What is *Go Back to Where You Came From* by Sasha Polakow-Suransky about?

*Go Back to Where You Came From* examines the global backlash against refugees and immigrants, analyzing how anti-immigrant sentiment reshapes political landscapes. The book explores case studies from Europe, South Africa, and the South Pacific, arguing that even democracies risk abandoning their core values by capitulating to fear-driven policies.

Who should read *Go Back to Where You Came From*?

This book is essential for readers interested in immigration policy, far-right movements, and the sociopolitical tensions surrounding refugees. Policymakers, activists, and students of political science will gain insights into how nationalism and xenophobia threaten democratic institutions worldwide.

What are the main themes in *Go Back to Where You Came From*?

Key themes include the rise of populist anti-immigrant rhetoric, the moral contradictions of democracies, and the human impact of displacement. Polakow-Suransky highlights parallels between historical injustices (e.g., Holocaust trauma) and modern refugee crises to critique systemic hypocrisy.

How does *Go Back to Where You Came From* compare U.S. and European immigration struggles?

The book contrasts America’s “melting-pot” tradition with Europe’s sharper ethnic divisions, noting how European far-right movements exploit immigration fears more aggressively. However, it warns that both regions face similar risks of eroding democratic ideals through exclusionary policies.

What case studies does *Go Back to Where You Came From* use?

Polakow-Suransky investigates refugee camps in Calais, post-apartheid South African xenophobia, and Australia’s offshore detention practices. These examples illustrate how governments weaponize immigration policies to appease nationalist voters.

What solutions does *Go Back to Where You Came From* propose for immigration conflicts?

The author advocates for empathy-driven policies and upholding international human rights frameworks. He emphasizes learning from historical mistakes, such as rejecting the dehumanization tactics used against Jewish refugees in the 1930s.

How does *Go Back to Where You Came From* address rising far-right movements?

The book traces how far-right groups co-opt economic anxiety to scapegoat immigrants, drawing parallels to pre-WWII fascism. It critiques mainstream politicians for normalizing extremist rhetoric to gain electoral favor.

What is unique about *Go Back to Where You Came From*’s perspective?

Polakow-Suransky combines frontline reporting with historical analysis, interviewing refugees, activists, and far-right sympathizers. This multifaceted approach exposes the emotional and ideological roots of anti-immigrant sentiment.

故郷（ふるさと）へ帰れ：ポピュリズムの逆襲とリベラル民主主義の危機

反移民感情の反発と欧米民主主義の行方

サーシャ・ポラコフ＝スランスキー

3.78(246 Reviews)

『故郷（ふるさと）へ帰れ：ポピュリズムの逆襲とリベラル民主主義の危機』の概要

『Go Back to Where You Came From』の中で、ポラコフ＝スランスキーは、移民政治が欧米の民主主義を塗り替えている現状について、身の毛もよだつような警告を発しています。フォーリン・アフェアーズ誌の編集者ギデオン・ローズが「必読書」と評したこの徹底的な調査報告は、リベラルな社会がいかにして新たなファシズムへと無自覚に歩み寄っているかを明らかにしています。

語り方を選ぶ

1冊の本。さまざまな聴き方。

故郷（ふるさと）へ帰れ：ポピュリズムの逆襲とリベラル民主主義の危機の同じアイデアを、あなたに合う声・深さ・ペースで学べます。いつでも切り替えられます。

第1章

The Global Backlash: How Fear Reshapes Democracy

In a Paris cafe not far from the Charlie Hebdo offices, a young woman in hijab serves coffee to patrons reading headlines about Marine Le Pen's latest anti-immigration speech. This daily interaction embodies the tension at the heart of modern Europe-a continent wrestling with its identity, values, and the very meaning of citizenship. Sasha Polakow-Suransky's "Go Back to Where You Came From" arrives at a pivotal moment when liberal democracies worldwide face an existential crisis. The book has become required reading among policy experts and has been cited by figures from Barack Obama to Angela Merkel as they grapple with the rise of populist nationalism. What makes this work particularly compelling is how it transcends simplistic narratives, revealing that the greatest threat to Western democracies comes not from immigrants themselves but from the fear-driven backlash against them-a backlash that risks destroying the very values these societies claim to defend.

第2章

The Threat Within: How Democracies Self-Destruct

The apocalyptic vision in Jean Raspail's controversial 1973 novel "The Camp of the Saints" depicts refugees arriving in France as a "peaceful assault on the Western World." His narrator pleads: "Shut your doors! Shut them tight, if it's not too late!"-rhetoric that Marine Le Pen would echo during the 2015 refugee crisis. This fictional scenario has become a touchstone for anti-immigrant politicians worldwide, including figures in the Trump administration. Today's immigration debate in wealthy democracies is dominated by two flawed perspectives: the far-right portrays newcomers as invaders threatening civilization, while progressives often deny any legitimate concerns exist. Both miss crucial truths. Rapid immigration naturally provokes xenophobic reactions, especially when newcomers compete for jobs and benefits during economic downturns. When combined with terrorist attacks by members of the same ethnic or religious groups, fear creates a potent cocktail that populists expertly exploit. The historical parallels are disturbing. When 15-year-old Jewish refugee Herschel Grynszpan assassinated German diplomat Ernst vom Rath in 1938, Nazi propagandists immediately weaponized the incident. Goebbels declared, "For once the Jews should feel the rage of the people," leading to Kristallnacht-state-directed violence against an entire community based on one individual's actions. While today's anti-Muslim backlash hasn't reached such extremes, the rhetoric labeling minorities as "scum" or calling for "de-Islamization" carries troubling historical echoes. Philosopher Ernst Cassirer warned that political myths-carefully crafted narratives of collective destiny-can transform constitutional democracies into authoritarian states with frightening speed. During social collapse, rational societies become vulnerable as collective frustrations enable strong leaders to emerge. When this happens, "former social bonds-law, justice and constitutions-are declared to be without any value." These political myths never truly vanish but "lurk in the dark waiting for opportunity" through skilled manipulation of public opinion. By attacking judges, stripping constitutional protections, and targeting minorities, democracies effectively self-destruct. Since 2015, we've seen the Netherlands authorize stripping citizenship from dual nationals deemed security threats, French cities ban modest swimwear as "Islamist," and the Trump administration attempt to bar legal residents while attacking judges who blocked these orders. These actions represent the beginning of democracy's erosion from within.

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

『故郷（ふるさと）へ帰れ：ポピュリズムの逆襲とリベラル民主主義の危機』の一語一語が音声に合わせてリアルタイムでハイライトされ、自然に読み進められます。

第3章

From Guests to Outcasts: The Failed Promise of Integration

The Dutch colonial rule over Indonesia was brutal and violent. When they finally departed in 1949, they evacuated their Moluccan allies, housing them in former Nazi transit camps like Westerbork with empty promises of swift return. By the 1960s, labor shortages led the Netherlands-like Germany-to import Turkish and Moroccan guest workers, a policy initially championed by the free-market right rather than the left. No one anticipated the long-term consequences. As temporary workers settled permanently, European countries faced a dilemma: either grant equal rights or maintain a citizenship system based on blood descent. Post-Hitler Europe found the idea of excluding racial or religious groups fundamentally at odds with its values. While restricting entry at borders was acceptable, denying citizenship to admitted residents violated postwar principles. Similar patterns emerged across Western Europe. Britain saw unexpected migration from Commonwealth countries, with specific circumstances driving patterns-like Pakistanis displaced by the Mangla Dam relocating to northern England's textile factories. In France, Algerians weren't technically immigrants before 1962 since Algeria was considered part of France, but independence overnight transformed them into foreigners. By the 1980s, the Dutch welfare state was fraying as foreigners claimed benefits at three times the rate of natives. The country struggled with newcomers unfamiliar with Dutch customs from open curtains to sexual freedom. Meanwhile, the left shifted from demanding equality to embracing identity politics, particularly after the 1989 Rushdie fatwa when religious fundamentalism began attracting disillusioned radicals. For immigrants like Ahmed Marcouch, who arrived from rural Morocco at age ten, the transition was jarring-living in cramped quarters and having to translate for his father despite minimal education. Though he eventually became a Labor Party MP, he observed that many former Labor voters had shifted to Geert Wilders' far-right party, especially those who had fled changing neighborhoods. This pattern mirrored Britain's experience following Enoch Powell's inflammatory 1968 speech warning of immigrant takeover. Despite minimal non-white population at the time, his message resonated with working-class Londoners who increasingly identified "more as an ethnic group united by colour and culture, than as a class united by their work." Many fled to suburbs but maintained their old identities, becoming a political force that would eventually exact revenge through Brexit.

第4章

When Multiculturalism Fails: The Dutch Experiment

In 1992, newly arrived Somali refugee Ayaan Hirsi Ali spent her entire Dutch government assistance check on an extravagant pink-and-purple carpet for her state-subsidized apartment-a decision that shocked her Dutch friends but seemed perfectly reasonable to someone unaccustomed to budgeting. This cultural disconnect exemplifies the challenges facing Europe's integration efforts. Eight years later, Dutch intellectual Paul Scheffer published "The Multicultural Drama," challenging the left's approach to immigration and arguing that "subsidized isolation" was stifling immigrants' entrepreneurial spirit. This criticism from within the left created political space for Pim Fortuyn, a flamboyantly gay former Communist who transformed Dutch politics by opposing Muslim immigration while defending progressive values like women's rights and gay acceptance. After Fortuyn's 2002 assassination, Geert Wilders emerged to fill the political vacuum as traditional Labor voters abandoned the party that had "chosen the foreign-born over the labor classes." The 2004 murder of filmmaker Theo van Gogh by a Dutch-Moroccan extremist further polarized Dutch society, creating a profound sense of betrayal among progressives who felt their hard-won liberal values were threatened by orthodox religious practices. The Dutch government attempted to apply its traditional "pillarization" approach (verzuiling) to immigrant communities-treating religious groups as separate pillars within society with their own leadership-which had worked for integrating Catholics. However, this approach failed with Muslim immigrants who lacked established community leaders. Meanwhile, sociologist Willem Schinkel argues that Holland never truly practiced multiculturalism but instead used "integration" to police the boundaries of Dutchness, placing the burden on immigrants while requiring little from Dutch society. The concept of citizenship shifted from formal (having a passport) to moral (adopting Dutch cultural values), with immigrants constantly monitored for their cultural outlook. This created a double standard where Dutch natives weren't measured by the same integration metrics despite many holding conservative religious views. The ubiquitous term "allochtoon" (foreigner) applied only to non-white immigrants, creating a second-class citizenship that stripped them of their Dutchness regardless of legal status.

『故郷（ふるさと）へ帰れ：ポピュリズムの逆襲とリベラル民主主義の危機』をもっと深く楽しむ

毎日の新しい気づきを10万件以上のレッスンから
言葉をハイライトして音声と同期
ライブラリを保存して、どの端末からでも利用

第5章

The Nativist Welfare State: Protecting Benefits for "Real" Citizens

After 9/11, religious observance became politically charged in the Netherlands. Dutch teens were drinking and having sex while Muslim girls refused to shake hands and insisted on fasting and praying. The clash between progressive Dutch values and conservative Muslim practices created tension that populist politicians exploited. Immigration scholar Rinus Penninx warns against targeting specific immigrant groups for "resocialization," comparing such approaches to historical mistreatment of the poor. He argues the government must enforce basic norms but can't take preemptive action against immigrants specifically. Public health institutions, not integration courses, are better positioned to address issues like female genital cutting. In Denmark, the Danish People's Party (DPP) positioned itself as defender of the welfare state exclusively for native Danes, siphoning working-class votes from Social Democrats. The DPP's message resonated particularly in areas with growing immigrant populations, where residents feared benefits would be "buttered more thinly." Social Democratic mayors from Copenhagen's outskirts were among the first to warn that immigration threatened both communities and their party's political dominance. Mayor Thomas Gyldal Petersen of Herlev argues that controlling immigration is necessary to prevent ghetto formation and preserve the welfare state for all residents. The DPP has effectively won virtually every immigration debate, with their vision spreading across Europe, partly because "the far right has an instrument the left doesn't have: fear." While scholars once feared anti-immigrant sentiment would lead to welfare state dismantling, the opposite has occurred in Denmark. The DPP has embraced "welfare chauvinism"-protecting generous benefits exclusively for native Danes while excluding immigrants. DPP leader Sren Espersen proudly notes that welfare cuts don't win elections in Denmark, as the cradle-to-grave system remains "holy to most Danes." Sociologist Aydin Soei, an Iranian immigrant's son, believes Denmark's approach to integration fundamentally misunderstands refugees. Unlike chronically unemployed natives, refugees possess high motivation but lack language skills and cultural knowledge. The welfare system treats them identically to long-term unemployed Danes rather than utilizing their unique strengths and determination.

第6章

Free Speech Battlegrounds: The Danish Cartoon Crisis

In 2005, Denmark's largest newspaper Jyllands-Posten published cartoons depicting the Prophet Muhammad, igniting a global controversy. Culture editor Flemming Rose, who commissioned the cartoons, wasn't an Islamophobe but a free-speech absolutist whose views were shaped by his time as a Moscow correspondent witnessing Soviet censorship. Rose draws parallels between political Islam's intolerance of criticism and Soviet totalitarianism's suppression of dissent. He notes similar patterns emerging with Russian Orthodox Christians who, once marginalized under communism, now vandalize "blasphemous" art with state protection. In all these cases, Rose argues, "perpetrators were transformed into victims, victims into perpetrators," inverting the concept of tolerance by placing the burden on speakers rather than listeners. British intellectual Kenan Malik criticizes Western liberals for treating self-appointed "community leaders" as authentic Muslim voices while dismissing moderate Muslims like parliamentarian Naser Khader. This approach treats minority communities as homogeneous, empowering not communities but leaders who derive influence from their relationship with the state. The cartoon controversy had violent consequences. On New Year's Day 2010, elderly cartoonist Kurt Westergaard, who drew Muhammad with a bomb in his turban, was attacked in his home by an ax-wielding Somali assailant while his five-year-old granddaughter was present. Westergaard escaped by locking himself in a reinforced bathroom. Since 2007, he and his wife had lived in various safe houses under constant security threats. The Danish cartoon controversy accelerated Denmark's political shift rightward. Many Danes who never considered voting for the Danish People's Party now saw their embassies burning and compatriots threatened over drawings. The DPP's warnings about Muslim extremism suddenly seemed prophetic. Former intelligence chief Jakob Scharf argues that effective counterterrorism requires strong community engagement and a sense of belonging. When communities feel marginalized, they're less likely to help authorities identify extremists. DPP deputy leader Sren Espersen rejects this view, insisting extremism stems purely from religious ideology regardless of integration efforts.

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

第7章

Out of Sight, Out of Mind: Europe's Offshore Detention Fantasy

The Danish People's Party has no meaningful integration strategy for immigrants and their Danish-born children beyond demanding they "act like Danes"-eat pork, attend church, and adopt Christian values. For new arrivals, their only solution is exclusion. This simplistic approach allows them to avoid addressing complex social policy challenges by insisting refugees should simply be sent home. The DPP proudly promotes making Denmark unappealing to refugees, advocating only temporary asylum with the expectation that refugees will leave. Their deputy leader Espersen insists "we don't want to integrate them" and suggests teaching refugee children English rather than Danish to prepare them for eventual departure. The DPP's ultimate goal is to mimic Australia's controversial offshore detention system, where asylum seekers never reach Danish shores. Despite the astronomical costs of Australia's program (approximately $300,000 per detainee), DPP politicians like Kenneth Kristensen Berth argue it would be cheaper than integration and serve as a deterrent. This "out of sight, out of mind" approach has become increasingly popular among Europe's far-right parties. Australia's offshore detention system originated with the Tampa crisis in August 2001, when a Norwegian freighter rescued 438 asylum seekers and was refused entry to Australian waters. When Captain Rinnan declared an emergency and approached Christmas Island, Prime Minister John Howard threatened to prosecute him for people smuggling and Australian troops forcibly boarded the vessel. The timing proved critical-a federal court initially ruled in favor of the asylum seekers on September 11, 2001, but the government won on appeal days later as the discourse shifted to "Muslim terrorists" and "Muslim boat people." Howard's "Pacific Solution" sent intercepted asylum seekers to detention centers on Nauru, a policy that successfully neutralized the far-right challenge from Pauline Hanson's One Nation Party while appealing to suburban working-class voters. Australia's transformation of asylum policy fundamentally changed public attitudes through calculated language manipulation. Officials deliberately framed asylum seekers as "illegal" despite there being nothing criminal about seeking asylum without a visa. This linguistic shift, coupled with post-9/11 rhetoric linking asylum with terrorism, justified harsh policies by portraying refugees as security threats rather than vulnerable people.

第8章

Terror and Backlash: The Cycle of Fear

On January 7, 2015, brothers Cherif and Said Kouachi stormed the Paris offices of satirical newspaper Charlie Hebdo, killing twelve people including editor Stephane Charbonnier. After a forty-eight-hour manhunt, they were killed in a shootout with police. Their accomplice, Amedy Coulibaly, simultaneously took hostages at a kosher supermarket in eastern Paris, killing four before being shot by police. Days later, millions marched in Paris to denounce terrorism and defend free speech. The demonstration featured world leaders and France's political establishment-with the notable exception of Marine Le Pen, who was excluded by President Francois Hollande. Le Pen instead held her own rally in southern France, questioning whether France had done enough to combat "the scourge of Islamist terrorism." She later advocated for immigration restrictions, citizenship revocation for jihadists, and reinstated border controls. Following the Brussels terrorist attacks in March 2016, Charlie Hebdo published an editorial by cartoonist Riss that drew disturbing parallels to anti-Semitic rhetoric of the Dreyfus era. Riss portrayed ordinary Muslims-from the veiled woman to the neighborhood halal baker-as unwitting accomplices to terrorism, suggesting they create the conditions that lead to violence. This rhetoric echoes nineteenth-century anti-Semitic tropes that painted all Jews as threats to the nation. French intellectuals like Alain Finkielkraut reject comparisons between today's anti-Muslim sentiment and historical anti-Semitism, arguing that Jews were peaceful while some Muslims commit acts of terrorism. This ignores how Jewish refugees were once denied entry based on fears of radical Jewish communists and violent Zionists, and how pretext was used to justify collective punishment. The rise of Muslim-focused anxiety has redrawn ideological battle lines, with the Front National shedding its Catholic traditionalism and toxic anti-Semitism to rebrand itself as defender of French secular values. This has created a bridge between the old left and Marine Le Pen's movement, united by cultural anxieties about Islam.

『故郷（ふるさと）へ帰れ：ポピュリズムの逆襲とリベラル民主主義の危機』をもっと深く楽しむ

毎日の新しい気づきを10万件以上のレッスンから
言葉をハイライトして音声と同期
ライブラリを保存して、どの端末からでも利用

第9章

The Great Replacement: Demographic Anxiety and Identity Politics

The Calais "Jungle" refugee camp reveals Europe's migration crisis in microcosm. Local residents live just meters from refugee tents, with homes protected by fences bearing dog warnings. At Chez Abdallah restaurant, a communal charging station in the Afghan section, refugees from multiple countries huddle over phones while planning nighttime attempts to reach Britain-some risking their lives by jumping onto moving trucks. The leaders of Reprenons Calais (Retake Calais) represent the growing anti-immigrant sentiment in the city. These middle-aged men run an online community and produce videos highlighting neighbors' anger about the refugee situation. They explicitly embrace Renaud Camus's "great replacement" theory-the idea that indigenous French people are being systematically replaced by non-European immigrants. Camus frames immigration as "counter-colonization" by Muslims seeking "mastery of territory" and sees the native Frenchman as a "replaceable man" stripped of cultural specificity. His nostalgia centers on an idealized vision of old France with "round fortified villages with narrow streets"-the same nostalgic vision that inspires the new right's intellectuals. Marine Le Pen targets mayors like Damien Careme of Grande-Synthe, who took a humanitarian approach to refugees, blaming the EU for encouraging immigration: "The European Union has been arguing for years that it would be necessary to welcome millions of immigrants to Europe because of the aging population." She claims the real motive is "to put pressure on wages" in global competition. Le Pen insists birthright citizenship is a disaster, pointing to the Charlie Hebdo killers who were legally French. This argument traces back to Maurice Barres, who warned that new French citizens would destroy "the special character of our country." Le Pen argues citizenship should require moral screening at age eighteen or twenty, though her policy would disproportionately scrutinize those with foreign heritage while native-born French criminals would face no such examination.

第10章

When the Right Turns Left-and the Left Turns Right

In France's post-industrial regions, the traditional left's base has shifted dramatically to the far-right Front National. FN campaign manager David Rachline argues the left betrayed workers through globalization, EU treaties, and immigration policies. "The Communist Party used to have five to six million voters. They now vote FN," he claims, "because we cannot at the same time defend French workers and support free competition." Marine Le Pen has strategically positioned the FN with left-leaning economic policies while maintaining nationalist values. "We defend the interests of the people" against "great financial powers," she says, criticizing the EU for stripping France of sovereignty. Her populism borrows heavily from the left, combining "the legacy of her far-right father with a left-wing program." In Denmark, the Danish People's Party has similarly shifted leftward on social policy, becoming a second working-class party alongside the Social Democrats. With their platforms increasingly aligned on immigration, a future DPP-Social Democrat coalition is possible. The DPP strategically remains outside formal coalitions while influencing policy, allowing them to take credit for popular measures while avoiding blame for unpopular ones. In Britain, writer Michael Collins predicted the Brexit protest vote twelve years earlier, warning about neglected "working-class whites in poor areas." He criticized how progressive elites who once championed the working class now derided them as "chavs"-racist and xenophobic. Brexit represented a genuine working-class revolt that should have delighted the left-except it opposed their pro-EU stance. John Harris explained to shocked Guardian readers that poor and working-class voters overwhelmingly supported leaving, summarized by one woman: "If you've got money, you vote in... If you haven't got money, you vote out." The media elite had missed this entirely, losing touch with their former base while denouncing them rather than engaging with their economic fears about immigration and competition for jobs and housing.

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

第11章

The Universal Nature of Xenophobia

Xenophobia transcends the stereotype of wealthy whites rejecting brown Muslims-it's a universal phenomenon arising wherever economic anxiety meets the need for scapegoats. South Africa demonstrates this pattern with black citizens mobilizing against fellow Africans from neighboring countries, mirroring European anti-immigrant sentiment but receiving less international attention because both victims and perpetrators are black. South African blacks' grievances mirror those of working-class Europeans. Like British East Enders who felt their post-war gains were "snatched away" by immigrants, black South Africans who gained freedom after apartheid felt entitled to redress from the state. Instead, they faced competition from better-educated foreigners from Congo and Somalia willing to work for less. Mary Louw exemplifies this contradiction-a lesbian former Young Communist who volunteers with brown children yet campaigns against foreigners in her neighborhood. Despite her initial optimism after apartheid's end in 1994, she now blames Nelson Mandela for opening the doors to immigrants she associates with crime and economic hardship, declaring citizens "slaves of this democracy, not recipients." The 2009 film District 9 wasn't merely science fiction but a thinly veiled portrayal of South Africa's xenophobic violence. The scenes of locals advocating violence against aliens were based on actual footage of South Africans discussing immigrants. Just a year earlier, anti-immigrant mobs had killed sixty people, displaced 100,000, and destroyed 30,000 homes. Immigrants in South Africa face brutal violence with little protection. Baron Mukeba, a Congolese man, survived an ax attack but received no justice-"the police didn't even try." Immigrants have created defensive enclaves like Yeoville in Johannesburg, once a Jewish neighborhood now filled with Congolese and Ethiopian restaurants-a "stronghold" where xenophobic gangs fear to enter. Like Europe's white identity politicians warning of Muslim usurpers, many black South Africans view African immigrants as "new colonizers" preventing them from enjoying hard-won liberty. The government dismisses xenophobic violence as mere "crime" without political motivation-a convenient distinction echoing the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's approach.

第12章

The Future of Democracy in an Age of Fear

After the AfD's electoral gains in Merkel's home state of Mecklenburg and Berlin, Merkel admitted she would "turn back time" to better prepare for the 2015 refugee crisis, though maintaining her policy was "absolutely right." Within her CDU party, dissent grew, exemplified by Jens Spahn's public challenge over dual citizenship laws. The AfD began as an anti-EU movement focused on sovereignty and opposition to Greek bailouts, taking nearly 5% in 2013 elections and winning seven EU parliament seats in 2014. Christian Schmidt, an early member, describes how the party was quickly hijacked by extremists, conspiracy theorists, and those with anti-immigrant views. Frauke Petry emerged as leader in 2015, adopting strident anti-immigration positions and forcing out founder Bernd Lucke. In Beziers, France, Mayor Robert Menard exemplifies the rightward shift of former leftists on immigration issues. Though supported by the Front National, he criticizes Marine Le Pen's anti-EU stance and statist economic program while sharing her hardline immigration views. Menard, once a Trotskyist, claims his transformation came from witnessing integration failures in local schools. Jean Raspail, the controversial author of "The Camp of the Saints," believes the Front National was more effective as a provocative force raising uncomfortable issues than as a party seeking governance. He predicts France's demographic collapse, declaring "We will become a minority, we white Europeans," comparing the situation to civilizations "absorbed ethnically, intellectually, legally." He ominously concludes: "There is something that will explode... But something will explode." Nationalism remains a powerful force that progressives ignore at their peril. As Isaiah Berlin noted, nationalism represents "the inflamed desire of the insufficiently regarded to count for something." The author argues that dismissing national sentiment as backward is perilous, as even cosmopolitan elites occasionally feel nostalgia for home. Those who lack education and mobility often resent those with options and compensate by strongly identifying with place, supporting politicians who promise protection from threats. Liberal democracies must effectively address these challenges or risk their own destruction as xenophobic populists hijack public debate, potentially undermining rights for immigrants and minorities, and in worst cases, reviving the ugliest nationalist ideologies of the twentieth century. The greatest threat to liberal democracies comes not from immigrants but from the backlash against them-a backlash that, if left unchecked, will transform these democracies into hollow shells of their former selves.

★★★★★

『故郷（ふるさと）へ帰れ：ポピュリズムの逆襲とリベラル民主主義の危機』を最後まで読み終えました

“23日間、毎日使い続けています。今では日課の一部です。”

jayallen

『故郷（ふるさと）へ帰れ：ポピュリズムの逆襲とリベラル民主主義の危機』の主要テーマ

populist nationalism
anti-immigrant backlash
democratic erosion
failed integration policies
xenophobic political myths

『故郷（ふるさと）へ帰れ：ポピュリズムの逆襲とリベラル民主主義の危機』の名言

Shut your doors! Shut them tight, if it's not too late!
By attacking judges...democracies effectively self-destruct.
These political myths never truly vanish but “lurk in the dark waiting for opportunity”
the rhetoric labeling minorities as “scum” carries troubling historical echoes.
Rapid immigration naturally provokes xenophobic reactions

『故郷（ふるさと）へ帰れ：ポピュリズムの逆襲とリベラル民主主義の危機』の登場人物

Sasha Polakow-SuranskyAuthor and journalist analyzing global populism
Marine Le PenFrench far-right politician and populist leader
Jean RaspailAuthor of the influential anti-immigrant novel
Ernst CassirerPhilosopher who warned about political myths
Ahmed MarcouchMoroccan-born Dutch Labor Party MP

著者について

『Go Back to Where You Came From: The Backlash Against Immigration and the Fate of Western Democracy』の著者であるサーシャ・ポラコフ＝スランスキーは、世界的なポピュリズムと移民危機の鋭い分析で知られる歴史家であり、地政学アナリストです。

オックスフォード大学で近代史の博士号を取得したローズ奨学生である彼は、『Foreign Policy』誌の副編集長、『ニューヨーク・タイムズ』紙のオピニオン面編集者、そして『Foreign Affairs』誌のシニア・エディターとして数十年の経験を積んできました。

国際関係と民主主義制度に関する彼の専門知識は、絶賛された処女作『The Unspoken Alliance: Israel’s Secret Relationship With Apartheid South Africa』のテーマをさらに発展させ、右派による反発の探求に活かされています。ポラコフ＝スランスキーの著作はヤニス・バルファキスなどの人物から支持を受け、NPRや『ニューヨーク・レビュー・オブ・ブックス』などの主要メディアでも取り上げられてきました。『Go Back to Where You Came From』は、台頭する過激主義に関する不可欠な分析として称賛され、リベラルな民主主義の維持に関する学術的および政策的な議論の中で引用されています。

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politica,

This comprehensive political education is essential for anyone seeking to understand how power shapes our world—from local governance to global conflicts. It's ideal for aspiring policy professionals, journalists, activists, business leaders navigating political risk, or engaged citizens who want to move beyond headlines to grasp the deeper forces driving political events and decisions.

5 h 14 m•4 セクション

学習プラン

The Invisible Empire's Political Echoes

This plan is essential for understanding how historical extremist movements shaped the American political landscape. It is ideal for history students, political science enthusiasts, and anyone seeking to understand the sociological roots of modern partisan divides.

1 h 12 m•3 セクション

学習プラン

The Psychology of National Myths

In an era of deep polarization, understanding the cognitive roots of national identity is essential for navigating modern propaganda. This plan is designed for sociologists, political strategists, and curious minds seeking to decode how ideologies hijack the human brain.

40 m•4 セクション

学習プラン

The Digital Power Grab

In an era where data is the new oil, understanding the intersection of technology and political power is essential for maintaining democratic integrity. This plan is designed for policy advocates, tech ethics students, and concerned citizens who want to understand how surveillance capitalism reshapes our social and political institutions.

1 h 12 m•3 セクション

学習プラン

The Long Shadow of the Holodomor

This plan is essential for anyone seeking to understand the historical roots of modern Eastern European tensions. It is ideal for students of history, political science, and human rights advocates exploring the impact of state-sponsored famine.

1 h 30 m•3 セクション

学習プラン

The Existentialist Roadmap to Freedom

This plan is essential for individuals feeling trapped by societal expectations or existential dread, offering a path to radical self-ownership. It is designed for deep thinkers and aspiring leaders who want to build a life of authenticity and purpose beyond conventional norms.

2 h•4 セクション

コロンビア大学卒業生が開発サンフランシスコ発

BeFreedは好奇心旺盛な仲間が集うグローバルコミュニティ

4.7

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7,840件以上のアプリ評価

BeFreed Community

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

BeFreedがウェブ上でどのように話題になっているかをもっと見る

コロンビア大学卒業生が開発サンフランシスコ発

BeFreedは好奇心旺盛な仲間が集うグローバルコミュニティ

4.7

平均評価

7,840件以上のアプリ評価

BeFreed Community

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

BeFreedがウェブ上でどのように話題になっているかをもっと見る

今すぐ学習の旅を始めよう

第12章

故郷（ふるさと）へ帰れ：ポピュリズムの逆襲とリベラル民主主義の危機

概要『故郷（ふるさと）へ帰れ：ポピュリズムの逆襲とリベラル民主主義の危機』の概要

1冊の本。さまざまな聴き方。

The Global Backlash: How Fear Reshapes Democracy

The Threat Within: How Democracies Self-Destruct

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

From Guests to Outcasts: The Failed Promise of Integration

When Multiculturalism Fails: The Dutch Experiment

『故郷（ふるさと）へ帰れ：ポピュリズムの逆襲とリベラル民主主義の危機』をもっと深く楽しむ

The Nativist Welfare State: Protecting Benefits for "Real" Citizens

Free Speech Battlegrounds: The Danish Cartoon Crisis

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

Out of Sight, Out of Mind: Europe's Offshore Detention Fantasy

Terror and Backlash: The Cycle of Fear

『故郷（ふるさと）へ帰れ：ポピュリズムの逆襲とリベラル民主主義の危機』をもっと深く楽しむ

The Great Replacement: Demographic Anxiety and Identity Politics

When the Right Turns Left-and the Left Turns Right

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

The Universal Nature of Xenophobia

The Future of Democracy in an Age of Fear

『故郷（ふるさと）へ帰れ：ポピュリズムの逆襲とリベラル民主主義の危機』を最後まで読み終えました

『故郷（ふるさと）へ帰れ：ポピュリズムの逆襲とリベラル民主主義の危機』の主要テーマ

『故郷（ふるさと）へ帰れ：ポピュリズムの逆襲とリベラル民主主義の危機』の名言

『故郷（ふるさと）へ帰れ：ポピュリズムの逆襲とリベラル民主主義の危機』の登場人物

著者について

故郷（ふるさと）へ帰れ：ポピュリズムの逆襲とリベラル民主主義の危機の要約をダウンロード

他のユーザーのお気に入り

この本に関するよくある質問

What is Go Back to Where You Came From by Sasha Polakow-Suransky about?

Who should read Go Back to Where You Came From?

What are the main themes in Go Back to Where You Came From?

How does Go Back to Where You Came From compare U.S. and European immigration struggles?

もっと見る

BeFreedは好奇心旺盛な仲間が集うグローバルコミュニティ

BeFreedは好奇心旺盛な仲間が集うグローバルコミュニティ

1冊の本。さまざまな聴き方。

The Global Backlash: How Fear Reshapes Democracy

The Threat Within: How Democracies Self-Destruct

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

From Guests to Outcasts: The Failed Promise of Integration

When Multiculturalism Fails: The Dutch Experiment

『故郷（ふるさと）へ帰れ：ポピュリズムの逆襲とリベラル民主主義の危機』をもっと深く楽しむ

The Nativist Welfare State: Protecting Benefits for "Real" Citizens

Free Speech Battlegrounds: The Danish Cartoon Crisis

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

Out of Sight, Out of Mind: Europe's Offshore Detention Fantasy

Terror and Backlash: The Cycle of Fear

『故郷（ふるさと）へ帰れ：ポピュリズムの逆襲とリベラル民主主義の危機』をもっと深く楽しむ

The Great Replacement: Demographic Anxiety and Identity Politics

When the Right Turns Left-and the Left Turns Right

聴きながら、すべての言葉を目で追えます

The Universal Nature of Xenophobia

The Future of Democracy in an Age of Fear

『故郷（ふるさと）へ帰れ：ポピュリズムの逆襲とリベラル民主主義の危機』を最後まで読み終えました

他のユーザーのお気に入り

もっと見る

『故郷（ふるさと）へ帰れ：ポピュリズムの逆襲とリベラル民主主義の危機』の概要