What is *How to Be a Conservative* by Roger Scruton about?

*How to Be a Conservative* explores conservative philosophy as a defense of tradition, cultural heritage, and gradual societal evolution. Roger Scruton argues conservatism balances preservation with progress, emphasizing institutions, national identity, and respect for history across politics, art, religion, and education. The book critiques radical change while advocating for a society built "from below" through community and shared values.

Who should read *How to Be a Conservative*?

This book is ideal for readers seeking clarity on conservative ideology beyond partisan politics, students of political philosophy, and those interested in Scruton’s defense of tradition in modern governance, culture, and ethics. It appeals to both conservatives reevaluating their principles and liberals exploring opposing viewpoints.

What are the key principles of conservatism according to Roger Scruton?

Scruton’s conservatism prioritizes tradition, incremental change, and societal continuity. Key principles include: - Valuing cultural and moral legacies. - Balancing preservation with necessary progress. - Rejecting utopian ideologies in favor of practical governance. - Upholding national identity and decentralized institutions.

How does Scruton view the relationship between tradition and change?

Scruton argues tradition guides thoughtful evolution, preventing destabilizing rapid shifts. He advocates for change that respects inherited wisdom, comparing conservatism to a "steward" of societal values rather than a resistance to modernity.

What critiques does *How to Be a Conservative* address about capitalism?

Scruton critiques reductionist views of humans as purely economic actors, emphasizing capitalism’s dependence on civil society’s moral frameworks. He warns against market forces eroding community bonds and cultural traditions.

How does Scruton define nationalism in the book?

Nationalism, for Scruton, is allegiance to a shared cultural identity and historical continuity—not blind loyalty. It fosters social cohesion through love of country, language, and customs, countering abstract globalization.

What role does religion play in Scruton’s conservatism?

Religion anchors moral order and communal rituals, providing transcendent meaning that secular ideologies lack. Scruton ties religious traditions to societal stability and ethical reasoning.

How does the book approach environmentalism?

Scruton frames environmental stewardship as a conservative duty, advocating for localized responsibility over bureaucratic solutions. He emphasizes intergenerational duty to preserve natural and cultural landscapes.

保守主義のすすめ

ロジャー・スクルートン

4.1(2010 Reviews)

『保守主義のすすめ』の概要

『保守主義になるということ（How to be a Conservative）』の中で、著名な哲学者ロジャー・スクルートンは、必要な変化を認めつつも伝統を重んじる保守主義を、きめ細やかな論理で擁護しています。労働党支持者から保守思想家へと至った彼の個人的な歩みは、世界的な政治的議論を巻き起こしました。2014年に発表されたこの傑作が革命的である理由は何でしょうか？それは、保守主義を単なる「抵抗」を超えたものとして再定義している点にあります。

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1冊の本。さまざまな聴き方。

保守主義のすすめの同じアイデアを、あなたに合う声・深さ・ペースで学べます。いつでも切り替えられます。

第1章

The Conservative Soul: Finding Home in a Fragmented World

In a time when political labels are wielded like weapons, Roger Scruton's "How to Be a Conservative" stands as a thoughtful exploration of conservatism's intellectual foundations. Far from the caricature of stubborn resistance to change, Scruton reveals conservatism as a nuanced philosophy that acknowledges human imperfection while cherishing what works. The book has gained renewed relevance as Western democracies face crises of identity and purpose. Scruton, who passed away in 2020, was knighted for his contributions to philosophy and public education, and his work has influenced figures from Jordan Peterson to British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak. Even those who disagree with his conclusions respect his intellectual rigor-a quality increasingly rare in our polarized discourse.

第2章

A Personal Journey Through Political Awakening

My journey to conservatism began in unlikely circumstances. Growing up in a lower middle-class household with a Labour-supporting father, I absorbed his class-warfare perspective that viewed the Conservative Party as an establishment protecting business interests and aristocrats. Yet my father embodied what Robert Conquest observed-that everyone becomes right-wing about matters they understand deeply. Knowing local history, architecture, and countryside intimately, he became their ardent defender, founding the High Wycombe Society to protect against developers and modernist architecture. His example taught me that conserving things when worse alternatives threaten them is always right. As an intellectual, I initially rebelled against authority at school and university. Yet about culture-philosophy, art, literature, music-I remained decidedly conservative, respecting order and discipline while acknowledging the need for judgment to preserve great traditions. My political transformation crystallized during the Paris events of May 1968, watching soixante-huitards attack "bourgeois" civilization while enjoying its freedoms and security. I realized that what they labeled "bourgeois" was precisely what made decent life possible. The 1970s brought deeper engagement as I established the Conservative Philosophy Group and wrote "The Meaning of Conservatism" to counter Thatcherite free-market ideology. I reminded conservatives that society exists and is what conservatism fundamentally concerns. Freedom alone is insufficient-it's "a very good horse to ride, but to ride somewhere." Visits to communist Eastern Europe revealed socialism not as idealistic theory but as an oppressive system maintained by force. In Prague, I encountered the dissident movement firsthand-professors, poets, students denied university admission-all reduced to working as "stokers" while devoting their lives to anamnesis, bringing forgotten cultural memory to consciousness. This experience showed me what happens when revolutionaries succeed in destroying inherited social fabric. Through all these experiences, I've come to see our civilization as rooted in Christianity's culture of confession and forgiveness-habits that make civilization possible by enabling us to acknowledge faults, make recompense, and hold each other accountable.

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『保守主義のすすめ』の一語一語が音声に合わせてリアルタイムでハイライトされ、自然に読み進められます。

第3章

The Bonds That Make Society Possible

We live in societies bound by citizenship, law, nationality, and neighborhood, yet these bonds alone cannot solve our coordination problem. Economic order depends on moral order, where sympathy, duty, and virtue create a foundation of self-sacrifice beneath self-interest. We are not merely rational economic actors but possess deeper motives enabling sacrifice either as blind attachment or responsible commitment to others. Edmund Burke argued against "geometrical" revolutionary politics, seeing society as an association of the dead, living, and unborn bound by love rather than contract. We inherit benefits and pass them on, respecting accumulated social capital rather than consuming it through revolutionary destruction. Society depends on relations built from below through face-to-face interaction in families, clubs, schools, churches, and workplaces-traditions containing solutions to coordination problems discovered over time. Political philosophers from Hobbes to Rawls have sought to ground political order in a social contract-freely chosen obligations reconciling freedom with obedience. But this theory assumes abstract individuals without attachments, while real human societies are inherently exclusive. The social contract paradoxically requires pre-existing membership. Even America's founding "We, the people" presupposed a community that already belonged together. Human beings are fundamentally animated by oikophilia-love of home and the people within it. The oikos provides the foundation for the first-person plural of politics, the "we" that makes community possible. Through settlement, we create islands of intrinsic value amid instrumental reasoning. This is what conservatism defends. When egalitarians targeted educational institutions in the 1960s, they transformed them from associations for transmitting knowledge into instruments of social engineering. By replacing education's internal purpose with the external goal of equality, they destroyed both knowledge and its benefits. Good effects in education arise not because they are directly pursued, but as by-products of pursuing knowledge for its own sake. Despite the inevitable entropy of all human systems, conservatism remains the philosophy of attachment. We protect what we love against decay, studying how to retain these goods through necessary changes. As Lord Salisbury put it, "delay is life."

第4章

National Identity: Beyond Nationalism

When the French Revolutionaries burst onto the world stage, they declared the nation, not sovereign or deity, would command citizen allegiance. This new political conception spread devastation across Europe, eventually contributing to two world wars. By 1945, the emerging political class concluded nationalism had torn Europe apart and must be replaced-though precisely what remained buried in European integration processes. Nationalism as ideology is dangerous like all ideologies, occupying religion's vacant space and exciting believers to worship the national idea. But for ordinary people, the nation simply means historical identity and continuing allegiance uniting them in the body politic-the first-person plural of settlement. These normal sentiments aren't just peaceful themselves but create peace between neighbors. Our inheritance of secular law is precious-our principal defense against majority tyranny. Opposition must be protected for reason to enter government affairs. Politics requires a "we" that binds individuals together despite disagreements. Democracies need a national rather than religious "we," shaped by countless agreements between neighbors speaking the same language, living side by side. Only when law derives from national sovereignty can it adapt to changing conditions. Religious law endures unchanging, becoming mysterious as its divine author. When we make laws for ourselves, we know what they mean. The essential question becomes "Who are we?" In modern conditions, the nation answers this question. The European Union arose from belief that national sentiment caused European wars, requiring transnational government. But people don't identify with such entities. The Union suffers a permanent legitimacy crisis because treaties are dead hands that should govern only for specific purposes. The American experiment succeeded not as an empire but as a nation state, establishing secular law, territorial jurisdiction, and common language in a place people claimed as home. Today, Western societies face a "culture of repudiation" in media and academia that attacks national identity. Conservatism counters with affirmation, recognizing the nation state as something worth defending in our increasingly global conflicts.

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第5章

The Compassionate Society: Finding Truth in Socialism

Socialists believe in fundamental human equality and that society should provide all citizens equal chances at fulfilling lives. While the idea of "social justice" may not be fully coherent, it speaks to shared sentiments about fairness. No viable first-person plural can emerge in a society divided against itself-hence even conservative thinkers like Disraeli advocated "One Nation" approaches. Our mutual dependence creates obligations of gratitude, not just contract, and the benefits of social membership must extend to those whose efforts alone don't suffice. This is the truth in socialism: our interconnectedness demands we care for one another. Modern welfare systems suffer from two major defects. First, they create a dependent class who lose incentives to work, often because employment would reduce family income compared to benefits. This dependency becomes intergenerational, with habits like out-of-wedlock births and malingering being inadvertently rewarded, ultimately damaging the sentiment of citizenship. Second, welfare systems have open-ended budgets with ever-increasing costs, particularly in healthcare and pensions, forcing governments to borrow against future generations. Though necessary reform is increasingly urgent, political polarization prevents consensus. The real perversion of socialism lies in zero-sum thinking, which treats education as a system where success must be paid for by failure. This fallacy drives the hunt for places of excellence like Oxbridge and grammar schools to penalize them in the name of "social justice." Yet education, like markets, isn't zero-sum-a child failing at Latin might excel at music. Rejecting this fallacy doesn't mean accepting all inequalities as just, since inequality breeds resentment that threatens social harmony. In America, wealthy people traditionally put their wealth to use, giving others a stake in their success, while Europeans often fear revealing success due to potential aggression. Ultimately, socialism contains a core truth about sharing society's fruits but becomes dangerous when it attempts to remake human nature and impose equality from above through a benign state whose good intentions can never be tested.

第6章

Markets and Morality: The Truth in Capitalism

The term "capitalism" originated with Saint-Simon and was adopted by Marx to describe private ownership of production means. Though Marx's theory proved false, its terminology still shapes political debate. The fundamental truth in capitalism is that private ownership and free exchange are necessary in any large-scale economy where people depend on strangers. Unlike socialism, which views society as a mechanism for distributing pre-existing resources, capitalism recognizes that economic coordination requires dispersed knowledge accessible through the price mechanism. Austrian economists like von Mises and Hayek demonstrated that economic activity depends on knowledge of others' wants and resources, which is dispersed throughout society and made accessible through the price mechanism in free exchange. When central authorities fix production and distribution, prices no longer indicate scarcity or demand, destroying crucial economic knowledge. Hayek's theory doesn't claim markets are the only form of spontaneous order or sufficient for economic coordination. Free markets depend on other forms of spontaneous order for survival. Markets are held in place by moral and legal traditions that create solidarity which markets alone would erode. Both free exchange and enduring customs are justified as distillations of socially necessary knowledge. Those who believe social order should constrain markets are right, but in true spontaneous order, these constraints already exist through customs, laws, and morals. British conservative thinkers like Hume, Smith, Burke, and Oakeshott saw no tension between free markets and traditional social order, trusting in the spontaneous moral constraints of community. Yet conservatives should note that free markets and traditional morality may conflict despite both being forms of spontaneous order. Many conservative traditions actually rescue human life from market forces-traditional sexual morality, for instance, takes sex "off the market" by treating it as sacred rather than commodified. The sacred, by definition, is that which has no price, and concern for the priceless defines the conservative view of society. A free economy requires free, responsible beings. Economic transactions depend not just on property rights but on trust-the relationship between parties. While Adam Smith's economy involved tangible assets with clear ownership and responsibility, modern financial markets trade in intangible assets that change hands before liability can arise. The subprime mortgage crisis exemplified this problem-banks trading debts no one could guarantee, conducted by "spectral entities" that evade accountability. Conservatives support private property because they respect individual autonomy, but many fail to address property's abuses. Markets function beneficially only under impartial law where participants bear their actions' costs. Today's reality increasingly diverges from this ideal. Large corporations engage in malign competition to externalize costs. A new conservatism must defend property against its abusers and secure present freedom without burdening the next generation.

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第7章

Individual Freedom: The Truth in Liberalism

The term "liberal" has evolved significantly over time. In America it now denotes those on the left who favor state intervention to equalize citizens' fates, while in the nineteenth century it meant advocating for individual freedom against authority and coercion. Liberalism is the philosophy that makes individual freedom a primary purpose of government while distinguishing political from religious social order. Religious social order, exemplified in the Hebrew Bible and Koran, bases laws on divine prescriptions with earthly offices delegated from deity. By contrast, political order governs through man-made laws and human decisions. While religion demands unquestioning submission, politics offers participation, discussion, and consent-based lawmaking. A society governed by consent emerges not necessarily from a social contract but from consensual dealings between citizens and authorities. As Adam Smith noted, order emerges "by an invisible hand" rather than through imposition. Hayek argued that common law emerges from free transactions, summarizing what reasonable beings already assume in their dealings. A consensual order requires individual sovereignty over one's life, with the state guaranteeing rights to life, property, and protection from coercion. Modern democracy functions as a society of strangers where citizenship involves obligations to those we don't know. It enables strangers to stand together against authority and assert common rights. Western democracies grew from this virtue of citizenship rather than creating it. Political liberalism's gift has been working out conditions protecting dissidents and replacing religious unity with rational discussion. In Western democracies, governments must make themselves acceptable to those who didn't vote for them. While compromise is suspect in battle or religion, it's essential to politics. Religious intrusion into politics endangers the political process-as seen in Egypt's struggles with the Muslim Brotherhood, which believes politics is about obedience to God's will rather than compromise. Human rights emerged from two traditions: the ancient belief in natural law applying universally, and the common-law protection of individuals from arbitrary power. Locke combined these to argue for natural rights that guarantee individual sovereignty. These rights are fundamentally liberties-freedoms respected by leaving people alone. This tradition established liberal jurisprudence's fixed points: separation of powers, judicial independence, and procedural justice treating all citizens equally before impartial law. Liberalism's truth slides into falsehood when the search for liberty becomes a search for "empowerment." While traditional natural rights are negative freedoms, egalitarians have inserted positive rights that impose duties on others. This opens the door to "rights inflation" and conflicts. Rights create three problems when inflated beyond basic liberties: they trump any non-right interest in court, courts resolve rights conflicts absolutely rather than through compromise, and many declared "human rights" lack philosophical foundation. Freedom rights establish personal sovereignty where one's choice is law, creating fixed points from which people can negotiate and agree. Without these rights, agreements lack guarantees and our spheres of action remain vulnerable to invasion. While freedom rights protect sovereignty through non-interference, claim rights threaten consensual order by imposing duties without grounds, overriding others' sovereignty.

第8章

Cultural Inheritance: The Truth in Multiculturalism

Conservatism emerged with the Enlightenment, acknowledging the benefits of citizenship that vested power in people while recognizing that rulers must answer to the ruled. Yet conservatives like Herder, Maistre, and Burke warned that Enlightenment freedoms depended on cultural foundations the new order couldn't guarantee. They argued that political order requires cultural unity that politics alone cannot provide. The Enlightenment recognized shared human reasoning powers across cultures, spurring immense curiosity about varieties of human experience and community. Western societies opened to immigration with an ideal of citizenship based on what unites people-territory, good government, neighborliness, civil institutions-rather than what divides them. Integration works when both sides make effort to adapt the common culture to include newcomers. This is the truth in multiculturalism: communities bearing strange gods can be absorbed into Western civilization. The virtue of Western inclusivity has been weaponized to repudiate our civilization's claim on us. Political correctness demands we marginalize inherited customs to become "inclusive," while encouraging self-denigration. This "down with us" mentality destroys old loyalties and the certainties on which citizenship depends. The culture of repudiation attacks reason itself, dismissing it as merely "Western values" with no objective truth. Richard Rorty's "pragmatism" rejects Enlightenment reason, defining truth merely as "what is good for us to believe" and objectivity as simply "intersubjective agreement." Yet his undefined "we" reveals itself as Western liberals who reject traditional authority and religion. This relativism creates a paradox: the Islamic ummah represents history's most extended consensus, yet Rorty would consider his post-modern atheism superior-something his own theory cannot justify. Western culture has long celebrated universal human values, venturing beyond Christian boundaries in works from Orlando Furioso and Don Quixote to Madama Butterfly and Das Lied von der Erde. These achievements, alongside secular law and territorial jurisdiction, reflect loyalties enabling identification with those from "elsewhere." Our shared civic culture, built on Judeo-Christian neighbor-love and respect for individual sovereignty, allows for diverse private lives while maintaining public cohesion. Immigrants can share in this culture, which has always incorporated elements from around the world while maintaining core principles.

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第9章

Stewardship: The Truth in Environmentalism

Conservatives view society as a partnership between the living, unborn and dead, favoring civil association over state intervention. This "oikophilia"-love of home-naturally aligns with environmentalism, yet conservative parties haven't embraced this cause. Two factors explain this: the conservative movement's corruption by big business interests that dismiss conservation efforts, and environmentalists' focus on overwhelming global problems beyond national control, leading to surrender of sovereignty to internationalist schemes. Environmental protection requires non-egotistical motives that ordinary people can embrace. The common cause between environmentalists and conservatives is territory-the object of love expressed through the nation state. While environmentalists acknowledge local concerns with "Think globally, act locally," they often resist framing this in national terms. Yet nations possess both territorial attachment and sovereignty, translating belonging into collective decisions and self-imposed laws. Global institutions have failed to limit environmental damage-they've actually accelerated it by eroding national sovereignty and breaking down self-sufficient economies. The most successful environmental initiatives have emerged from national or local schemes protecting places recognized as "ours" through inherited entitlement: England's National Trust, American national parks, Iceland's cod protection, Ireland's plastic bag ban, Swiss planning laws, Britain's Green Belt policies, and local fishery management in Maine and Norway. While environmental problems transcend national boundaries, the solution isn't necessarily international bureaucracies with no attachment to places they regulate. The real solution to climate change is scientific-discovering affordable clean energy-rather than diplomatic. Meanwhile, treaty-making power is wasted on climate agreements no nation can currently implement, while solvable problems like overfishing, pesticide damage to biodiversity, and ocean plastic pollution are ignored. Conservatives don't oppose all change-many things must change given our unprecedented prosperity and population. Throughout history, humans have survived through adaptation. Rather than vindictiveness, we need trusteeship; not unenforceable treaties but examples of successful stewardship; not attacking markets but using them to restore equilibrium.

第10章

Beyond Borders: The Truth in Internationalism

Conservatism is naturally suspicious of attempts to control a country from beyond its borders. While acknowledging individual rights, it recognizes that opposition, free expression, and compromise require a shared national identity. People must identify with their country, territory and cultural inheritance to take neighbors seriously as equals deserving protection. However, conservatives must also acknowledge the truth in internationalism: sovereign states should deal with each other through rights, duties, and responsibilities, entering binding agreements like the UN that have helped resolve many conflicts. The fundamental truth of internationalism has been captured by people with an agenda and turned to falsehood. European integration, conceived during World War I and realized after World War II, was designed to prevent further continental conflicts. While these institutions have brought prosperity and security, conditions have changed dramatically. The EU's constant seizure of powers without accountability undermines trust in the political process, and "ever closer union" alienates Europeans rather than tapping their creative potential. The European Union has attempted to soothe growing discontent through "subsidiarity," a term with Catholic origins meaning decisions should be taken at the lowest level compatible with governance. For Eurocrats, subsidiarity means powers allocated from the top, with European institutions determining which powers national governments may retain. This contradicts the conservative understanding of subsidiarity as "power granted by liberty, not liberty by power." The transnational view of conflict resolution has led to serious constraints on law-abiding democracies while failing to restrain lawless states. The Geneva Convention on Refugees and Asylum, ratified in 1951 when circumstances were vastly different, now enables dictators to export opponents without killing them, with all costs borne by law-abiding states. Internationalists tend toward cosmopolitanism, identifying as "world citizens" while repudiating national loyalties. Yet democratic nation states have generally been peaceful international actors. Even with disputed borders, nations like Canada and the United States resolve differences without war because their citizens prefer negotiation to conflict.

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第11章

The Conservative Vision: Free Association and Intrinsic Value

Conservatism doesn't aim to correct human nature but to understand how societies work and create space for their success. Its fundamental philosophy shows how self-consciousness and freedom emerge through engagement with others, with mutual rights and duties replacing conflict and domination. The institutions of law, education and politics aren't freely chosen from detachment but are the means through which we acquire freedom and exist as self-conscious agents. Free association is essential because intrinsic values emerge from social cooperation rather than being imposed from above. What matters to us comes through our own efforts at construction. From human affection, we build enduring associations with rules, ceremonies and hierarchies that give our activities intrinsic worth-schools, churches, clubs, societies and countless other formal groups where people willingly submit to regulations because they see their purpose. When Communists took power in Eastern Europe, they immediately destroyed independent civil associations-Janos Kadar closed 5,000 such organizations in Hungary after 1948, from brass bands to private schools to charities. Under communism, all private charity became illegal. When civil association is absorbed into state-directed progress, everything becomes merely a means to an end. Free association inevitably leads to discrimination, creating tension between liberty and equality. Private schools in Britain exemplify this tension. While these institutions provide superior education and social advantages to their students, they feed class divisions. The conservative solution isn't to close such institutions but to expand access to them. Social mobility, not enforced equality, addresses resentment effectively. Civil society grows from below through human association, creating freely sustained order rather than purpose-driven enterprises. Knowledge flourishes in autonomous institutions that follow internal impulses rather than external utility, often producing unexpected benefits. Even seemingly useless pursuits like astrophysics or classical languages may ultimately yield profound social goods in unpredictable ways. Civil society should be a spontaneous order emerging from voluntary transactions. Conversation provides a paradigm for understanding this-not speech directed toward predetermined goals, but reciprocal exchange where purposes emerge from the interaction itself. Liberal legal systems function like well-mannered conversations-establishing side constraints rather than dictating goals.

第12章

Beyond Economics: Realms of Value in Modern Life

The state's role should be both less than socialists require and more than classical liberals permit. The state should protect civil society from external enemies and internal disorders, going beyond Nozick's "night watchman state" since civil society depends on attachments requiring collective welfare provision. Yet it cannot be the universal provider advocated by egalitarians, as value and commitment emerge from autonomous associations that must grow organically from below. Politics should merely create space for civil society to flourish, as value emerges through many channels, bringing authority, peace, and membership-but never through political programs or economics. Unlike economics, which prices everything and assumes we know our ends in advance, our deepest values emerge through cooperative endeavors and social dialogue. Religion stands first among the traditions that create value, shining light from our social feelings into the cosmos. Christianity reduced commandments to two fundamental duties: loving God and loving one's neighbor. These duties require an inward posture before outward deeds, as Christ demonstrated with the Good Samaritan parable, showing that neighbor-love extends to strangers regardless of faith or ethnic identity. As religion retreats from public life, the family becomes the primary source of moral education and fundamental attachments. Though long targeted by revolutionaries, the family remains a realm where life's ends are constructed and enjoyed, providing our primary image of home. Marriage in every recorded society represents more than cohabitation-it's an existential transition where partners commit not just to each other but to future children and the collective future. While religion becomes marginal and family loses privileged status, work and leisure increasingly define our primary spheres of association. People find fulfillment when they view work as a realm of value-an end in itself-especially when they've invested their aspirations in developing skills and enjoy workplace companionship. Traditional friendship developed through physical presence, with attention fixed on the other's face, words and gestures, creating self-knowledge through mutual recognition and response. When attention shifts from face-to-face encounters to screen-mediated relationships, a fundamental change occurs. With finger on the button, I can terminate the interaction at will, maintaining ultimate control while never truly risking myself. Culture itself is judgment. Consider art-not a "natural kind" with fixed essence, but a functional kind like jokes, defined by purpose. Art offers objects of aesthetic interest, which may succeed or fail, please or offend. A culture comprises intrinsically interesting artifacts linked by judgment to our aspirations.

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第13章

Preserving What Matters: A Call to Action

Always there will be those who seek mass movements of solidarity rather than free association and civil society, perhaps with themselves in charge. Conservatives understand this and wish to preserve civilization's frail crust, knowing that beneath it lies not Rousseau's noble savage but the violent world of hunter-gatherers. As Lord Salisbury put it, "delay is life." Politicians have succumbed to bureaucrats due to economics' transformation from a science of instrumental reasoning to the ideology of modern life. When economics triumphs over politics, human questions are replaced by mathematical ones based on self-aggrandizing assumptions. Immigration has become politically contentious as liberal journalists champion the vulnerable without cost to themselves. This makes freedom of speech increasingly urgent as modern censorship operates through intimidation rather than state action. While we consider free speech a default position of democracy, orthodoxy and conformity are humanity's natural state. We comfort ourselves with sanitized stories of innocent former times, then mourn when reality intrudes. Yet acknowledging our losses helps us bear them, particularly the loss of religion. The English have been especially active in conserving beauty-towns, churches, countryside and monuments-because beauty tells them they are at home in the world. We have a duty of remembrance to those who produced our country's contours, institutions and laws. Inheritance brings trusteeship obligations; things fought and died for shouldn't be squandered. Places without this connection become "wastelands of exurbia" where past and future generations are disregarded. Western civilization, unlike Eastern traditions that counsel detachment, has made loss its principal artistic theme. We bear each loss as a loss, consecrating it through sacrifice. Without religion, people flee from loss, developing "contagious hardness of heart" where nothing merits mourning. But beauty offers another resource-our greatest art meditates on loss, conveying the concept of the sacred. As Nietzsche wrote, "we have art so that we may not perish of the truth." We should live in the spirit of Remembrance Sundays, seeing our losses as sacrifices that purchased our reprieve, rather than staring into the void or sweeping away all shadows of the past.

★★★★★

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100万人以上の学習者に愛用されています

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『保守主義のすすめ』の主要テーマ

cultural inheritance
social capital
civil society
oikophilia
institutional preservation

『保守主義のすすめ』の名言

Delay is life.
Society exists and is what conservatism fundamentally concerns.
We protect what we love against decay.
Freedom alone is insufficient-it's a very good horse to ride, but to ride somewhere.
Economic order depends on moral order.

『保守主義のすすめ』の登場人物

Roger ScrutonAuthor and philosopher exploring conservatism
Scruton's fatherLabour supporter and local history defender
Edmund BurkePhilosopher who argued for social continuity
Lord SalisburyStatesman quoted on the philosophy of delay

著者について

『How to Be a Conservative』（保守主義者になる方法）の著者であるロジャー・ヴァーノン・スクルートン（1944–2020）は、著名なイギリスの哲学者であり、保守主義政治思想における主導的な論客でした。ケンブリッジ大学で学び、美学の博士号を取得したアカデミックな経歴を持つスクルートンは、バークベック・カレッジやボストン大学で教授を務める傍ら、『タイムズ』紙のコラムや『ソールズベリー・レビュー』の編集を通じて、刺激的な公共的知識人としてのキャリアを築きました。哲学、文化、政治にわたる50冊以上の著作群、特に『The Meaning of Conservatism』や『The Aesthetics of Music』といった基礎的な文献により、彼は現代保守主義を定義づける思想家としての地位を確立しました。

スクルートンの著作は、哲学的な厳密さと文化批評を統合したものであり、モダニズムのイデオロギーに対して伝統的な制度を擁護しています。彼の洞察は、建築、音楽学、道徳哲学における学際的な専門知識に根ざしており、それは『Beauty』（美）や『The Ring of Truth』といった作品に体現されています。

『How to Be a Conservative』は、彼の生涯にわたる政治理論への関わりを、個人的な省察と進歩主義への体系的な批判を織り交ぜながら、親しみやすいマニフェストとして凝縮したものです。15か国語に翻訳されたスクルートンの著作は、今日でも世界中の政治哲学のカリキュラムにおいて不可欠な文献であり続けています。

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他のユーザーのお気に入り

10 Books Every Conservative Must Read

Benjamin Wiker

Conservative Sensibility

George F. Will

Soul of the World

Roger Scruton

The conservative tradition in America

Charles W. Dunn & J. David Woodard

Conservative Mind

Russell Kirk

Reflections on the Revolution in France and Other Writings

The conservative intellectual movement in America since 1945

Ten Conservative Principles | The Heritage Foundation

8 sources

The Conservative Mindset

The conservative's handbook

Phil Valentine

The Conscience of a Conservative

Barry Goldwater

この本に関するよくある質問

学習プラン

The Architecture of Defiance

This curriculum is essential for those seeking to understand how high-stakes philosophy translates into lived resistance and psychological resilience. It is ideal for students of literature, political activists, and anyone grappling with the burden of personal freedom in a post-truth world.

1 h 36 m•4 セクション

学習プラン

The Birth of Wisdom

This plan bridges the gap between ancient logic and modern existential critique, offering a powerful toolkit for independent thought. It is ideal for students of philosophy, debaters, or anyone seeking to liberate their mind from conventional biases.

1 h•2 セクション

学習プラン

Study politics & philosophy

This learning plan provides essential intellectual tools for understanding the ideas that shape our political world, from ancient philosophy to modern democracy. It's ideal for students, engaged citizens, policy professionals, or anyone seeking to think more critically about governance, rights, and social justice in today's complex political landscape.

5 h 3 m•4 セクション

学習プラン

The Rogue's Progress to Modern Satire

This plan is essential for literature students and writers who want to master the art of social critique through the lens of the anti-hero. It provides a historical roadmap from Spanish picaresque origins to contemporary satire, making it ideal for those interested in character-driven cultural commentary.

1 h 30 m•3 セクション

学習プラン

Intro to Philosophy: Concepts & Theories

This course provides a comprehensive bridge between historical wisdom and modern ethical application, essential for developing sharp analytical skills. It is ideal for curious minds and professionals looking to refine their critical thinking and navigate complex moral landscapes.

5 h 12 m•4 セクション

学習プラン

Ancient Wisdom for Modern Living

In an era of constant distraction and uncertainty, these foundational philosophical principles offer a roadmap for mental clarity and emotional stability. This plan is ideal for anyone seeking to replace reactive habits with intentional living and ancient resilience strategies.

1 h 30 m•3 セクション

学習プラン

Think like Nassim taleb

In an increasingly volatile world, traditional linear thinking often leads to catastrophic failure. This plan is essential for decision-makers, investors, and strategists who want to move beyond mere resilience and learn to profit from uncertainty.

5 h 30 m•4 セクション

学習プラン

The Art of Systemic Rebellion

This plan is designed for individuals feeling stifled by societal expectations and seeking a more authentic existence. It provides a philosophical and creative framework for those ready to trade hollow success for a life of deep, personal significance.

2 h•4 セクション

コロンビア大学卒業生がサンフランシスコで開発

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BeFreedがウェブ上でどのように話題になっているかをもっと見る

コロンビア大学卒業生がサンフランシスコで開発

LOVED BY

1,000,000+ curious minds.

4.7

avg rating

1M+ learners

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

BeFreedがウェブ上でどのように話題になっているかをもっと見る

今すぐ学習の旅を始めよう

第7章

保守主義のすすめ

概要『保守主義のすすめ』の概要

1冊の本。さまざまな聴き方。

The Conservative Soul: Finding Home in a Fragmented World

A Personal Journey Through Political Awakening

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

The Bonds That Make Society Possible

National Identity: Beyond Nationalism

『保守主義のすすめ』をもっと深く楽しむ

The Compassionate Society: Finding Truth in Socialism

Markets and Morality: The Truth in Capitalism

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

Individual Freedom: The Truth in Liberalism

Cultural Inheritance: The Truth in Multiculturalism

『保守主義のすすめ』をもっと深く楽しむ

Stewardship: The Truth in Environmentalism

Beyond Borders: The Truth in Internationalism

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

The Conservative Vision: Free Association and Intrinsic Value

Beyond Economics: Realms of Value in Modern Life

『保守主義のすすめ』をもっと深く楽しむ

Preserving What Matters: A Call to Action

『保守主義のすすめ』を最後まで読み終えました

『保守主義のすすめ』の主要テーマ

『保守主義のすすめ』の名言

『保守主義のすすめ』の登場人物

著者について

保守主義のすすめの要約をダウンロード

他のユーザーのお気に入り

この本に関するよくある質問

What is How to Be a Conservative by Roger Scruton about?

Who should read How to Be a Conservative?

What are the key principles of conservatism according to Roger Scruton?

How does Scruton view the relationship between tradition and change?

もっと見る

1,000,000+ curious minds.

1,000,000+ curious minds.

1冊の本。さまざまな聴き方。

The Conservative Soul: Finding Home in a Fragmented World

A Personal Journey Through Political Awakening

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

The Bonds That Make Society Possible

National Identity: Beyond Nationalism

『保守主義のすすめ』をもっと深く楽しむ

The Compassionate Society: Finding Truth in Socialism

Markets and Morality: The Truth in Capitalism

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

Individual Freedom: The Truth in Liberalism

Cultural Inheritance: The Truth in Multiculturalism

『保守主義のすすめ』をもっと深く楽しむ

Stewardship: The Truth in Environmentalism

Beyond Borders: The Truth in Internationalism

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

The Conservative Vision: Free Association and Intrinsic Value

Beyond Economics: Realms of Value in Modern Life

『保守主義のすすめ』をもっと深く楽しむ

Preserving What Matters: A Call to Action

『保守主義のすすめ』を最後まで読み終えました

他のユーザーのお気に入り

もっと見る

『保守主義のすすめ』の概要