What is Dark Alliance by Gary Webb about?

Dark Alliance by Gary Webb is an investigative journalism book that exposes how CIA-backed Nicaraguan Contra rebels trafficked cocaine into the United States during the 1980s, fueling the crack epidemic in Los Angeles and other cities. Webb presents evidence that government agencies knowingly allowed massive drug trafficking to fund covert operations in Central America, prioritizing foreign policy goals over public health and devastating African American communities.

Who should read Dark Alliance by Gary Webb?

Dark Alliance by Gary Webb is essential reading for anyone interested in investigative journalism, American history, the War on Drugs, or government accountability. This book appeals to readers seeking to understand the crack epidemic's roots, those critical of mainstream media narratives, students of foreign policy, and anyone concerned about institutional corruption. Gary Webb's meticulous research makes it valuable for journalists, activists, historians, and citizens questioning official government accounts.

Is Dark Alliance by Gary Webb worth reading?

Dark Alliance by Gary Webb is absolutely worth reading for its groundbreaking investigative reporting and historical significance. Webb uses declassified documents, DEA recordings, court testimony, and interviews to build a thoroughly documented case rather than relying on conspiracy theories. The book challenges readers to confront uncomfortable truths about government complicity in drug trafficking and exposes how media institutions suppressed Webb's findings to protect establishment interests.

Why did Gary Webb write Dark Alliance?

Gary Webb wrote Dark Alliance to expand on his award-winning 1996 San Jose Mercury News series that revealed the CIA-Contra drug trafficking connection. After his initial newspaper exposé sparked national controversy and immediate backlash from major media outlets, Webb pushed his investigation further using newly declassified documents and unreleased DEA evidence. The book allowed him to present comprehensive proof of government involvement in cocaine trafficking and document the systematic campaign to discredit his journalism.

What is the main argument in Dark Alliance by Gary Webb?

The main argument in Dark Alliance is that a Bay Area drug ring sold tons of cocaine to Los Angeles street gangs and funneled millions in profits to CIA-backed Nicaraguan Contras throughout the 1980s. Gary Webb demonstrates that government agencies—including the CIA, DEA, and FBI—either actively facilitated or deliberately ignored this drug trafficking to support anti-Sandinista operations in Nicaragua. Webb argues this covert policy directly contributed to the crack explosion that devastated African American communities across the United States.

What evidence does Gary Webb present in Dark Alliance?

Gary Webb presents extensive documentary evidence in Dark Alliance, including declassified CIA and Justice Department files, undercover DEA audio and videotapes never before publicly released, federal court testimony, and congressional hearings. He conducted firsthand interviews with drug traffickers like "Freeway" Ricky Ross, Contra leaders, law enforcement officials, and community members. Webb's evidence demonstrates patterns of government protection for drug dealers connected to the Contra war effort and systematic obstruction of law enforcement investigations that threatened to expose these operations.

What are the most important quotes from Dark Alliance by Gary Webb?

Dark Alliance includes several powerful quotes that capture its central revelations. Webb's opening line states: "For the better part of a decade, a Bay Area drug ring sold tons of cocaine to the Crips and Bloods street gangs of Los Angeles and funneled millions in drug profits to a Latin American guerrilla army run by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency". Another key quote explains: "The fact that a government-connected drug ring was dumping tons of cocaine into the black neighborhoods goes a long way towards explaining why crack developed such deep roots in the black community".

How did the media respond to Dark Alliance by Gary Webb?

The media response to Dark Alliance was largely hostile, with major newspapers like The New York Times, Washington Post, and Los Angeles Times attacking Webb's reporting through innuendo and suggestion rather than factual refutation. These establishment outlets worked to discredit Webb and protect the CIA, ultimately forcing him out of the San Jose Mercury News despite his meticulous documentation. Only years later did internal CIA and Justice Department investigations vindicate Webb's core findings, but by then his career had been destroyed.

Les alliances sombres

la CIA, les Contras et l'explosion du crack cocaine

Gary Webb

Aperçu de Les alliances sombres

La première enquête journalistique à devenir virale, l'exposé explosif de Webb a mis au jour des liens présumés entre la CIA et le crack, déclenchant des manifestations à l'échelle nationale et quatre enquêtes gouvernementales. Jeremy Renner a plus tard tenu le rôle principal dans « Secret d'État » (*Kill the Messenger*), projetant cette légende controversée du journalisme sous les projecteurs d'Hollywood.

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Chapitre 1

America's Shadow War: The CIA, Crack Cocaine, and the Contra Connection

In 1996, a bombshell investigation shook America to its core. Gary Webb's "Dark Alliance" series in the San Jose Mercury News exposed how CIA-connected Nicaraguan drug traffickers flooded Los Angeles with cocaine, fueling the devastating crack epidemic that ravaged Black communities. The story became an internet phenomenon, receiving over a million hits in a single day-unprecedented for the early web era. Celebrities like Quentin Tarantino cited it as required reading, while hip-hop artists from Tupac to Mos Def referenced it in their lyrics. The explosive revelations sparked congressional hearings, protests, and a cultural reckoning that continues today. Despite a coordinated media counterattack that ultimately cost Webb his career and contributed to his tragic suicide in 2004, subsequent CIA and Justice Department investigations would vindicate many of his core findings. "Dark Alliance" remains one of journalism's most consequential exposes-revealing how American intelligence agencies sacrificed inner-city communities on the altar of covert foreign policy.

Chapitre 2

The Contra War: How Cold War Politics Set the Stage

When the Sandinista revolutionaries overthrew Nicaragua's Somoza dictatorship in July 1979, they ended a family dynasty that had ruled the country for over four decades with American support. Despite Anastasio Somoza's desperate pleas to U.S. Ambassador Pezzullo-reminding him of the family's loyal anti-communist service helping overthrow Guatemala's government in 1954 and hosting the Bay of Pigs operation-the Carter administration abandoned him. The U.S. tried to preserve Nicaragua's National Guard as a counterweight to the leftist Sandinistas, but when Somoza fled to Florida on July 17, 1979, the Guard collapsed and the Sandinistas took control. This political upheaval created a wave of Nicaraguan exiles, including Danilo Blandon, who would become central to the cocaine pipeline. Blandon arrived at LAX on July 5, 1979-the same day cocaine experts gathered in Lima to discuss the approaching epidemic. Just weeks earlier, he'd been wealthy and well-connected: the son of a landowner, married to a woman from a prominent political family, holding an MBA and government job. The Blandon family had prospered under Somoza's dictatorship, where loyalty was rewarded with riches. Blandon's father Julio owned the land beneath one of Managua's worst slums, Ciudad Sandino, where over 70,000 people lived in squalid conditions. By early 1981, former National Guard colonel Enrique Bermudez was being courted by the CIA to lead the resistance against the Sandinistas. The agency's first project was uniting disorganized Contra groups under one umbrella, forcing Bermudez's Legion of September 15 to merge with the Miami-based UDN-FARN despite mutual hatred between the groups. The resulting organization, the Nicaraguan Democratic Forces (FDN), became the CIA's primary Contra army, with Bermudez and his ex-Guardia men taking leadership positions. In November 1981, Reagan approved National Security Decision Directive #17, allocating $19.95 million for covert operations against the Sandinistas. However, this money went to Argentine military advisers rather than directly to the Contras, who had to beg for funds. This funding gap created the opportunity that would connect the Contras to cocaine trafficking-and ultimately to America's inner cities.

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Chapitre 3

The Birth of a Drug Pipeline: Patriotism and Profit

"I was the first," Blandon later boasted about organizing resistance against the Sandinistas. "We formed a group in L.A. to go and fight against the Sandinistas that we called FDN." His group began as informal gatherings of exiles who met regularly to discuss developments in Nicaragua and raise funds through parties and rallies, though these initially brought in only "a few thousands or something." Blandon claims he became a cocaine trafficker out of patriotism. His transformation began when Donald Barrios, a wealthy former insurance broker from Managua with ties to the Contras, arranged a meeting with notorious Nicaraguan gangster Norwin Meneses. At their meeting, Meneses proposed that Blandon start selling drugs in Los Angeles to raise money for the Contra revolution. Meneses claimed he served as Bermudez's intelligence and security adviser in California, screening potential Contra recruits to protect against Sandinista infiltration. "Nobody would join the Contra forces down there without my knowledge and approval," he boasted. Blandon confirmed this to the CIA, describing Meneses's role as "primarily that of a personnel recruiter." Though Adolfo Calero, the CIA-connected head of the Contras' political directorate, denied the traffickers held official positions, he confirmed Meneses had visited Bermudez in Honduras. Former FDN director Edgar Chamorro acknowledged Meneses's involvement, explaining it occurred "very early, when the Contras did not have as many supporters" and attributed it to "the brotherhood of military minds" among former Somoza officers. Blandon insisted Bermudez never explicitly mentioned drug sales during his fundraising pitch, but the Contra commander told them "the ends justify the means." The CIA knew Bermudez's group was already involved in cocaine smuggling-a September 1981 cable informed Langley that the Legion had "made a decision to engage in drug smuggling to the United States" and had completed a successful "trial run" with cocaine profits going to a Legion commander. After meeting with Bermudez, Meneses provided Blandon a two-day seminar on cocaine dealing-showing him how to assess quality, how to sell by ounce or kilo, and how to hide cocaine in vehicle compartments. Meneses gave Blandon two kilos of cocaine worth about $60,000 each, along with customer contacts in Los Angeles. Blandon began selling drugs for the Contras, taking 3-4 months to move the product. Eventually, he began selling ounces and grams, using the profits to send trucks, medical supplies, radios, and several thousand dollars to finance the FDN's Los Angeles wing.

Chapitre 4

The Perfect Storm: Crack Cocaine Meets South Central

Ricky Donnell Ross, who would become the king of L.A.'s crack market, first encountered rock cocaine around Christmas 1979. The nineteen-year-old was skeptical of the small white chunk that didn't match the glamorous powder cocaine he'd seen used on television by movie stars. His friend from the San Jose State football team introduced him to this "new" form of cocaine, claiming it was the next big thing. When Ross showed it to an old pimp who immediately wanted more after smoking it, Ross realized its potential but had neither the supply nor knowledge of how to make it. Growing up without his father, Ross found father figures in tennis mentors who encouraged his athletic talent. Tennis kept him out of the 74 Hoover Crips, his neighborhood gang. Despite being functionally illiterate, Ross excelled at tennis, making All-City first team his senior year at Dorsey High. His dreams of playing college tennis were crushed when a Long Beach State coach discovered he couldn't read or write. Through tennis, Ross met "Mr. Fisher," an auto upholstery teacher who drove a Cadillac and lived in upscale Baldwin Hills. After their first failed attempt at dealing, Ross and his friend Ollie Newell stole a car, sold it for $250, and bought three grams of cocaine from Fisher. They cut it further and sold it for about $600, reinvesting their profits rather than spending them. While continuing his auto theft business, Ross's cocaine business flourished as wholesale prices began dropping. By dealing directly with Fisher's supplier Ivan, Ross got better prices and expanded from grams to ounces. After Ivan was injured, his brother-in-law Henry Corrales took over but lacked connections. Blandon saw his opportunity and became Henry's supplier, arranging a 50/50 profit split. Ross didn't know Blandon was now his cocaine source but noticed prices dropping further with Henry. Around this time, Ross observed customers turning powder into rocks and recognized the potential. Though initially skeptical, South Central users soon demanded pre-made rocks for convenience. Ross hired someone to cook it before learning the simple process himself-just cocaine powder, water and baking soda heated until crackling. He began selling "ready rock" in $20 hits, first in foil then glass vials. The product proved intensely addictive, with users never wanting anything else once they tried it. Crack cocaine hit South Central like a silent plague. LAPD reports first mentioned "rock hard" cocaine in May 1982, with regular appearances by September. Street cops encountered users with strange paraphernalia-tiny bottles of rum, glass pipes, and wire "torches"-but didn't initially understand what they were seeing. Crack proved ideal for street dealing since it could be quickly destroyed if police approached. The drug democratized cocaine-both for users who could now afford small $5-25 doses and for dealers who needed minimal investment.

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Chapitre 5

Government Protection: The Untouchable Drug Network

By 1984, Blandon had been dealing increasing amounts of cocaine to Ricky Ross for two years without any police interference. While South Central cops were arresting dealers with unprecedented amounts of cocaine, the LAPD's Major Violators Unit dismissed concerns about black neighborhoods, believing "the money's not there." Meanwhile, Meneses's San Francisco operation had been under constant investigation since 1981 by multiple agencies, yet remained untouchable despite only minor arrests of his nephews. Jerry Smith, former head of California's Bureau of Narcotics Enforcement San Francisco office, admitted they couldn't penetrate Meneses's tight-knit organization despite years of investigation. Meneses himself boasted of having a DEA agent on his payroll. Dennis Ainsworth, a conservative Republican who became involved with Contra support efforts in 1983, eventually concluded that "Meneses was totally protected by the U.S. government." When Renato Pena and Jairo Meneses were arrested on cocaine trafficking charges in November 1984, Ainsworth began suspecting FDN involvement in drug trafficking. Despite overwhelming evidence against him, Pena received only a two-year sentence. During DEA debriefings, Pena made astonishing claims that the CIA allowed Contras to traffic drugs for funding, stating Blandon claimed "the Contras would not have been able to operate without drug proceeds." A DEA informant independently corroborated that Meneses was using drug money to buy weapons for the Contras and that Pena was responsible for sending these proceeds to the Contras. When Ainsworth reported his findings to the FBI in 1987, warning that the FDN was "more involved in selling arms and cocaine for personal gain than in military efforts," authorities showed no interest despite his receiving death threats. Despite substantial evidence against Norwin Meneses from his nephew Jairo's testimony and other sources, Meneses faced no charges or deportation, continuing to deal cocaine and support the Contras while maintaining an increasingly close relationship with the U.S. government. After his nephew's arrests in 1984, Meneses relocated his operations to his Costa Rican beachfront ranch. He owned several properties there and had important political connections, including protection from Jose Marti Figueres, son of a former Costa Rican president. Costa Rican authorities knew Meneses as "one of the most important traffickers of drugs" and noted he "was one of the first economic supports of the FDN in Costa Rica." The DEA officially claimed Meneses volunteered as an informant in July 1986, citing his desire to clear up "a minor problem with the IRS" and "help the present U.S. Administration's fight against drugs" given Reagan's commitment to free Nicaragua.

Chapitre 6

Arming the Streets: From Contras to Crack Dealers

Danilo Blandon was instrumental in arming the dealers, beginning in 1984 when he gave Ross a free .22 pistol with a silencer. "Everybody that worked with me-everybody-bought a gun from him," Ross explained. Blandon sold everything from Streetsweepers and Thompson submachine guns to Uzis and AR-15 assault rifles. By 1987, the L.A. police listed "weapons sales" among Ross's enterprises. Blandon's weapons came through Ronald Lister and William Lee Downing's "security business" in Laguna Beach. Lister admitted selling Blandon one or two guns weekly, including machine pistols and possibly AK-47s. Blandon even arranged for Lister to give a sales presentation to Contra leaders, though they showed no interest, apparently already supplied by "CIA or another U.S. government agency." Beyond weapons, Blandon sold dealers sophisticated electronics-walkie-talkies, pagers, police scanners, voice scramblers, and anti-eavesdropping equipment. During a 1987 raid, police were stunned by the dealers' superior technology: "better equipment than we have." The FBI eventually took notice of Lister, questioning him about potential connections to Eastern bloc countries and investigating his attempts to sell classified equipment to Soviet KGB agents. Lister's arms dealings were extensive and well-documented. Between 1983 and 1986, the FBI opened five separate investigations into his illegal weapons trafficking. His company, Pyramid International, came under scrutiny for Neutrality Act violations involving weapons sales to El Salvador and Saudi Arabian money loans, though these investigations were mysteriously abandoned. According to arms manufacturer Timothy LaFrance, Pyramid's real CIA-directed mission was establishing a weapons manufacturing facility for the Contras in Honduras. LaFrance claimed they transported machine guns to Central America with unusually quick State Department approval, and set up operations in a San Salvador transit center where they manufactured weapons later airlifted to Contra camps. These operations intersected with major drug traffickers like Barry Seal, who smuggled billions in drugs while simultaneously working as a DEA informant. Seal, described in records as a "contract CIA operative," was murdered in 1986, and investigations into his Arkansas operations were reportedly dropped to avoid revealing "national security information."

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Chapitre 7

Empire Building: How Crack Conquered America

By 1984-85, Ross was moving approximately 150 kilos weekly-enough for 3 million crack doses-with Blandon and the Torres brothers sharing about $5.7 million weekly from his purchases. Ross had so much cash that Blandon suggested getting counting machines, as they were "counting day and night." Following Blandon's advice, Ross invested in real estate, including the Freeway Motor Inn that gave him his nickname. The crack explosion finally gained media attention in November 1984 when the Los Angeles Times published the first national story about it, describing hundreds of rock houses in South Central. The LAPD responded with raids, but crack continued spreading. Though initially confined to Los Angeles, DEA officials predicted it would eventually spread nationwide. By contrast, crack wouldn't appear in New York until fall 1985, nearly a year later. A 1985 USC study confirmed the dramatic increase in cocaine dealing in Black neighborhoods through rock houses and noted the curious fact that crack was "ethnically specific"-found only in Black areas, not Hispanic communities. Ross explained this simply: "There was no market until we created it. We started in our neighborhood and we stayed in our neighborhood." The sociologists accurately predicted crack's national spread, describing the distribution system as "custom-made for other Black gang centers" with high exportability. As crack exploded across L.A., it dramatically altered street power dynamics by giving gangs economic power alongside their numbers and firepower. Ross became "the dealers' dealer," supplying dozens of rock houses and catering to thousands of addicts. His operation expanded from regional to "a coast-to-coast conglomerate" selling over 500,000 crack nuggets daily. As South Central's market saturated, his gang customers spread to other cities, establishing new crack markets nationwide. Ross fled Los Angeles with $300,000 cash, moving to Cincinnati with Mary Bronner and their children. In this quiet midwestern city, he tried to leave the drug life behind, focusing on buying and renovating properties. Though financially secure from his L.A. real estate investments, Ross couldn't stay idle. He later reflected wistfully on this period: "I look at myself now and say, 'Man, you had it made.'" Despite his retirement, Ross maintained contact with Danilo Blandon in Miami. When Blandon called from Detroit in fall 1987 offering cocaine at bargain prices, Ross couldn't resist. In Cincinnati, kilos sold for $50,000 compared to Blandon's $10,000 price. Ross accepted fifteen kilos and quickly established crack operations across Cincinnati's poor neighborhoods using his proven formula-free cocaine, smoke parties, and volume discounts. He then imported Crips gang members from L.A. to staff his expanding enterprise. Ross's operation rapidly spread beyond Cincinnati to Toledo, Cleveland, Columbus, Indianapolis, St. Louis, Atlanta, and even Seattle. Police in Seattle considered his organization "the single most important group distributing crack cocaine in the Seattle-Tacoma area." Ross claimed he sold 300-400 kilos of Blandon's cocaine in the Midwest over ten months, netting around $2 million.

Chapitre 8

The Iran-Contra Connection: Drugs for Guns

Despite the Reagan administration's public war on drugs, CIA officers in Central America during the 1980s admitted narcotics trafficking wasn't a priority. One CIA officer bluntly stated that drugs were "not something [my agents] were looking for in the 1980s." The unspoken policy regarding Contra drug dealers was that "we were going to play with these guys. That was made clear by Casey and [Dewey] Clarridge." This policy explained why Meneses could simultaneously serve as a DEA informant while dealing cocaine for the Contras. Even Meneses' DEA handler suspected he was trafficking while informing on other dealers. The FBI suspected Meneses had protection because he was working for the CIA. A 1988 FBI cable stated: "Norwin Meneses was, and may still be, an informant for the Central Intelligence Agency." Shortly after approaching the DEA, Meneses was paired with a veteran CIA operative posing as a DEA informant. Their first assignment was to "investigate" Danilo Blandon's crack enterprise in South Central Los Angeles, suggesting they were monitoring rather than stopping drug trafficking. Much of the DEA and CIA intelligence about Meneses and Contra drug dealing centered around Guanacaste Province, a remote northern Costa Rican area filled with Contra camps and rural landing strips. According to a Costa Rican legislative commission, during 1984-85 this area served as headquarters for an international cocaine trafficking operation using Costa Rica as a refueling bridge. This operation, run with Manuel Noriega's help, used the same landing strips and Costa Rican authorities that aided the Contras. Former Costa Rican pilot Werner Lotz testified that planes would fly weapons to the Contras alongside drugs, leaving the guns behind before continuing to U.S. markets. "The landing fees were paid with weapons," Lotz explained. Despite extensive U.S. surveillance capabilities and intelligence from Meneses himself, American agencies proved remarkably ineffective at catching drug traffickers. A Senate subcommittee found "not a single case against a drug trafficker operating in those zones which was made on the basis of a tip or report by a U.S. intelligence agency." Costa Rican prosecutor Jorge Chavarria believed the DEA "knew about the Contras and drugs" but "were looking in the other direction." Even the DEA's Costa Rica office head admitted the Contra supply infrastructure was used for drug smuggling, though DEA leadership denied having "credible evidence" of such activities.

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Chapitre 9

The Aftermath: Betrayal and Vindication

When Webb's "Dark Alliance" series was published in 1996, it created an unprecedented media firestorm. The combination of talk radio and the Internet saved "Dark Alliance" from disappearing without a trace. Mercury Center's web wizards created a revolutionary interactive page with animated maps, source documents, photos, audio clips, and more depth than the newspaper could provide. For investigative journalism, this was transformative-readers could examine the evidence directly and make their own judgments. By sharing documents openly online, Webb bypassed traditional media gatekeepers. The web page received over 1 million hits in a single day. As HotWired magazine noted, the story made "digital and media history" by fusing traditional press with the web, breaking "modern media's parochial instincts." The Boston Globe reported the story was "pulsing through black neighborhoods like a shockwave." This democratic access terrified corporate journalism, demonstrating that East Coast editors no longer controlled the national agenda. The public response forced action from California politicians, with senators and congressmen demanding investigations. CIA Director John Deutch and Attorney General Janet Reno both launched inquiries. Eventually, even mainstream outlets like Newsweek, Time, and network television had to acknowledge the phenomenon. The establishment media's response was swift and coordinated. The Washington Post fired the first shot with Walter Pincus and Roberto Suro's piece "The CIA and Crack: Evidence is Lacking of Alleged Plot." They cleverly mischaracterized Webb's series as claiming the CIA deliberately targeted black communities and downplayed Blandon's testimony about selling hundreds of kilos for the Contras. The Post relied heavily on unnamed "experts" and "officials" while burying key admissions that "the CIA knew about some of these activities and did little or nothing to stop them." Webb's editor Jerry Ceppos initially defended the series vigorously, noting the Post reporters "could not find a single significant factual error" despite reaching different conclusions. The Post refused to print his rebuttal letter. The LA Times and New York Times followed with similar attacks, admitting the basic facts while claiming they meant nothing. Despite uncovering more evidence-including eyewitness Carlos Cabezas who admitted delivering millions in drug money to the Contras, DEA records showing Blandon sent money to Contras longer than previously reported, and a top CIA official admitting they had reports of drug trafficking-Webb's editors went silent. His follow-up stories totaling 16,000 words were never published. Instead, the Mercury News published a letter admitting "mistakes" in their reporting, effectively ending Webb's career at the paper. Ironically, subsequent investigations by the CIA Inspector General and Justice Department would vindicate many of Webb's core findings, acknowledging that the CIA had indeed worked with drug traffickers and failed to report their activities to law enforcement. But by then, the damage to Webb's reputation was complete. The story of how American intelligence agencies knowingly permitted massive drug trafficking to support covert operations remains one of the darkest chapters in modern American history-a chapter that Gary Webb courageously brought to light, at tremendous personal cost.

★★★★★

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Thèmes clés dans Les alliances sombres

intelligence agency complicity
crack cocaine epidemic
covert war funding
investigative journalism ethics
state-sponsored drug trafficking

Citations de Les alliances sombres

"the ends justify the means."
"I was the first."
Blandon claims he became a cocaine trafficker out of patriotism.

Personnages de Les alliances sombres

Gary WebbInvestigative journalist and author of the series
Danilo BlandonNicaraguan exile and central cocaine trafficker
Norwin MenesesNicaraguan drug kingpin and Contra fundraiser
Enrique BermudezFormer colonel and CIA-backed Contra commander
Anastasio SomozaOusted Nicaraguan dictator

À propos de l'auteur

Gary Webb (1955–2004) était un journaliste d'investigation primé et l'auteur de Dark Alliance, un exposé révolutionnaire reliant la CIA, les rebelles Contras nicaraguayens et l'épidémie de crack qui a dévasté les villes américaines.

Sa carrière a inclus des postes au Kentucky Post, au Cleveland Plain Dealer et au San Jose Mercury News, où il a contribué à la couverture du tremblement de terre de Loma Prieta en 1989, récompensée par le prix Pulitzer.

La série d'articles Dark Alliance de Webb, publiée en 1996, est devenue une sensation sans précédent sur Internet, recevant jusqu'à 1,3 million de visites quotidiennes alors que le web n'en était qu'à ses débuts. Le livre a remporté le Firecracker Alternative Book Award en politique en 1999 et a été finaliste du prix PEN/Newman's Own First Amendment.

Ses reportages d'investigation lui ont valu un prix de l'Investigative Reporters and Editors pour avoir exposé les liens du crime organisé dans l'industrie minière du charbon au Kentucky. L'histoire explosive de Webb a défié des institutions puissantes et a déclenché des enquêtes parlementaires, avant d'être finalement adaptée au cinéma en 2014 dans le long métrage Secret d'État (Kill the Messenger) avec Jeremy Renner.

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@OojasSalunke

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@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

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Chapitre 9

Les alliances sombres

AperçuAperçu de Les alliances sombres

Un livre. De nombreuses façons de l'écouter.

America's Shadow War: The CIA, Crack Cocaine, and the Contra Connection

The Contra War: How Cold War Politics Set the Stage

Voyez chaque mot au fil de l'écoute

The Birth of a Drug Pipeline: Patriotism and Profit

The Perfect Storm: Crack Cocaine Meets South Central

Profitez davantage de Les alliances sombres

Government Protection: The Untouchable Drug Network

Arming the Streets: From Contras to Crack Dealers

Voyez chaque mot au fil de l'écoute

Empire Building: How Crack Conquered America

The Iran-Contra Connection: Drugs for Guns

Profitez davantage de Les alliances sombres

The Aftermath: Betrayal and Vindication

Vous êtes arrivé au bout de Les alliances sombres

Thèmes clés dans Les alliances sombres

Citations de Les alliances sombres

Personnages de Les alliances sombres

À propos de l'auteur

Telecharger le resume de Les alliances sombres

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FAQ sur ce livre

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Is Dark Alliance by Gary Webb worth reading?

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Fait partie d'un plan d'apprentissage

Learn about John Kiriakou

Study John Kiriakou & CIA Operator Tactics

Study MKUltra and manipulation techniques

Study MKUltra & manipulation techniques

Découvrir plus

1,000,000+ curious minds.

1,000,000+ curious minds.

Un livre. De nombreuses façons de l'écouter.

America's Shadow War: The CIA, Crack Cocaine, and the Contra Connection

The Contra War: How Cold War Politics Set the Stage

Voyez chaque mot au fil de l'écoute

The Birth of a Drug Pipeline: Patriotism and Profit

The Perfect Storm: Crack Cocaine Meets South Central

Profitez davantage de Les alliances sombres

Government Protection: The Untouchable Drug Network

Arming the Streets: From Contras to Crack Dealers

Voyez chaque mot au fil de l'écoute

Empire Building: How Crack Conquered America

The Iran-Contra Connection: Drugs for Guns

Profitez davantage de Les alliances sombres

The Aftermath: Betrayal and Vindication

Vous êtes arrivé au bout de Les alliances sombres

Les utilisateurs ont aussi aimé

Fait partie d'un plan d'apprentissage

Learn about John Kiriakou

Study John Kiriakou & CIA Operator Tactics

Study MKUltra and manipulation techniques

Study MKUltra & manipulation techniques

Découvrir plus

Aperçu de Les alliances sombres