What is *Politics: Between the Extremes* about?

*Politics: Between the Extremes* is Nick Clegg’s candid memoir reflecting on his tenure as UK Deputy Prime Minister (2010–2015) and leader of the Liberal Democrats. It defends centrist, evidence-driven governance while critiquing populism, detailing coalition negotiations with the Conservatives, policy wins like the Pupil Premium, and controversies like tuition fee reforms. The book also analyzes Brexit and advocates for liberal internationalism.

Who should read *Politics: Between the Extremes*?

This book appeals to readers interested in UK political history, coalition governance, or post-Brexit liberalism. Policymakers, students of political science, and voters seeking insider perspectives on the 2010–2015 Conservative–Lib Dem alliance will find Clegg’s rationale for compromise and reform particularly insightful.

Is *Politics: Between the Extremes* worth reading?

Yes, for its unflinching account of coalition trade-offs and Clegg’s defense of pragmatic centrism. The book balances self-critical honesty (e.g., admitting missteps on tuition fees) with pride in achievements like tax reforms and same-sex marriage legalization. Its analysis of populism’s rise remains relevant to current political debates.

What are the main themes in *Politics: Between the Extremes*?

Key themes include: - The challenges of coalition governance and public perception. - Tensions between idealism and political compromise. - Critiques of Brexit and nationalist populism. - Advocacy for liberal internationalism and institutional reforms.

How does Nick Clegg defend his decision to form a coalition with the Conservatives?

Clegg argues the 2010 coalition stabilized the UK economy post-recession and enabled Lib Dem policy wins like raising the income tax threshold. He acknowledges strategic failures in communicating compromises but insists governing was preferable to ideological purity in opposition.

What criticisms does *Politics: Between the Extremes* address?

The book confronts accusations of betrayal over tuition fees, electoral collapse in 2015, and perceptions of Liberal Democrat weakness in coalition. Clegg attributes these outcomes to structural challenges of shared power and media narratives favoring “black-and-white” politics over nuance.

What key quotes summarize *Politics: Between the Extremes*?

- **“Compromise is not betrayal”**: Clegg’s defense of coalition-driven policymaking. - **“Populism thrives on simplicity”**: A critique of anti-EU rhetoric during the Brexit campaign. - **“We governed in the national interest”**: Justification for partnering with the Conservatives despite ideological differences.

How does Clegg explain the tuition fees controversy?

He admits misjudging public reaction to abandoning his 2010 pledge to oppose fee hikes, calling it a “disastrous error” that eroded trust. However, he argues the policy redirected funds to poorer students through higher repayment thresholds.

政治の再建

極端の狭間で

ニック・クレッグ

3.73(1145 Reviews)

『政治の再建』の概要

ニック・クレッグの率直な回顧録は、連立政権のリーダーシップにおける激動の現実を明らかにしています。極端主義が蔓延する中での中道主義を、人道的かつ誠実に検証した一冊として称賛されるこの政治内部関係者の手記は、ますます分極化が進む現代社会を乗りこなすための重要な教訓を提示しています。現代の民主主義において、妥協にはどのような代償が求められるのでしょうか？

語り方を選ぶ

1冊の本。さまざまな聴き方。

政治の再建の同じアイデアを、あなたに合う声・深さ・ペースで学べます。いつでも切り替えられます。

第1章

The Rise and Fall of a Liberal Democrat in British Politics

In 2010, Nick Clegg stood at the center of British politics, having catapulted from relative obscurity to become Deputy Prime Minister in Britain's first coalition government since World War II. Five years later, he watched as his party was decimated in the general election, reduced from 57 seats to just 8. This dramatic political journey-from the sun-drenched optimism of the Rose Garden press conference with David Cameron to standing solemnly at the Cenotaph after electoral defeat-forms the backdrop of Clegg's candid reflection on modern British politics. The book has become something of a cult classic among political insiders, with even former Prime Minister Tony Blair citing it as essential reading for understanding Britain's volatile political landscape. Through Clegg's eyes, we witness not just the inner workings of power but also the profound shifts transforming Western democracies-from conventional left-right divides to new fault lines between open and closed worldviews, between optimists and pessimists, between those embracing change and those resisting it.

第2章

Westminster's Bizarre Rituals and Political Reality

The Palace of Westminster operates according to bizarre, antiquated rules that deliberately orchestrate confrontation and reinforce elitism. MPs cannot shake hands in Parliament, cannot clap in the Commons Chamber (instead slapping thighs and waving papers), and cannot address each other by name. Until 2010, Westminster housed a rifle range but no creche, despite party leaders having young children. It maintains eight subsidized bars but lacks adequate facilities for women and disabled visitors. Parliament resembles an elite public school-full of private codes and bizarre rituals housed in grand Gothic architecture with staff in old-fashioned uniforms. This creates an atmosphere where those raised in certain ways implicitly understand the system, while others feel alienated. The Commons Chamber deliberately amplifies confrontation through Winston Churchill's insistence that it be rebuilt without enough space for all MPs, creating "a sense of crowd and urgency" that manifests as a wall of noise from hundreds of shouting men packed onto benches just feet apart. The behavior can be appalling. Respected elder statesmen make crude gestures during speeches, MPs crouch in gangways shouting expletives, and researchers have documented shocking sexist behavior, including male MPs pretending to juggle imaginary breasts while female colleagues speak. Parliament remains profoundly unrepresentative: women comprise barely a quarter of MPs; only forty-one of 650 MPs are from ethnic minorities; nearly one-third attended private schools; and more than a quarter studied at Oxford or Cambridge. Politics itself is inherently abnormal-a competition for power pursued by the powerless, a race for voters' affections by those held in contempt, high ideals steeped in petty rivalries. Yet most politicians across parties are flawed but not corrupt, starting with genuine belief that their ideas will improve the world. Public perceptions often invert reality: politicians beloved for their sociable bonhomie are actually more complex and sometimes lonesome; those seen as cold calculators are privately mischievous and thoughtful. Several forces threaten authentic politics: Westminster's elitism, media cynicism, angry populism, online democracy's impatience, and collapsed ideological certainties. We're drifting toward a time when only robot-like party loyalists or monk-like individuals with blemish-free pasts can succeed in politics.

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

『政治の再建』の一語一語が音声に合わせてリアルタイムでハイライトされ、自然に読み進められます。

第3章

The Physical and Emotional Toll of Political Life

All MPs live demanding double lives split between London and their constituencies, creating a perpetual juggling act that strains both professional and personal relationships. They vote in Parliament until late Monday through Thursday, often past midnight on crucial bills, then rush to constituencies for Friday surgeries and weekend campaigning. This leaves precious little family time, with many MPs seeing their children only briefly during weekdays. Ministers must pile these parliamentary responsibilities on top of their departmental duties, often working 80-90 hour weeks while maintaining appearances in both roles. The physical strain of frontline politics is rarely acknowledged but takes a devastating toll. During the grueling months from autumn 2010 to spring 2011, Clegg was visibly drained and physically unfit-secretly smoking several cigarettes nightly on his terrace to cope with stress, getting no exercise, and battling persistent bronchitis that required strong antibiotics. Since becoming party leader, he'd suffered a cascade of health issues including pneumonia, recurring chest pains, a broken toe from rushing between meetings, and chronic coughs that would not clear-all while trying to project energy and vitality in public appearances. He would regularly cross London multiple times daily, racing to help put his three young boys to bed before returning to late-night votes at Westminster. Modern political pressure has been intensified exponentially by transformed media scrutiny. The unforgiving glare of high-definition television lets the public peer at politicians' every expression, analyzing micro-expressions for signs of dishonesty or stress. Social media has created an environment where a minor verbal slip at a rural primary school can be retweeted globally within seconds, spawning memes and mockery before the politician has even left the building. This ecosystem has created a new political reality where instant judgments are cast within seconds, Twitter arguments rage and subside within minutes, and policy announcements can flare and bomb within hours before any substantive debate occurs. The press has shifted noticeably from reporting to opinion-making, from witnessing events to actively participating in them. Partisan coverage is now the norm rather than the exception, creating an unhealthy 24-hour embrace between politicians and media characterized by mutual need and loathing. Any minister's carefully planned day can be completely upended by a single article, blog post, tweet or anonymous quote requiring immediate response and crisis management. The need to constantly monitor and respond to media has created a reactive political culture where long-term thinking becomes nearly impossible. The Americanization of attitudes toward politicians' families has dramatically increased pressure to display children and manufacture an impression of domestic normality. Politicians are now expected to present perfect family tableaus at party conferences, Christmas card photos, and campaign events. When Clegg's political fortunes plummeted, advisers suggested he might showcase his devotion to his children to counter the bloodless caricature being made of him in the press. But he and his wife Miriam steadfastly refused, wanting to protect their children's innocence and normal development. They recognized that being known as the Deputy Prime Minister's son was burden enough for a child without adding the additional pressure of public exposure and scrutiny. This principled stance, while admirable, likely cost him politically in an era that demands performative family displays from its leaders.

第4章

The Paradox of Power in Modern Politics

In modern politics, there exists a paradox: despite unprecedented transparency, the reality of power often remains obscure to the public. Comparing his role to international counterparts, Clegg noted the French Prime Minister enjoys both pomp and power, the US Vice President has pomp but less power, while he had real power but no pomp. Though he wielded veto power over government policy and co-authored decisions, without visible symbols of authority, the public couldn't see his influence. The real engine-room of decision-making wasn't committees but direct meetings between Cameron and Clegg ("bilats"), or with George Osborne and Danny Alexander joining them ("quads"). These frank, constructive forums handled the toughest economic decisions, though the public perception that Osborne exclusively authored economic policy distorted understanding of how government actually functioned. The 2012 budget negotiations were fraught-Osborne only conceded to the Liberal Democrats' priority of raising the personal allowance in exchange for cutting the top tax rate from 50p to 40p. Clegg vetoed the entire budget days before announcement, eventually compromising on a 45p rate with delayed implementation. Despite achieving the largest-ever rise in income-tax personal allowance, this victory was overshadowed by the "pasty tax" fiasco and other politically toxic measures. In 2014, Clegg faced intense pressure to approve excessive bonuses for RBS's highest-paid staff worth twice their salaries. Despite warnings of catastrophic consequences-mass resignations, board walkouts, collapse in bank value-he refused to budge. Armed with evidence from his economics adviser, he rejected the proposal in a detailed letter to Osborne, who eventually relented. Gallingly, when the decision appeared in the Financial Times, Osborne received all the credit for blocking the bonuses despite Clegg's behind-the-scenes fight. These episodes revealed how entrenched group-think becomes in powerful institutions like the Treasury. The tragedy for Liberal Democrats was that none of this was visible to the public. The mismatch between power's optics and mechanics allowed opponents to paint contradictory pictures: to the left, Clegg was a sell-out sitting meekly as Conservatives ran amok; to the right, he was a villain frustrating their Thatcherite dreams.

『政治の再建』をもっと深く楽しむ

毎日の新しい気づきを10万件以上のレッスンから
言葉をハイライトして音声と同期
ライブラリを保存して、どの端末からでも利用

第5章

The Virtue of Compromise in Coalition Politics

Change doesn't happen with the stroke of a pen. Even powerful ministers must overcome institutional, financial, and political hurdles to implement reform. The savvy politician must mobilize public opinion, persuade colleagues, assemble parliamentary majorities, navigate Whitehall's machinery, build financial cases, and bring stakeholders onboard. This complex dance requires patience, strategic thinking, and an understanding that perfect can be the enemy of good. As junior coalition partners with no recent governing experience, Liberal Democrats had to learn quickly how to navigate a change-resistant system. Sometimes this meant straight policy swaps - trading support for one initiative to gain backing for another. Other times, it involved forensic haggling over contentious details, from spending allocations to implementation timelines. While occasionally unseemly, these negotiations were mostly conducted in good humor, with both sides recognizing the necessity of give-and-take in a coalition government. The main disadvantage emerged in the parliament's latter stages when disagreement on particular policies led to gridlock, especially on issues like electoral reform and House of Lords restructuring. However, compromise had important advantages too: scrutiny from skeptical coalition partners forced both sides to be more thoughtful and creative. The challenge of finding agreement ensured extreme or excessively partisan policies rarely survived. This collaborative approach led to more balanced legislation on issues ranging from welfare reform to environmental policy. The universal free school meals for infants stands as perhaps the best example of a straightforward policy swap. The policy's inception was bound up with Michael Gove, who transformed from coalition advocate to adversary. Their relationship deteriorated dramatically-from charming dinner companion to someone who banned Lib Dem advisers from his department, hid in toilets to avoid David Laws, and unleashed advisers to brief against Clegg and even his wife in the press. This deterioration illustrated how personal relationships could impact policy implementation. While all governments engage in internal horse-trading, the coalition's unique feature was treating the Coalition Agreement with unusual reverence-like tablets of stone. The Liberal Democrats had successfully implanted a greater share of their manifesto commitments into it than the Conservatives had, making their attachment even stronger. This included policies on civil liberties, environmental protection, and political reform. The Agreement's importance was clearly illustrated by one of their biggest reforms-raising the personal tax allowance. Despite Cameron dismissing it during the election debates as a "beautiful idea" they "couldn't afford," Clegg insisted it feature prominently in the Coalition Agreement. Initially treated as a "Lib Dem ask" requiring concessions elsewhere, the Conservatives eventually embraced it so thoroughly they made it their major tax pledge for 2015. This evolution demonstrated how initially contested policies could become consensus positions through successful implementation and public support. The coalition experience showed that compromise, while sometimes frustrating, could lead to more sustainable policy outcomes. It created a framework where ideas could be tested against opposing viewpoints, refined through negotiation, and implemented with broader support than single-party government might achieve. This approach, though slower and more complex, often resulted in more durable and widely accepted reforms.

第6章

Taking Power from the Powerful: The Challenge of Reform

Britain remains dominated by powerful vested interests in business, media, and politics. Breaking up these interests and dispersing power is central to liberalism, but attempting to do so is political suicide. Reform efforts to create a more representative voting system, democratic House of Lords, and curbs on money in politics all faced fierce resistance. Britain's Parliament is deeply unrepresentative. The 2015 election produced the most distorted result yet: Conservatives won a majority with just 37% of votes (24% of eligible voters), while the SNP took 56 of Scotland's 59 seats with fewer votes than the Liberal Democrats, who won just 8 seats. UKIP received 3.9 million votes but just one MP. This happens because the First Past the Post system was designed for a two-party era when Labour and Conservatives captured 97% of votes (1951), not today's multi-party landscape where they receive only 67%. The system favors geographically concentrated support and forces tactical voting, with parties focusing resources on marginal seats while ignoring "safe" constituencies. The House of Lords is an affront to democracy-the only unelected chamber in Europe and, with over 800 peers, the second-largest parliamentary chamber worldwide after China's National People's Congress. Despite claims it provides wisdom and expertise above partisan politics, about a quarter of peers are former MPs, and many more are former party advisers. Big money has hollowed out British politics. Without substantial funding, parties can't compete effectively. In early 2015, Conservatives received over 15 million in donations compared to the Liberal Democrats' 3 million, allowing them to target specific voters in marginal seats with sophisticated messaging. The Conservatives rely heavily on City fund managers, while Labour depends on a handful of trade unions. When the coalition took office, there was genuine appetite for political reform following the MPs' expenses scandal. The Liberal Democrats negotiated a comprehensive reform package with the Conservatives: changing the voting system, democratizing the House of Lords, introducing fixed-term parliaments, reforming party funding, and creating a power of recall for corrupt MPs. Everything changed on October 20, 2010, when George Osborne announced the Comprehensive Spending Review. Though governments can pursue multiple objectives, they're rarely remembered for more than one principal purpose-and theirs became fiscal discipline above all else. As economic concerns took precedence, public appetite for political reform waned, giving establishment parties cover to retreat from change.

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

『政治の再建』の一語一語が音声に合わせてリアルタイムでハイライトされ、自然に読み進められます。

第7章

The Junior Partner's Dilemma in Coalition Politics

The public constantly demands politicians "stop bickering and work together," yet when coalition compromises occur-especially involving smaller progressive parties-this desire for cooperation often turns sour. Smaller coalition partners frequently become "punchbags for heavyweights" as demonstrated by numerous examples across democracies worldwide. Each was accused of selling out principles for power. The Dutch aptly describe this dilemma as "Burgemeester in oorlog"-being a mayor during wartime. Under Nazi occupation, Dutch mayors could either resign and be replaced by a stooge, or stay and become compromised. Neither choice won votes. When forming the 2010 coalition, Clegg believed compromise would be readily understood given the circumstances. The election was indecisive, the country faced economic crisis, and arithmetically only a Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition could provide stable government. Labour and Liberal Democrat MPs combined were eleven seats short of a majority, requiring additional support from a mix of smaller parties for a "rainbow coalition" that Gordon Brown briefly sketched on paper during their discussions. From the coalition's formation, every compromise the Liberal Democrats made was decried as betrayal, while Conservative concessions faced no similar criticism. The Conservatives dropped, reversed or diluted numerous manifesto commitments on welfare cuts, tax policy, Internet security, environment, fixed-term parliaments, industrial policy, Free Schools, and Europe. Yet when the Prime Minister compromised or abandoned his policies, it was portrayed as Lib Dem restraint on Conservative vigor rather than weakness-the charge invariably leveled at the junior partner. The right-wing press's frustration was understandable-coalition government's purpose was anchoring policies in the center ground, preventing a rightward pull. When the Daily Mail quoted Cameron saying "I'd govern like a true Tory if it wasn't for the Lib Dems," Liberal Democrat activists wore it as a badge of honor. Sadly, Britain's progressive forces failed to recognize what the Liberal Democrats were attempting: restraining Conservatives, enacting liberal policies, and stabilizing the economy. Instead, their compromises were treated as unforgivable betrayals of progressive values. Left-leaning newspapers proved as vitriolic as right-wing ones. Labour prioritized attacking Lib Dems over targeting Conservatives.

第8章

Britain's Ambivalent Relationship with Europe

The anguished, torturous debate about the UK's place in Europe has been the most powerful catalyst forcing changes in Britain's political culture and system to the surface. Unlike many European nations who embraced EU membership as a triumph of peace over war or democracy over fascism, Britain's relationship with Europe has always been pragmatic rather than emotional. The decision to join the European Community wasn't an uplifting step toward stronger national identity but an acknowledgment of post-imperial decline-a weary acceptance that "if you can't beat them, join them." This ambivalence still colors British attitudes, making emotional Brexit arguments about "taking back control" difficult for pro-Europeans to counter with purely economic reasoning. For many Europeans, EU membership represented emotional reconciliation and progress. Clegg's Dutch great-grandfather, despite refusing to drive behind German cars after enduring Nazi occupation, saw the European Community as a means of moving forward from war. Similarly, his wife Miriam's Spanish uncle viewed Spain's EC membership with chest-puffing pride-it meant Spain had "arrived" as a modern democracy, leaving fascism firmly in the past. This stark contrast between continental enthusiasm and British skepticism was evident in how different nations celebrated their entry into the European community - while France and Germany held joint ceremonies and cultural festivals, Britain marked the occasion with subdued parliamentary procedures and cautious newspaper headlines. Britain's relationship with European integration began with rejection. When Churchill addressed the "tragedy of Europe" in 1946, he called for a "United States of Europe" but positioned Britain as merely a "friend and sponsor" rather than a participant. This detachment was rooted in Britain's distinct wartime experience - having never been occupied, maintaining its empire, and preserving its special relationship with America. By the 1960s, Britain changed its tune, only to face De Gaulle's dramatic "Non!" when asking to join. This humiliating rejection reinforced British skepticism, creating wounds that never fully healed. Unlike other member states, Britain's eventual membership in 1973 wasn't celebrated as national renewal but accepted with a shrug-a pragmatic pounds-and-pence calculation that has characterized the British approach ever since. The stilted, listless campaign messages from Cameron and Osborne during the 2016 EU referendum-bombarding the public with statistics about trade benefits and economic forecasts-proved woefully inadequate against Brexit's powerful emotional appeal. Their focus on GDP figures and market access failed to address deeper questions of identity and sovereignty that resonated with voters. The Remain campaign's inability to articulate an emotional case for European unity reflected decades of British political discourse that had treated the EU as a purely transactional arrangement. In the end, heart won over head-not least because Britain's heart was never fully committed to the EU in the first place, having missed the founding moment of emotional reconciliation that bound other European nations together. This ambivalence has had lasting consequences, shaping not just Britain's departure from the EU but its entire approach to European cooperation. Even pro-European British politicians struggled to make passionate cases for integration, often retreating to defensive arguments about economic necessity rather than positive visions of shared European destiny.

『政治の再建』をもっと深く楽しむ

毎日の新しい気づきを10万件以上のレッスンから
言葉をハイライトして音声と同期
ライブラリを保存して、どの端末からでも利用

第9章

Between the Extremes: The Return of Liberalism in an Age of Unreason

In 2013, a Liberal Democrat focus group revealed voters switching to UKIP out of nostalgia for the past. This yearning for security has fueled populist movements across Europe and America that promise protection through rejecting multiculturalism, condemning Islam, stopping immigration, and restoring traditions. These movements now dominate politics in many countries. The rise of right-wing populism stems from multiple factors: terrorist threats, refugee crises highlighting government incompetence, declining self-confidence in liberal democracies following the 2008 crash, and the rise of authoritarian capitalism. Meanwhile, economic insecurity has driven many toward left-wing populism like Podemos, Syriza and Corbyn's Labour. Both extremes share a contempt for the "establishment" and conventional politics, fueled by legitimate scandals but also by unconstrained cynicism about authority figures. This "Age of Unreason" rejects the doubt and open inquiry that underpin reasoned politics in favor of raging certainties and bold, uncompromising positions. Reason lies at liberalism's core, stemming from the Enlightenment and belief in individual sovereignty. Liberals defend privacy against surveillance, prioritize education as the great liberator, abhor state secrecy and centralization, value work's autonomy, and champion equal rights regardless of sexuality or gender. Fundamentally optimistic, liberalism believes empowered individuals generally make good decisions-unlike conservatism's tradition-preserving pessimism or socialism's elevation of class interests above individuals. However, liberalism struggles in a climate of fear. When people feel their identity threatened by immigration or globalization, analytical responses fall flat. The liberal political class failed to recognize growing fears about immigration and identity, and simply defending imperfect international institutions offers little comfort to those deeply disenchanted with globalization. Democracy requires politicians not merely to chase votes but to shape debates about our country's direction. Three critical challenges demand attention: economic concerns, inequality, and creating a shared sense of belonging-a modern patriotism. Post-2008 growth has been anemic, suggesting we may face "secular stagnation" as Larry Summers warns, or the prolonged low growth Robert Gordon predicts from diminishing technological innovation returns. Inequality has evolved from a moral concern to a recognized driver of economic instability. As the wealthy invest more in savings and property, the poor supplement stagnant wages with unsustainable borrowing, creating boom-bust cycles that ultimately hurt the vulnerable most. Inequality also divides generations-younger people face falling relative incomes and precarious employment while pensioners have grown wealthier, with over-60s being the only age group better off since 2008. Though Brexit has made liberalism's reassertion harder in Britain as Westminster plunges into years of introspection, the Liberal Democrat-Conservative coalition offers hope-demonstrating that stable, center-ground government is possible even in unfavorable conditions. The fragmentation of politics will continue, making single-party governments with slender mandates increasingly untenable. Cross-party collaboration may be needed to rescue Britain from spiraling uncertainties. While things may worsen before improving, political parties committed to reason over populism, moderation over grievance politics, and compromise over factionalism will eventually be called upon again.

★★★★★

『政治の再建』を最後まで読み終えました

100万人以上の学習者に愛用されています

“23日間、毎日使い続けています。今では日課の一部です。”

jayallen

『政治の再建』の主要テーマ

coalition government dynamics
westminster institutional elitism
political psychological toll
media scrutiny impact
parliamentary ritual reform

『政治の再建』の名言

Politics itself is inherently abnormal.
Public perceptions often invert reality.
Westminster's elitism threatens authentic politics.
Partisan coverage is now the norm.
The reality of power often remains obscure.

『政治の再建』の登場人物

Nick CleggFormer Deputy Prime Minister and party leader
David CameronFormer Prime Minister and coalition partner
Tony BlairFormer Prime Minister who cited the book

著者について

『Politics: Between the Extremes』の著者であるニック・クレッグは、リベラルな中道主義と連立政権の推進で知られるイギリスの政治指導者であり、元副首相です。

欧州議会での10年間にわたるキャリアと、自由民主党党首としての5年間の経験に基づいたこの回顧録では、政治の両極化、実務的な政策立案、そして多党制統治の課題といったテーマが探求されています。クレッグの洞察は、2010年に戦後イギリス初となる連立政権を樹立する際に果たした極めて重要な役割によって形成されており、そこでは議会任期固定法などの主要な改革を交渉しました。

次作である『How To Stop Brexit (and Make Britain Great Again)』では、彼の親欧州連合（EU）の立場と、国家問題に対する政策主導のアプローチがさらに詳しく述べられています。『フィナンシャル・タイムズ』やBBCのコメンテーターを頻繁に務めるクレッグは、ケンブリッジ大学と欧州大学院の学位を保持しています。

2018年からはMetaのグローバル・アフェアーズ担当プレジデントを務め、テクノロジーと政策立案の橋渡し役を担っています。2018年に公務への貢献によりナイトの称号を授与されたクレッグの著書は、『ガーディアン』紙から「連立政治に関する不可欠な入門書」と称賛されています。

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"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

BeFreedがウェブ上でどのように話題になっているかをもっと見る

コロンビア大学卒業生がサンフランシスコで開発

LOVED BY

1,000,000+ curious minds.

4.7

avg rating

1M+ learners

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

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@djmikemoore

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@Pitiful

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"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

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@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

BeFreedがウェブ上でどのように話題になっているかをもっと見る

今すぐ学習の旅を始めよう

第3章

政治の再建

概要『政治の再建』の概要

1冊の本。さまざまな聴き方。

The Rise and Fall of a Liberal Democrat in British Politics

Westminster's Bizarre Rituals and Political Reality

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

The Physical and Emotional Toll of Political Life

The Paradox of Power in Modern Politics

『政治の再建』をもっと深く楽しむ

The Virtue of Compromise in Coalition Politics

Taking Power from the Powerful: The Challenge of Reform

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

The Junior Partner's Dilemma in Coalition Politics

Britain's Ambivalent Relationship with Europe

『政治の再建』をもっと深く楽しむ

Between the Extremes: The Return of Liberalism in an Age of Unreason

『政治の再建』を最後まで読み終えました

『政治の再建』の主要テーマ

『政治の再建』の名言

『政治の再建』の登場人物

著者について

政治の再建の要約をダウンロード

他のユーザーのお気に入り

この本に関するよくある質問

What is Politics: Between the Extremes about?

Who should read Politics: Between the Extremes?

Is Politics: Between the Extremes worth reading?

What are the main themes in Politics: Between the Extremes?

もっと見る

1,000,000+ curious minds.

1,000,000+ curious minds.

1冊の本。さまざまな聴き方。

The Rise and Fall of a Liberal Democrat in British Politics

Westminster's Bizarre Rituals and Political Reality

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

The Physical and Emotional Toll of Political Life

The Paradox of Power in Modern Politics

『政治の再建』をもっと深く楽しむ

The Virtue of Compromise in Coalition Politics

Taking Power from the Powerful: The Challenge of Reform

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

The Junior Partner's Dilemma in Coalition Politics

Britain's Ambivalent Relationship with Europe

『政治の再建』をもっと深く楽しむ

Between the Extremes: The Return of Liberalism in an Age of Unreason

『政治の再建』を最後まで読み終えました

他のユーザーのお気に入り

もっと見る

『政治の再建』の概要