Getting Better: Why Global Development Is Succeeding--And How We Can Improve the World Even More

Zusammenfassung von Getting Better

1. 1

   A World Transformed While We Weren't Watching

   

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   What if everything you believed about global poverty was wrong? Not slightly off, but fundamentally backwards? While we obsess over income gaps and economic failures, something extraordinary has been unfolding across the planet. Children in countries with stagnant economies are surviving diseases that would have killed them decades ago. Girls whose mothers never saw a classroom are graduating from school. People in nations we label "poor" are living longer, healthier lives than the wealthy did a century ago. This isn't wishful thinking or cherry-picked data-it's the most underreported story of our time. The paradox is striking: as the income gap between rich and poor nations has exploded to 127:1, the gap in what actually matters-health, education, freedom-has been quietly closing. The numbers seem damning at first glance. In 1850, the richest countries earned 4.5 times more than the poorest. Today? That ratio has ballooned to 127:1. Economists call it "Divergence, Big Time," and it's real. Both political extremes point to this chasm as proof of their worldviews-the right dismissing poor nations as hopeless, the left blaming Western exploitation. They're both missing what's happening beneath the surface.

2. 2

   The Great Convergence Hidden by Income Statistics

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   Income matters because it buys what improves life - healthcare, education, security. Yet while incomes diverge, quality of life increasingly doesn't. In the 1500s, England's Henry VIII and China's Jiajing Emperor both died in their fifties - wealth bought no escape. By the late 1800s, Queen Victoria reached 81 while China's Tongzhi Emperor died at 18 from smallpox, a disease Britain had conquered. Today, Britain's Queen Elizabeth and China's Jiang Zemin both thrived into their eighties. The convergence is complete. This pattern repeats across every wellbeing measure. Life expectancy, once universally short, diverged as Western nations pulled ahead, then began a remarkable global catch-up around 1900. The world's poorest remain poor monetarily, but they're experiencing life qualities exclusively reserved for the wealthy just generations ago. Vietnam in 2003, with just $2,147 GDP per capita, achieved nearly 70-year life expectancy, 2% infant mortality, and over 90% literacy - vastly outperforming historical Britain at similar income levels.

3. 3

   Why Growth Remains Sticky While Progress Flows Freely

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   If life is improving everywhere, why do some countries stay economically stuck? The answer lies in what travels easily versus what doesn't. A television works the same in Tokyo or Tanzania-physical technologies spread effortlessly across borders. But wealth-generating systems are different. Walmart's inventory management or Toyota's Production System aren't gadgets you can ship; they're intricate webs of processes and institutional knowledge that resist transplantation. Developing countries often have more televisions and computers per capita than rich nations, yet this technological abundance doesn't translate into prosperity. The gap isn't in hardware-it's in the "software" of economic organization. History compounds this challenge. When Mungo Park explored Africa in the 1790s, 41 of his 43 European companions died from disease. Lewis and Clark's American expedition lost just one. Where Europeans died quickly, they built extractive institutions with tiny ruling elites. Where they could settle safely, more equitable societies emerged. These institutional patterns established centuries ago still shape economic outcomes today.

4. Kapitel 4

   Breaking Free from History's Cruelest Trap and the Revolution Beyond Survival

   For millennia, humanity lived under Thomas Malthus's iron law: populations would always grow until starvation and disease forced them back down. More people meant less food per person, creating a grim equilibrium. When the Black Death killed much of Britain's workforce in the 1300s, wages soared. As population recovered, wages fell back. Only the Industrial Revolution broke this cycle. Today, Malthus's model works nowhere. Countries with rising incomes don't see corresponding life expectancy gains, and nations with high birth rates don't experience economic collapse. Remarkably, improved health has driven fertility down - between 1960 and 2005, average birth rates plummeted from 5.3 to 3.0 children per woman globally. The transformation defies comprehension. Average life expectancy jumped from 31 years in 1900 to 66 by 2000 - more progress in one century than in all previous human history. In the late 1800s, nearly one in five children died before their first birthday. By 2000, that number fell to one in twenty. We've escaped the trap that imprisoned our ancestors for thousands of generations.

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   Education, Freedom, and the End of Violence

   Progress extends beyond health. In 1870, three-quarters of Britain could read, while most developing countries had under 10% literacy. Today, four-fifths of the world is literate. By 2000, leading countries averaged thirteen years of schooling while laggards reached one-quarter of that level-a nineteen-fold increase. Female literacy surged, with the global female-to-male ratio rising from 59% to 80% between 1970 and 2000. Freedom has expanded alongside education. In 1750, 38% of the U.S. South's population was enslaved. Today, slavery is universally outlawed, though not eliminated. Democracy scores climbed from negative 6.7 in 1820 to positive 2.9 in 2000. Violence has declined dramatically. Before agriculture, 5-30% of deaths resulted from violence. Medieval Britain's homicide rate was 23 per 100,000-three times today's global average. Since the Cold War ended, annual battle deaths dropped from over 65,000 in the 1950s to fewer than 2,000 recently. We live in humanity's most peaceful era.

   Kapitel 6

   The Collapsing Cost of Human Flourishing

   The relationship between income and quality of life has fundamentally transformed. At $1,000 income, infant mortality fell from 20% in 1900 to 7% in 2000. Countries with $300 GDP per capita in 1999 achieved the same 46-year life expectancy that required $3,000 in 1870-a 90% reduction in the income needed for that outcome. In 1870, a country with $300 per capita had life expectancy just one-third that of a $30,000 country. By 1999, it had risen to more than half. Education shows identical patterns: in 1930, $800 GDP meant 9% primary enrollment; by 2000, the same income delivered 84% enrollment. This explains why income growth and wellbeing have decoupled. Haiti's income fell from $1,051 to $752 between 1950 and 2002, yet infant mortality more than halved and literacy increased from 11% to 50%. A well-spent $2,000 per capita today provides elements of the good life impossible at that income in the 1800s. Life-saving technologies and educational methods flow easily across borders, while institutional innovations driving economic growth remain stubbornly local.

   Kapitel 7

   Your Life, Determined by Lines on a Map

   Smallpox killed 300-500 million people in the 20th century but was eliminated for just $312 million-32 cents per person. Simple interventions like oral rehydration therapy, breastfeeding, and $5 bed nets could prevent one-third of the 10 million annual child deaths in low-income countries. Malaysia and Sri Lanka reduced maternal mortality by 98-99% through rural midwife programs costing under 0.4% of GDP. Vietnam achieves 91% of U.S. life expectancy while spending just 0.4% of America's per-person healthcare costs. Our life outcomes depend overwhelmingly on where we're born. We accept responsibility for reducing inequalities within our borders, yet these borders are arbitrary lines drawn by dead diplomats. The same moral logic justifying domestic redistribution applies globally. Migration offers perhaps the most powerful tool for improving lives. Increasing rich countries' labor forces by just 3% through reduced restrictions would add $300 billion to poor countries' welfare-four times current aid flows. Yet we maintain barriers condemning people to poverty based solely on birthplace. Aid should focus on directly improving health, education, and rights rather than chasing elusive growth. The real opportunity lies in supporting development-friendly innovations: vaccines without refrigeration, one-time tuberculosis treatments, malaria prophylactics, teaching approaches for minimally-trained educators. Absolute poverty has fallen dramatically. Every region has escaped the Malthusian trap. In a world where the cost of human flourishing has collapsed to historic lows, poverty isn't an economic inevitability-it's a choice we're making.

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