見る

今すぐ学習の旅を始めよう

第8章

私たちが働くということ：自由・平等・権力の政治哲学

概要『私たちが働くということ：自由・平等・権力の政治哲学』の概要

1冊の本。さまざまな聴き方。

When Freedom Means Dictatorship: The Hidden Paradox of Modern Work

The Radical Origins of Free Market Thinking

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

The Industrial Revolution's Cataclysmic Transformation

Private Government: The Communist Dictatorships in Our Midst

『私たちが働くということ：自由・平等・権力の政治哲学』をもっと深く楽しむ

Understanding Private Government

The Ideological Blinders of Modern Economics

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

Protecting Worker Freedom: Four Strategies

The Reality of Workplace Abuse

『私たちが働くということ：自由・平等・権力の政治哲学』をもっと深く楽しむ

The Need for Worker Voice and Dignity

Reimagining Workplace Freedom for the Modern Era

『私たちが働くということ：自由・平等・権力の政治哲学』を最後まで読み終えました

『私たちが働くということ：自由・平等・権力の政治哲学』の主要テーマ

『私たちが働くということ：自由・平等・権力の政治哲学』の名言

『私たちが働くということ：自由・平等・権力の政治哲学』の登場人物

著者について

私たちが働くということ：自由・平等・権力の政治哲学の要約をダウンロード

他のユーザーのお気に入り

この本に関するよくある質問

What is Private Government by Elizabeth Anderson about?

Who should read Private Government by Elizabeth Anderson?

What are the main arguments in Private Government?

What does Elizabeth Anderson mean by "private government"?

もっと見る

1,000,000+ curious minds.

1,000,000+ curious minds.

1冊の本。さまざまな聴き方。

When Freedom Means Dictatorship: The Hidden Paradox of Modern Work

The Radical Origins of Free Market Thinking

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

The Industrial Revolution's Cataclysmic Transformation

Private Government: The Communist Dictatorships in Our Midst

『私たちが働くということ：自由・平等・権力の政治哲学』をもっと深く楽しむ

Understanding Private Government

The Ideological Blinders of Modern Economics

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

Protecting Worker Freedom: Four Strategies

The Reality of Workplace Abuse

『私たちが働くということ：自由・平等・権力の政治哲学』をもっと深く楽しむ

The Need for Worker Voice and Dignity

Reimagining Workplace Freedom for the Modern Era

『私たちが働くということ：自由・平等・権力の政治哲学』を最後まで読み終えました

他のユーザーのお気に入り

もっと見る

『私たちが働くということ：自由・平等・権力の政治哲学』の概要