第1章
The Future We Lost: Reclaiming Radical Imagination
Ever wonder why we're working longer hours than our grandparents despite unprecedented technological advancement? In "Inventing the Future," Nick Srnicek and Alex Williams deliver a provocative diagnosis of our collective failure to imagine better futures. This manifesto for the 21st century left has garnered praise from luminaries like Naomi Klein and sparked intense debate across political spheres. Published in 2015, it arrived at a critical moment when post-2008 movements like Occupy had faded without achieving lasting change, leaving activists questioning their strategies. What makes this work particularly compelling is how it challenges both right-wing neoliberalism and left-wing tactical orthodoxies, offering a bold vision that transcends traditional political boundaries. The book's influence continues to grow as automation accelerates and universal basic income enters mainstream discourse, with tech leaders from Mark Zuckerberg to Elon Musk citing its concepts when discussing society's technological future.
第2章
Folk Politics: Why Today's Left Keeps Losing
Why do massive protests yield minimal change? Why did Occupy Wall Street mobilize millions yet fade away without transforming power structures? The answer, according to Srnicek and Williams, lies in what they call "folk politics" - a set of tactical and strategic assumptions that have become common sense on the left but are fundamentally mismatched to the challenges of global capitalism.
Folk politics privileges the immediate, authentic, and local over the mediated, abstract, and global. It manifests in three dimensions: temporal immediacy (favoring the spontaneous and reactive over the strategic and long-term), spatial immediacy (fetishizing the local and small-scale while rejecting scalable solutions), and conceptual immediacy (prioritizing the concrete over the abstract, feeling over thinking, the ethical over the political). These tendencies appear across diverse movements - from Occupy's horizontal assemblies to localist food movements, from anti-globalization protests to prefigurative politics that attempts to create utopian spaces within capitalism.
The problem isn't that folk politics is wrong per se - all politics must begin somewhere concrete - but that it remains trapped at this level, unable to address the complex, abstract systems that structure our world. When activists pulled down security fences at the 2001 Summit of the Americas, they stood uncertain at the breach, having no script for what came next. This pattern repeats across contemporary movements that mobilize impressive numbers but lack strategic vision beyond the moment of protest.
Folk politics emerged as an understandable response to three challenges: the overwhelming complexity of global systems that operate beyond individual perception; the collapse of traditional left frameworks that once provided "cognitive maps" for understanding society; and the outmaneuvering of the left by neoliberal forces that systematically dismantled working-class power. Yet while folk politics attempts to reduce complexity to human scale by returning to "authentic" local action, it ultimately surrenders the terrain of systemic change to the right.
The consequences are clear: protests become ritualistic performances rather than strategic interventions, movements deliberately avoid making specific demands for fear of division, and politics becomes reduced to affective experiences - temporary feelings of solidarity that dissipate without structural change. The left has become defensive rather than visionary, reactive rather than strategic, trapped in what Mark Fisher called "capitalist realism" - the pervasive sense that no alternative to capitalism is possible.
第3章
The Neoliberal Playbook: How the Right Seized the Future
While the left retreated to localism and immediacy, neoliberalism executed the opposite strategy - patiently building a counter-hegemonic project that transformed political common sense over decades. What's remarkable is that neoliberalism began as a fringe theory whose adherents were mocked by mainstream Keynesian economists in the post-war period. Even conservative politicians initially rejected their radical free-market ideas as politically impossible and economically dangerous. How did this marginal ideology become so dominant that alternatives now seem unthinkable?
The answer lies in the neoliberals' strategic vision and organizational discipline. The story begins with the 1938 Walter Lippmann Colloquium in Paris, which brought together disparate strands of free-market thinking from across Europe and America, and crystallized with Friedrich Hayek's founding of the Mont Pelerin Society (MPS) in 1947. The MPS served as an intellectual hub, connecting economists, philosophers, and business leaders who shared a commitment to market fundamentalism. From the start, the MPS focused on changing political common sense through a long-term strategy that would filter ideas down through think tanks, universities, and policy documents. Hayek explicitly defined their goal as changing elite opinion to establish parameters for public debate, understanding that mass opinion would follow.
Neoliberals recognized that transforming society required a full-spectrum approach across multiple institutions and sectors. They established a sophisticated division of labor: some think tanks like the American Enterprise Institute tackled philosophical foundations while others like the Heritage Foundation developed specific policy proposals. Organizations like Britain's Institute of Economic Affairs and the Atlas Network targeted what Hayek called "second-hand dealers in ideas" - journalists, academics, and teachers who shape national thought. They maintained a deceptively apolitical facade while producing accessible materials that constructed a coherent worldview naturalizing free-market principles. The movement created parallel institutions in multiple countries, from Chile's Chicago Boys to Germany's ordoliberals.
Most crucially, neoliberals worked with strategic patience spanning generations. They developed ideas outside existing political possibilities, built global networks, and waited for crisis to create opportunity. When stagflation hit in the 1970s, rendering traditional Keynesian solutions ineffective, neoliberal ideas were "lying around" ready to be implemented. Their think tanks had prepared detailed policy proposals covering everything from monetary policy to labor law reform. After 1979, with Thatcher's election in Britain and Volcker's appointment to the Federal Reserve, neoliberalism rapidly became hegemonic, transforming not just policy but subjectivity itself - creating competitive individuals constantly self-improving through perpetual education and self-reinvention.
The lesson is clear: neoliberalism succeeded not through elite conspiracy but through patient, strategic action that built counter-hegemony across multiple domains over decades. They created an entire ecosystem of institutions that could develop, refine, and disseminate their ideas. The left must learn from this approach - not to copy its operations exactly, but to adopt its long-term vision, methods of global expansion, and counter-hegemonic strategy that unites diverse organizations around a compelling vision of the future. This requires building institutions that can outlast electoral cycles and creating networks that can translate abstract theory into concrete policy while maintaining ideological coherence.
第4章
Reclaiming Modernity: The Battle for the Future
To challenge neoliberalism effectively, the left must reclaim the terrain of modernity and the future. Historically, modernity has been contested territory - from communist modernism to scientific socialism to neoliberal efficiency. Yet the right has largely seized this term, with "modernization" now signifying privatization and exploitation. For many, modernity has become synonymous with capitalism itself, leading to anti-modern tendencies in social movements.
This conflation is a mistake. Modernity fundamentally represents a rupture between past and present, projecting a future potentially different from what came before. Historically, the left found its natural home in future-orientation, from communist technological visions to social democratic rhetoric about the "white heat of technology." The current situation, where the left has abandoned utopian thinking while conservatives claim to represent progress, represents a profound historical reversal.
A recovered sense of leftist progress cannot adopt classic notions of history moving toward a predetermined European-modeled destination. Instead, progress must be understood as "hyperstitional" - a fiction aiming to transform itself into truth by catalyzing dispersed sentiment into historical force. Progress becomes not an established property of the world but a matter of political struggle with no guaranteed outcome.
Any alternative vision must also confront universalism - the idea that certain values apply across all cultures. Since capitalism functions as an expansionary universal that adapts to multiple cultural contexts, anything less than a competing universal will be smothered by capitalist relations. Various particularisms coexist easily within capitalism's framework as it differentiates into Chinese, American, Brazilian and other variants.
While universalism has been rightly criticized for its historical connection to European colonialism, abandoning it leaves only diverse particulars with no basis for meaningful solidarity. The universal must function as an empty placeholder that particular groups occupy through hegemonic struggle. A leftist universal must integrate difference rather than erase it, recognizing the agency of those outside Europe in building truly planetary futures.
Central to this reclaimed modernity is synthetic freedom - freedom not merely from interference (negative liberty) but freedom with the power to act. Under capitalism, we're all formally free to run for office or refuse employment, but without resources these freedoms are meaningless. Synthetic freedom requires universal provision of common goods, expanded social resources, and technological development that creates new possibilities for human flourishing.
第5章
The Crisis of Work: Automation and Surplus Populations
The most pressing crisis facing contemporary capitalism is the crisis of work. Capitalism invented unemployment as we know it today - when people lack subsistence means, a "surplus population" emerges unable to find waged work. While this surplus typically expands and contracts with economic cycles, longer-term trends are now producing a secular expansion of surplus populations independent of boom-bust patterns.
Technological change, especially automation, threatens 47-80% of current jobs within two decades. Unlike past technological transitions, today's automation wave is transforming every economic function - from production to distribution to management to retail. New pattern-recognition technologies, complex communication systems, and robotics advances are making both routine and non-routine tasks automatable. The previous automation wave polarized the labor market by eliminating mid-skilled jobs; this new wave threatens to decimate low-skilled, low-wage employment entirely.
This crisis manifests in increased precarity - casual hours, low wages, decreased job protections and widespread insecurity. As the surplus grows, employers gain power over workers, leading to intensified work demands and surveillance. "Jobless recoveries" have become standard, with economic growth returning after crises but job growth remaining weak. Long-term unemployment has doubled since the recent crisis, with the unemployed often re-entering at the margins with lower pay and temporary work.
The traditional management of surplus populations through full employment has largely disappeared. The tight labor markets of the postwar era strengthened the working class, creating problems for capitalism through work stoppages, wage inflation, and declining profits. The 1970s stagflation crisis provided an opportunity to reverse employment priorities, with tight monetary policy aimed at undermining working class power and increasing unemployment to levels acceptable for capital.
When disciplining the surplus fails, states resort to mass incarceration and brutalization, with prison populations rising globally. This system has a significant racial component, most notably in the US black population but also affecting Muslims in Europe, Aboriginals in Canada, and migrants worldwide. Mass incarceration extends beyond prisons to encompass an entire network of laws, courts, and policies that subjugate targeted groups.
The left's 21st-century project must build an economy where people no longer depend on wage labor for survival. This requires creating hegemonic ideas about drudgery's obsolescence, shifting union goals from resisting automation to job-sharing and reduced working weeks, and dismantling systems of control from mass incarceration to border regimes.
第6章
Post-Work Imaginaries: Four Demands for Liberation
Building a post-work society requires advancing specific demands as a platform for transition. These "non-reformist reforms" have three key characteristics: they have a utopian edge that strains capitalism's limits; they're grounded in real-world tendencies, giving them viability; and most importantly, they shift the current political equilibrium to construct a platform for further development.
The first demand is for a fully automated economy that would liberate humanity from drudgery while simultaneously producing increasing wealth. Without full automation, postcapitalist futures must choose between abundance without freedom (echoing Soviet work-centricity) or freedom without abundance (represented by primitivist dystopias). Complete automation faces three barriers: technical (machines remain worse at creative and affective work); economic (machines sometimes cost more than equivalent labor); and ethical (certain jobs like care work are valued as human activities). Full automation is a utopian demand aimed at reducing necessary labor as much as possible, not eliminating it entirely.
The second demand involves reducing the working week without pay cuts. Workers have historically resisted fixed working hours, and many early labor movement successes centered on reducing work time. A shorter working week offers numerous benefits: it provides a response to automation by redistributing available work; it yields environmental advantages through reduced energy consumption; research suggests it would reduce stress and mental health problems; and most importantly, it both consolidates and generates class power by withdrawing labor hours from the market.
The third demand is for universal basic income (UBI) - giving every citizen liveable money without means-testing. For UBI to be meaningful, it must provide sufficient income to live on, be truly universal with no conditions, and supplement rather than replace the welfare state. Beyond reducing poverty, UBI's significance lies in its political transformation of power relations between labor and capital. By providing subsistence without job dependency, it makes work truly voluntary, unbinding the coercive aspects of wage labor.
The fourth demand is for a cultural shift in understanding work. The greatest obstacles to implementing UBI aren't economic but political and cultural - particularly overcoming the deeply ingrained work ethic. The core ideological support for this ethic is that remuneration must be tied to suffering. What's needed is a counter-hegemonic approach that challenges work's necessity and desirability, leveraging the widespread disengagement most people feel toward their jobs.
While each proposal can stand alone, their true power emerges as an integrated program. Full automation amplifies the possibility of reducing work hours and heightens the need for UBI. A shorter working week helps create a sustainable economy and leverage class power. UBI amplifies potential to reduce work hours and expand class power while accelerating automation as labor costs rise. Together, they form a new hegemonic formation to compete against neoliberal and social democratic options.
第7章
Building Counter-Hegemony: From Ideas to Infrastructure
Achieving a post-work society requires transforming society from the ground up, recognizing that meaningful change will take time and must operate on multiple levels simultaneously. Hegemony operates through both ideological and material forces - economic infrastructures like just-in-time supply chains are not just economically efficient but politically effective at breaking union power by dispersing workers and making strikes less effective. Modern logistics networks, automated warehouses, and global supply chains serve both profit-maximizing and power-maintaining functions. The left must develop a "sociotechnical hegemony" operating in both ideological and material spheres, navigating society as a complex emergent order toward a new equilibrium beyond wage labor.
Education forms a key institution for transforming intellectual hegemony, particularly in how economic possibilities are imagined and understood. Projects should focus on pluralizing economics teaching, reinvigorating leftist economics, and expanding popular economic literacy through accessible media and educational programs. Economics was once relatively pluralist, incorporating institutional, Marxist and Keynesian approaches, but has become dominated by neoclassical perspectives emphasizing mathematical optimization and market efficiency. The left must overcome its historical aversion to formal modeling and mathematics to develop rigorous alternatives that can address contemporary phenomena like platform capitalism, automation, and postcapitalist possibilities. This requires building new research institutions, journals, and academic networks while also creating popular education channels.
Technology must be repurposed for social ends rather than profit maximization. The Lucas Plan of 1976 exemplifies this approach - when Lucas Aerospace workers faced layoffs, they developed a comprehensive 1,200-page plan with 150 socially useful product proposals, repurposing military production toward medical technologies, renewable energy systems, and public transportation. Similarly, Chile's Cybersyn project under Salvador Allende created a proto-internet using telex machines to enable democratic economic planning, connecting factories to a central operations room for real-time coordination. These historical examples show how existing technologies can be redirected toward social goals. Contemporary technologies like logistics networks, while currently exploitative, could serve postcapitalist ends by enabling flexible production and distribution, utilizing environmental comparative advantages, and automating physically demanding labor while preserving creative and caring work. Platform technologies could be repurposed for democratic planning and coordination rather than surveillance and control. The key is developing both the technical capabilities and social institutions to guide technology toward human flourishing rather than profit.
第8章
Populism and Power: Building a New Collective "We"
The question of who will be the active agent of a post-work project is crucial. While the expanding surplus population seems the obvious answer, the traditional Marxist narrative of a unified working class no longer applies. The industrial working class has fragmented under deindustrialization, globalization, and precarity. Factory closures, outsourcing, and the rise of temporary contract work have shattered the cohesive working-class identity that defined much of the 20th century. Today, no pre-existing group embodies universal interests. Instead, we need to knit together a new collective "we" through populism - not as mindless revolt but as a political logic that unites different identities against a common opponent. This includes precarious workers, the unemployed, students burdened with debt, and displaced industrial workers.
Organization transforms a quantity of people into a qualitatively different form of power. A successful political movement requires a division of labor across diverse organizations performing essential tasks: awareness raising through grassroots education and community outreach, legal support networks defending activists and advancing strategic litigation, media work to shape public narratives, detailed policy proposals that offer concrete alternatives, and leadership development to sustain momentum. This means a pluralism of forces with a common vision, not just loose alliances. Historical examples like the civil rights movement demonstrate how multiple organizations - from the NAACP's legal strategy to SNCC's direct action - can work in complementary ways.
Even with a counter-hegemonic ecosystem of organizations, a movement needs strategic leverage points to effect change. Historically, workers in key positions achieved significant victories through their structural position in the economy - dockworkers could paralyze trade, miners could cut off energy supplies, and auto workers could halt industrial production. However, these traditional leverage points have been systematically eliminated: shipping containers automated away dockworker power, globalization enabled capital flight from strike-prone factories, and oil replaced coal, reducing energy choke-points. The deliberate restructuring of supply chains has dispersed worker power.
Political tactics exist in a dynamic field of forces requiring constant experimentation. For surplus populations without workplaces, tactics like street blockades and strikes against rent and debt become essential. Rent strikes in major cities have demonstrated the potential power of coordinated tenant action. Digital platforms enable new forms of organizing and disruption. The task is to soberly analyze changed material conditions and strategize new points of disruption, combining on-the-ground knowledge with broader economic understanding. This requires mapping key infrastructure nodes, understanding financial vulnerabilities, and identifying where concentrated action can have amplified effects throughout complex systems.
第9章
Beyond Capitalism: Opening the Future
Postcapitalism requires both "a controlled dissolution of market forces" and "a delinking of work from income" as fundamental steps toward universal emancipation. While capitalism claims to be the primary engine of technological innovation, historical evidence demonstrates that collective investment through state institutions has been the decisive driver of major technological developments. From the creation of railways and interstate highways to the development of the internet, GPS technology, and advanced pharmaceuticals, public funding and research have laid the groundwork for transformative innovations. Even contemporary advances in renewable energy, artificial intelligence, and biotechnology rely heavily on state-funded research and development.
Liberating technology from the constraints of market-driven profit motives would unleash unprecedented creativity toward expanding synthetic freedom. This could enable ambitious megaprojects that private capital considers too risky or unprofitable - from large-scale space exploration and colonization to complete global decarbonization, universal access to advanced healthcare, and transformative infrastructure projects. These initiatives would prioritize human flourishing over quarterly profits.
This technological transformation fundamentally intertwines with human transformation - not by revealing some authentic pre-capitalist self, but by creating space for entirely new modes of being and social organization. As Marx insightfully noted, history represents "a continuous transformation of human nature," and postcapitalism aims at "the development of human powers as an end in itself." This means systematically expanding human desires, needs, lifestyles, communities, and capacities in a project that opens the future rather than constraining human potential within capitalism's endless cycle of accumulation and crisis.
The contemporary left can neither remain trapped in the present nor retreat to an imagined past - it must take concrete steps toward building a new hegemony capable of replacing neoliberal dominance. While folk political tendencies emphasizing the local, authentic, and spontaneous are understandable reactions to past defeats and growing complexity, they remain radically insufficient against a planetary capitalist system. Rather than seeking temporary relief through resistance, withdrawal or claims to moral purity, the left must actively engage with politics of scale and expansion. This requires both salvaging modernity's emancipatory legacy and developing new forms of universal political action capable of supplanting neoliberal capitalism's grip on our collective imagination.
The choice before us is not simply between conservative austerity and anti-modernist retreat, but between these limited options and a politics that genuinely celebrates liberation, abundance, and expanded freedom. The path forward requires actively reclaiming modernity's promise and challenging neoliberal common sense through counter-hegemonic projects like post-work politics and universal basic services. Such a platform leaves the future genuinely open rather than predetermined, potentially transforming individuals shaped by capitalist social relations into more communal, creative, and freely developing social beings. As Marx observed, the true realm of human freedom begins only where labor determined by necessity and external expediency ends.
