第 4 章
Distant Catastrophe: Palestine During the Holocaust
As the Holocaust unfolded, the yishuv continued daily life amid the horror. Newspapers juxtaposed reports of murdered Jewish children with advertisements for operas and films. While public mourning was observed-with cinema intermission music halted and celebrations limited-many businesses resisted disruptions to commerce. Books about the Holocaust sold poorly compared to war accounts from other fronts.
The political establishment faced accusations of deliberately moderating public emotion and concealing information about the extermination. The Jewish Agency's first Holocaust announcement notably omitted mention of gas chambers, sparking controversy. Ben-Gurion defended his leadership, claiming the public already knew Hitler's intentions from Mein Kampf, while criticizing Jews' "sadistic nature" of looking for someone to blame rather than focusing on future action.
Illegal immigration to Palestine faced tremendous challenges during this period. Refugees traveled on dilapidated vessels in terrible conditions-overcrowded, with shortages of food, water and sanitation. While some boats reached Palestine successfully, others were intercepted by British forces, with passengers either deported or sent to detention camps in Cyprus. The British war against refugees claimed many lives, including nearly 300 people killed when the Haganah sabotaged the Patria to prevent deportations, and over 750 passengers who perished when the Struma sank near Istanbul.
Of the approximately 16,000 illegal immigrants who reached Palestine during the Holocaust, slightly less than half came on boats organized by the Haganah's special arm, the Mossad L'Aliya Bet. Notably, between March 1941 and March 1944-the height of the extermination-the Haganah brought in no refugee boats at all. This reflected both technical wartime difficulties and the Jewish Agency leadership's reluctance to engage in illegal activities that might jeopardize legal immigration quotas.
Throughout the war, the Jewish Agency attempted various rescue efforts with limited success. Rabbi Weissmandel's Europa Plan negotiations with the Nazis involved a fake authorization letter requesting millions of dollars to halt Jewish deportations. Despite Nazi officials including Eichmann and possibly Himmler taking the proposal seriously, the rescue effort became entangled in bureaucratic delays. The Jewish Agency hesitated for six months before agreeing to smuggle $150,000 to Bratislava, but by then the Nazis had suspended negotiations.
The infamous Trucks-for-Blood proposal in 1944 offered to spare a million Jews in exchange for 10,000 trucks and commodities. Joel Brand, a naive but courageous messenger, brought this offer from Budapest to Istanbul, where instead of finding Weizmann waiting, he encountered British agents who eventually arrested him. Ben-Gurion considered the plan serious despite its fantastical nature, but insisted on informing British authorities, who saw it as an attempt to sabotage their alliance with the Soviet Union.
第 5 章
Vengeance and Statehood: The Birth of Israel
After the war, Abba Kovner-a twenty-seven-year-old ghetto defender, partisan fighter, poet and Hashomer Hatsair activist-arrived in Palestine with a shocking plan: to poison the drinking water of major West German cities with the goal of murdering six million Germans. Though seemingly insane, his plan reflected the overwhelming desire for vengeance that dominated Holocaust survivors' emotions.
Studies confirmed vengeance was the most widespread emotion among young survivors-more common than agony, anxiety, happiness or hope. Tzivia Lubetkin, a Warsaw ghetto uprising leader, declared: "We did not then feel the urge to build; rather we felt the desire to destroy, to destroy all we could, as much as we could!"
The idea for mass revenge was born among young Jews serving with Ukrainian partisans. In Lublin, they met Abba Kovner, who had been a Vilna ghetto uprising leader. During a drinking session, someone proposed mass murder of Germans using poison. Thus the Nakam (Revenge) organization was born with a command of five members who recruited others. Kovner described their mental state: "The destruction was not around us. It was within us... We did not imagine that we could return to life... as if accounts with the Germans had been settled."
The group established two revenge plans: Plan A aimed "to poison as many Germans as possible"-specifically six million, to match the dimensions of the Holocaust. Plan B targeted several thousand former SS men in American POW camps. Kovner claimed he received help from Chaim Weizmann, who reportedly said: "Were I younger and in your place, I might do the very same thing." According to Kovner, Weizmann connected him with scientist Ernst David Bergman (later a father of Israel's nuclear project) who prepared the poison.
In December 1945, Kovner disguised himself as a Jewish Brigade soldier and sailed for Europe with British forces. Just before reaching port in Toulon, France, he was mysteriously paged over the ship's loudspeaker. Sensing danger, he threw half the poison overboard before being arrested and imprisoned in Cairo for four months.
Without Kovner and the poison, his team proceeded with Plan B. On April 13, 1946, they spread arsenic on thousands of bread loaves destined for Stalag 13 POW camp near Nuremberg. Reports indicated that nearly two thousand prisoners suffered food poisoning, though none died. Some members, devastated by this failure, refused to give up their revenge mission, participating in "Plan C"-individual attacks on identified Nazi war criminals, carried out with Haganah's knowledge and Jewish Brigade participation.
第 6 章
Strangers in Their Homeland: Holocaust Survivors in Israel
By the end of 1949, nearly 350,000 Holocaust survivors lived in Israel-almost one-third of the population. For many, telling their stories seemed both a patriotic duty and personal necessity-they felt obligated to preserve the memory of their communities while needing to share their emotional burden. Yet they discovered people often didn't want to listen or simply didn't believe them. Michael Goldman, who survived eighty lashes at a Nazi labor camp, later said his relatives' disbelief "was the eighty-first blow"-a phrase that became symbolic of survivors' first difficulty in their new country.
Despite immense trauma, thousands of Holocaust survivors settled throughout Israel, learned trades, served in the army, married, had children, and adopted Hebrew-all testifying to their will to live. Many eagerly embraced Israeli identity, with thousands Hebraizing their names. Their encounter with Israel represented an amazing triumph of life over death, exemplified by stories like Rivka Waxman's chance reunion with her son Haim on a Haifa street after believing him dead for eight years.
Despite outward recovery, survivors carried profound psychological wounds. Many suffered from anxiety, nightmares, depression, difficulty concentrating, suspicion of strangers, and overwhelming concerns about security. Some became ambitious and resilient, while others struggled with even minor setbacks. Survivor guilt was pervasive-even though most owed their survival to chance, they tortured themselves with the feeling they had somehow chosen to live while others died.
The entire country faced an emotional crisis alongside the survivors. Many pre-war immigrants had lost relatives and shared similar guilt feelings. While some felt obligated to help survivors as surrogates for their lost loved ones, others unconsciously blamed survivors, as if they had survived at the expense of others.
Construction of immigrant housing couldn't keep pace with demand, with shortages of jobs, schools and clinics growing worse monthly. The War of Independence created what Shaul Avigur called "the Arab miracle"-hundreds of thousands of Arabs fled or were expelled, leaving entire cities and villages that were quickly repopulated with 100,000 immigrants, mostly Holocaust survivors. This dramatic moment was also disturbingly banal-Jews who had been destitute refugees took possession of homes complete with furniture, dishes, clothes and personal belongings.
Despite occupying Arab homes, many immigrants still faced deplorable conditions in transit camps. Giora Yoseftal, chief of absorption, noted that conditions were worse than in Bergen-Belsen, with Israeli camps severely overcrowded. Survivors endured humiliating mass DDT disinfections, cramped quarters, meager food, and inadequate sanitation facilities.
第 7 章
Blood Money: German Reparations and Israeli Politics
Jerusalem meticulously edited Adenauer's declaration, weighing every word for political impact. When Adenauer refused to acknowledge collective German guilt, Israeli officials accepted compromise language about crimes "committed in their name." They rejected phrases suggesting most Germans "had not wanted any part" in Nazi crimes, and insisted on stronger language throughout the document. The declaration became a diplomatic chess match-Jerusalem wanted compensation specified for "general injury done to the Jewish people," while Bonn resisted certain phrasings.
In December 1951, Nahum Goldmann met Adenauer as president of the Conference on Jewish Material Claims against Germany. Adenauer provided a letter expressing Germany's willingness to negotiate with both the Claims Conference and Israel based on the $1.5 billion demand. For Adenauer, a devout Catholic who hadn't been a Nazi, reparations aligned his moral conscience with Germany's political interests in rejoining the international community.
The Mapai central committee debated the issue on December 13. Despite emotional opposition, particularly from Holocaust survivors like Meir Dworzecki and Arieh Sheftel who viewed accepting German money as blood money, Ben-Gurion responded bluntly. He dismissed their "ghetto mentality," arguing that sovereign states prioritize security and economic strength over symbolic gestures. "I see national honor in the existence of the State of Israel," he declared, adding that if Israel could militarily seize German property without negotiation, he would do so.
The compensation process created profound dilemmas for kibbutz members. Those eligible had to give their kibbutzim power of attorney to pursue claims collectively. This forced members to consciously choose communal living rather than remaining by habit or necessity. The Hakibbutz Hameuhad assembly ruled in 1956 that hiding compensation payments nullified kibbutz membership-all funds belonged to the collective.
The payments exposed social tensions, particularly between yekkes (German Jews) and Holocaust survivors from Eastern Europe. Yekkes typically received more money yet surrendered it without hesitation, while survivors who had suffered more received less compensation and often harbored doubts about giving it all to the kibbutz. Many kibbutzim proved inflexible-Givat Brenner rejected a member's request to purchase the Hebrew Encyclopedia, while others denied requests for hobbies, studies or travel.
The reparations process ultimately forced Israel into numerous concessions. Despite Sharett's claim in the Knesset that Israel represented "the rights of the millions who were slaughtered," the agreement explicitly paid only for absorbing survivors, not for representing murdered Jews. Germans paid relatively little-about 40 marks ($10) per German citizen annually for fifteen years, amounting to roughly 20,000 marks per Holocaust victim, with Israel's reparations totaling only 15% of this sum.
第 8 章
The Eichmann Trial: Confronting the Past
The Eichmann trial became a watershed moment in Israel's confrontation with Holocaust memory. In April 1961, Eichmann pleaded "not guilty in the spirit of the charges" from within a specially built glass booth. Though Attorney General Gideon Hausner would later describe Eichmann as having "disconcerting eyes" and "hands like talons," most saw only a bland, balding man nervously arranging documents.
Hausner's opening speech, which Ben-Gurion had personally edited to protect West Germany's image, set the emotional tone: "As I stand before you, judges of Israel, to lead the prosecution of Adolf Eichmann, I am not standing alone. With me are six million accusers."
Hausner presented over a hundred "background witnesses," despite the judges' discomfort with testimony often only tangentially related to Eichmann himself. These witnesses represented various countries, communities, ghettos, camps, and political factions. Unlike Begin's earlier framing of the Holocaust as collective national experience, Hausner emphasized individual survivors' stories, creating what amounted to national group therapy.
Hausner instructed witnesses to recount every horrifying detail of Nazi atrocities, creating an atmosphere so intense that audience members occasionally fainted. Rivka Joselewska's testimony about surviving execution was particularly powerful-shot and thrown into a mass grave after watching her daughter murdered, she managed to climb out from under the dying bodies. Hausner deliberately included testimonies about the abuse of children to help young Israelis identify with victims their own age.
Defense attorney Robert Servatius conducted minimal cross-examination of witnesses since their testimony rarely addressed his client's direct actions. Most potential German defense witnesses declined to testify without immunity. Eichmann himself proved a poor witness, speaking in convoluted Nazi bureaucratese that translators struggled to interpret. He portrayed himself as "a small cog in a big machine" who had merely followed orders, denying any fanaticism and insisting "there is no blood on my hands."
Eichmann was sentenced to death, with the judge rejecting claims that his actions stemmed merely from ideological education. A group of intellectuals led by philosopher Shmuel Hugo Bergmann and Martin Buber opposed Eichmann's execution. Nineteen people signed their petition, including professors, poet Leah Goldberg, and Auschwitz survivor Yehuda Bacon. Bergmann saw Bacon's signature as symbolic proof that "Judaism of love and compassion still lived even after the Holocaust," contrasting it with "the Judaism of Amalek and revenge" that ultimately prevailed. The cabinet voted to proceed with the execution, and Eichmann was hanged on May 31, 1962, his ashes scattered at sea outside Israeli territorial waters.
第 9 章
From Auschwitz to Dimona: Holocaust and Nuclear Deterrence
In December 1960, Time magazine revealed that Israel was building a nuclear reactor near Dimona in the Negev desert. Ben-Gurion confirmed the project's existence while insisting it was for peaceful purposes only, comparing it to a Canadian-built plant in India. The project reflected Ben-Gurion's interest in scientific research for both civilian and military purposes, which he viewed as connected to biblical prophecies and Israel's spiritual destiny.
Israel began seeking uranium immediately after statehood, with the Weizmann Institute refining uranium from phosphates by the early 1950s. When small groups of intellectuals led by Yeshayahu Leibowitz tried to advocate for a nuclear-weapons-free Middle East, they faced resistance from Holocaust survivors who asked, "Who did anything to help us during the war?" Deputy Defense Minister Shimon Peres, deeply involved in the nuclear project, opposed declaring a nuclear-free zone before peace agreements were signed, citing Germany's disarmament after World War I as a cautionary example that failed to prevent Hitler's rise.
Israel's nuclear project emerged from scientific ambition, strategic considerations, and the Holocaust experience. Ben-Gurion's public optimism about Israel's future was counterbalanced by deep anxiety: "They could slaughter us tomorrow in this country... We don't want the Arab Nazis to come and slaughter us." Moshe Dayan similarly argued that preventing another Holocaust was "the historical imperative" left by the six million victims. Ernst David Bergman, the founding father of Israel's nuclear program and Ben-Gurion's trusted adviser on nuclear policy, explicitly linked his pessimistic worldview to Holocaust lessons, writing: "I cannot forget that the Holocaust came on the Jewish people as a surprise. The Jewish people cannot allow themselves such an illusion for a second time."
In July 1962, Egypt displayed twenty ground-to-ground missiles during a military parade, reportedly capable of hitting "any point south of Beirut." When Israeli intelligence discovered these weapons were built with German scientists' guidance, some with Nazi backgrounds, Ben-Gurion's diplomatic approach failed. The Mossad then took direct action-kidnapping scientists, sending booby-trapped packages, and making threats.
The scandal revealed intrigues within Israeli intelligence services. Newspapers devoted extensive coverage, emphasizing the Nazi backgrounds of scientists in Egypt and their alleged work on chemical and bacteriological weapons. Isser Harel, head of the Mossad, portrayed these activities as a direct continuation of the Holocaust, even sending Israeli reporters to Europe with intelligence information to publish as investigative journalism.
第 10 章
The Seventh Million: Holocaust Memory in Modern Israel
By early 1967, a profound depression had settled over Israel, with the heroic Zionist enterprise seemingly having run its course. The crisis deepened in May 1967 when President Nasser ousted UN forces from Gaza, closed the Strait of Tiran, and signed defense agreements with Jordan and Syria, effectively surrounding Israel. During this "waiting period," citizens volunteered to replace reservists, prepared bomb shelters, and stocked supplies while the press fostered an atmosphere of "their finest hour."
Throughout the country, religious authorities sanctified parks and vacant lots as emergency cemeteries, expecting tens of thousands of casualties. As one soldier later recalled, "People believed we would be exterminated if we lost the war. We got this idea-or inherited it-from the concentration camps." The newspapers continually identified Nasser with Hitler, and proposals for diplomatic solutions were compared to the Munich agreement before World War II.
After the Yom Kippur War, Israel no longer felt invulnerable. The blow to national identity was severe, cracking what Colonel Ehud Praver called "the whole monolithic system" of anti-Semitism-Zionism-security. The myth of Israeli invincibility collapsed, revealing the limitations of heroism and forcing a new understanding of the Holocaust.
Menahem Begin, the first prime minister who survived the Holocaust, politicized Holocaust memory more than anyone. He used it to justify policies from accepting Vietnamese refugees to bombing Iraq's nuclear facility. During the Lebanon War, he told his cabinet, "The alternative is Treblinka," and compared Arafat to Hitler. This prompted writer Amos Oz's famous rebuke: "Hitler is already dead, Mr. Prime Minister."
Up Jerusalem's Theodor Herzl Road, which leads to Herzl's grave, lies the central military cemetery where Israel's fallen soldiers rest beneath pine trees. Among these graves stands a monument to 200,000 Jewish soldiers who died fighting in the Red Army during World War II-effectively appropriating them into Israel's national narrative as if they died defending not the Soviet Union but the Jewish people and the future state.
The Holocaust memorial occupies a less prominent position on the mountain slopes. The memorial complex includes a stone building housing offices, an extensive 100,000-volume library, and archives. The museum's entrance path leads visitors through the Avenue of the Righteous Gentiles, lined with carob trees honoring non-Jews who risked their lives to save Jews. Before encountering the actual history of the Holocaust, visitors first meet these exceptions along with the Warsaw ghetto fighters memorialized in Natan Rappaport's heroic bronze sculpture-muscular figures with weapons gazing defiantly into the future.
The Holocaust has become central to Israeli identity, especially since the 1980s. Israelis, obsessed with history, have embraced "moreshet hashoah" (Holocaust heritage) after decades of silence and denial. This shift from contempt toward Holocaust survivors to intense preoccupation represents a dramatic cultural change. The Holocaust serves as justification for Israel's existence, comparable only to biblical divine promise. It supports the Zionist argument that Jews need their own sovereign state, though it also represents Zionism's failure to convince most Jews to emigrate to Palestine before the war.
However, this Holocaust consciousness often fosters insular chauvinism and justifies questionable security measures, including oppression in occupied territories. It can promote fatalism and overreliance on military power, undermining peace efforts. Rather than forgetting the Holocaust, Israelis need to draw different conclusions from it-preserving democracy, fighting racism, and defending human rights. This humanist interpretation of Holocaust lessons remains essential despite ongoing security challenges-it is "the task of the seventh million."