What is *Milton Friedman: The Last Conservative* about?

*Milton Friedman: The Last Conservative* by Jennifer Burns is a comprehensive biography exploring Friedman’s transformative role in 20th-century economics and conservatism. It delves into his groundbreaking work on monetary policy, free-market advocacy, and critiques of government intervention, while examining his collaborations with figures like Anna Schwartz and influence on policymakers. Burns uses archival sources to reveal his intellectual evolution and legacy as a neoliberal pioneer.

Who should read *Milton Friedman: The Last Conservative*?

This book is ideal for economics enthusiasts, historians, and readers interested in conservatism’s ideological roots. Burns’ accessible explanations of complex theories make it valuable for both academics and general audiences seeking to understand Friedman’s impact on modern economic policy and political thought.

Is *Milton Friedman: The Last Conservative* worth reading?

Yes. Critics praise Burns’ balanced approach, meticulous research, and engaging narrative. The biography offers nuanced insights into Friedman’s personal and professional life, making it a definitive resource on his contributions to economics and conservatism.

What are Milton Friedman’s key economic ideas in the book?

The book highlights Friedman’s advocacy for monetarism (emphasizing money supply’s role in inflation), free-market capitalism, and limited government intervention. Burns explains his analysis of wage disparities, critiques of Keynesian economics, and belief in individual freedom as drivers of prosperity.

How does the book assess Friedman’s role in modern conservatism?

Burns positions Friedman as a foundational figure in neoliberal thought, arguing he redefined conservatism by merging free-market principles with anti-statist ideology. His work influenced policies like deregulation and tax cuts, shaping Republican and libertarian movements.

What collaborations and relationships shaped Friedman’s career?

The biography details Friedman’s partnership with economist Anna Schwartz on monetary history, his complex ties to Fed Chair Arthur Burns, and advisory roles under leaders like Richard Nixon. Burns also explores his alliances with think tanks to advance libertarian ideas.

Does the book address criticisms of Friedman’s views?

Yes. Burns critiques Friedman’s opposition to 1960s civil rights legislation, arguing his rigid free-market principles sometimes clashed with social justice. She also examines accusations that his policies exacerbated inequality.

How does this biography differ from earlier works on Friedman?

As the first biography using Friedman’s personal archives, Burns offers unprecedented insights into his intellectual journey and private correspondence. Earlier accounts lacked this depth, often focusing narrowly on his economic theories.

米尔顿·弗里德曼传

最后的保守主义者

詹妮弗·伯恩斯

4.25(448 Reviews)

《米尔顿·弗里德曼传》概述

詹妮弗·伯恩斯（Jennifer Burns）这部具有里程碑意义的传记，揭示了米尔顿·弗里德曼（Milton Friedman）如何将经济学从激进理论转变为总统政策。作为首位获得完整档案访问权的学者，作者展现了这位备受争议的诺贝尔奖得主如何在挑战我们对自由与政府的基本假设的同时，影响了里根、撒切尔以及全球市场。

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第 1 章

The Economist Who Changed the World

Milton Friedman stood barely five feet tall, yet few figures in modern history have cast such an enormous shadow. This unassuming man with thick glasses and a ready smile became both a lightning rod for protest and an intellectual hero who reshaped how we think about markets, money, and freedom. When Larry Summers, raised in a household of Keynesian economists, evolved from viewing Friedman as "a devil figure" to developing "enormous respect" for his ideas, it reflected a broader transformation in economic thinking that Friedman himself had engineered. His ideas powered American conservatism for decades, transformed central banking worldwide, and continue to shape our economic debates today. Whether you see him as the brilliant mind who tamed inflation and unleashed prosperity or the ideologue whose free-market fundamentalism widened inequality, one thing is undeniable: taking a position on Friedman means taking a position on the last fifty years of American life.

第 2 章

From Immigrant Roots to Economic Revolution

Milton Friedman's journey began in Rahway, New Jersey, where his Jewish immigrant parents operated a modest dry goods store. Despite facing anti-Semitism (the local Ku Klux Klan was active during his youth) and losing his father during his senior year of high school, Milton's intellectual gifts propelled him forward while his three equally talented sisters went to work to support the family. At Rutgers College, he discovered economics-a field then evolving from moral philosophy toward mathematical analysis-and found his intellectual home. The Great Depression provided the backdrop for Friedman's early career. When over 4,000 American banks collapsed in 1933, economists at the University of Chicago responded with the radical "Chicago Plan," which called for ending fractional reserve banking and implementing 100% reserve requirements for deposits. This plan reflected the monetary economics taught at Chicago, which acknowledged the state's fundamental role in currency and banking regulation-a tradition that would deeply influence Friedman's thinking. After studying under statistician Henry Schultz at Chicago, Friedman arranged to spend his second year at Columbia University with mathematician Harold Hotelling. This decision proved pivotal, exposing him to cutting-edge statistical methods while building connections that would shape his career. Meanwhile, his relationship with fellow economist Rose Director remained ambiguous-his attempted kiss rebuffed as they prepared for temporary separation. At Chicago, Friedman witnessed the emerging "Chicago School" approach through both academic debates and social dynamics. When economics professor Paul Douglas voted to dismiss Aaron Director (Rose's brother) for poor teaching, Frank Knight wrote a venomous letter accusing Douglas of having a "thirst for blood." The outcome split the department: Director was dismissed to a Treasury Department position, while his colleague Henry Simons secured a joint appointment with the law school thanks to powerful allies. This conflict revealed Chicago's distinctive approach: applying price theory to social problems while building a tight-knit community where loyalty and belief became inseparable. The economics department's "Room Seven" wasn't merely a break room but the birthplace of a conservative intelligentsia that would eventually challenge the New Deal order.

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第 3 章

Challenging Keynesian Orthodoxy

As the Roosevelt administration embraced Keynesian economics, Friedman remained skeptical. While working for the Treasury Department during World War II, he helped develop withholding taxes as a practical alternative to price controls for fighting inflation. Though later critics would claim he had been a Keynesian during this period, his private writings reveal consistent opposition to government spending programs and skepticism toward the fiscal interpretation of economic fluctuations. After the war, Friedman joined the Statistical Research Group at Columbia, where he collaborated with brilliant mathematicians on military problems. His work with Abraham Wald on sequential analysis-a statistical method that required fewer tests to reach conclusions-proved valuable for wartime applications and later medical trials. This experience with the Mark 1 computer at Harvard taught Friedman a profound lesson about the limitations of mathematical modeling when his carefully calculated metal alloy formulas failed spectacularly in testing. This skepticism toward complex mathematical models shaped Friedman's approach when he returned to the University of Chicago as a professor in 1946. He launched a blistering attack on the Cowles Commission-a group of economists using sophisticated mathematical techniques-arguing they created "formal models of imaginary worlds, not generalizations about the real world." Friedman insisted that the true test of theory was its ability to predict facts not yet observed, not its mathematical elegance. While Keynesian economics became institutionalized through the Employment Act of 1946 and Paul Samuelson's influential textbooks, Friedman developed an alternative approach. He revived the "quantity theory of money"-the idea that the amount of money in circulation directly affects price levels-and began teaching it to a new generation of students through his Money and Banking workshop. This approach challenged the prevailing view that money was merely a "veil" obscuring true economic forces. Friedman's monetary research gained momentum through his partnership with Anna Jacobson Schwartz, a brilliant economist who languished without a doctorate despite co-authoring monumental work on the British economy. Together they tackled the immense task of creating historical monetary data to test theories against evidence. While Schwartz immersed herself in granular details, Friedman used their findings to challenge Keynesian economics, demonstrating how monetary changes better explained inflation than income-expenditure theory.

第 4 章

The Free Market Intellectual Movement

Alongside his academic work, Friedman played a pivotal role in building an influential network of free-market thinkers through organizations like the Mont Pelerin Society, founded in 1947 to preserve and advance classical liberal ideas. At their historic Swiss mountaintop gathering, which brought together 39 scholars from 10 countries, Friedman advocated for a "dynamic and progressive" liberalism that would address poverty through innovative policy solutions. His signature proposal was "progressive negative taxation" - a guaranteed minimum income linked to the tax system that would provide support while maintaining work incentives. In a landmark 1951 Norwegian magazine article, Friedman articulated what he termed "neo-liberalism" - presenting it as "a new faith to offer" that transcended the simple "negative philosophy" of traditional laissez-faire economics. Unlike earlier classical liberals who maintained that "the state could do only harm," Friedman developed a more nuanced position, arguing that "new liberals must explicitly recognize that there are important positive functions that must be performed by the state." These included preventing monopolistic practices, ensuring monetary stability through responsible central banking, and addressing "acute misery and distress" through targeted interventions. This carefully calibrated position distinguished him from both Herbert Hoover's emphasis on local solutions and Friedrich Hayek's strict non-interventionist approach to the Great Depression. It also reflected Friedman's evolving political views as he aligned himself with the moderate wing of the Republican Party, supporting Eisenhower over Democrat Adlai Stevenson in 1952 while firmly rejecting Joseph McCarthy's anti-communist extremism and witch hunts. The Free Market Study at the University of Chicago, generously funded by the William Volker Charities Fund, became another crucial vehicle for developing and disseminating Friedman's ideas. While initially conceived as an American version of Hayek's influential "The Road to Serfdom," the project evolved under Friedman's leadership into a rigorous research initiative rather than mere "hack work." He was particularly focused on examining the nature of monopoly power, questioning whether it truly existed in a sustainable form or if market forces naturally caused it "to disappear" over time - a significant departure from Henry Simons' assumption that monopolies invariably required aggressive government intervention. By the mid-1950s, Friedman had moved decisively away from Simons's interventionist views, concluding after extensive research that "private monopoly may be the least of evils" compared to permanent government regulatory agencies that often became captured by special interests. He increasingly placed individual freedom, rather than equality, at the center of his economic philosophy - a principle that resonated powerfully in the Cold War era and helped unite various conservative factions in American politics. This intellectual evolution would later influence his more comprehensive works like "Capitalism and Freedom" (1962), which systematically presented his vision of the relationship between economic and political freedom. Through his leadership in the Mont Pelerin Society, his research at Chicago, and his growing public presence, Friedman helped transform classical liberal ideas into a modern political and economic framework that would profoundly influence policy debates in the latter half of the 20th century.

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第 5 章

Hidden Figures: The Women Behind Monetarism

Behind Friedman's monetary theories stood several unrecognized women whose contributions were essential yet largely invisible. Anna Schwartz, a meticulous economic historian, significantly shaped his work, convincing him to expand their project into a comprehensive monetary history of the United States spanning nearly a century. With her deep love for historical research and exceptional attention to detail, Schwartz developed crucial narrative sections that became foundational to their book, "A Monetary History of the United States, 1867-1960." Though Friedman initially dismissed her historical interests as tangential, her insistence on thorough historical documentation and analysis proved invaluable in establishing the empirical basis for monetarist theory. Schwartz's methodology was particularly crucial in analyzing the Great Depression, where she meticulously traced the Federal Reserve's policy failures through thousands of documents. Her work established the critical connection between monetary contraction and economic decline that became central to monetarist thinking. Despite her pivotal role, she was often referred to merely as Friedman's "collaborator" rather than an equal contributor to the groundbreaking research. Similarly crucial but unacknowledged were Rose Friedman, Dorothy Brady, and Margaret Reid, whose collaborative discussions led to Milton's field-changing 1957 book, "A Theory of the Consumption Function." These conversations, often held during summer gatherings at the Friedmans' New Hampshire cabin, tackled the inconsistencies in the Keynesian consumption function-the mathematical relationship between income and spending that formed "the cornerstone" of Keynesian economics. Rose Friedman, in particular, contributed significant insights from her own research on consumer behavior and family economics, while Brady and Reid brought expertise in household economics and consumer research methodology. The permanent income hypothesis they developed together challenged the Keynesian notion that consumption was directly tied to current income. Instead, they proposed that consumers based spending decisions on their expected long-term average income, considering factors such as future earnings potential, job security, and anticipated lifestyle changes. Their research incorporated innovative survey methods and statistical analyses that went beyond traditional economic modeling. While their collaborative discussions produced what Friedman initially called "our tentative hypothesis," he gradually claimed ownership, transforming it into "my hypothesis" as he developed it into a manuscript. This work helped restore Friedman's reputation in mainstream economics while delivering what he saw as "a direct blow against the Keynesian consensus." By challenging the relationship between income inequality and savings rates, the theory undermined key New Deal assumptions about secular stagnation and the economic benefits of progressive taxation. The hypothesis suggested that temporary tax changes would have less impact on consumer spending than previously believed, as people would smooth their consumption patterns based on long-term income expectations rather than responding dramatically to short-term income fluctuations.

第 6 章

Conscience of a Conservative

By the 1960s, Milton Friedman had emerged as the preeminent voice of economic conservatism through his influential Newsweek column, where he alternated with liberal economist Paul Samuelson, offering competing visions of economic policy. His 1962 book "Capitalism and Freedom" became a foundational text of modern conservative economic thought, articulating a comprehensive critique of government intervention in the economy. As advisor to Barry Goldwater's 1964 presidential campaign, Friedman helped craft a conservative economic platform that directly challenged the New Deal consensus, advocating for free markets, deregulation, and limited government. Though Goldwater suffered a crushing defeat to Lyndon Johnson, the campaign planted the seeds for future conservative revival. The period following Goldwater's defeat proved surprisingly fertile for Friedman's ideas. Released from direct political entanglements, his policy proposals began gaining serious attention from mainstream policymakers and academics. Several controversial ideas from "Capitalism and Freedom" moved from the margins to the center of policy debates. His negative income tax proposal - a system that would provide direct cash assistance to low-income Americans through the tax system while preserving work incentives - attracted significant interest during Johnson's War on Poverty. While never implemented in its pure form, elements of the concept influenced the Earned Income Tax Credit and other welfare reforms. Friedman's watershed 1967 presidential address to the American Economic Association fundamentally challenged prevailing macroeconomic orthodoxy. The profession had largely accepted the "Phillips Curve" - the idea that there was a stable trade-off between inflation and unemployment, allowing policymakers to "buy" lower unemployment by accepting moderately higher inflation. Friedman systematically dismantled this view, introducing the revolutionary concept of the "natural rate of unemployment" - the level consistent with labor market equilibrium given structural factors like minimum wages, union power, and worker-job matching frictions. His accelerationist thesis argued that attempts to push unemployment below the natural rate through monetary expansion would generate ever-accelerating inflation as workers and businesses adapted their expectations. "There is always a temporary trade-off between inflation and unemployment; there is no permanent trade-off," Friedman explained. This insight would prove prophetic in the 1970s as the U.S. experienced "stagflation" - the supposedly impossible combination of high inflation and high unemployment that Friedman's framework had predicted. During this period, Friedman also spearheaded the successful campaign to end military conscription. Working alongside economists like Walter Oi, he demonstrated that an all-volunteer force would be both more efficient and more equitable than the draft system. Their research showed that the draft imposed massive hidden costs on society by forcing young men into military service at below-market wages. This work helped convince President Nixon and other Republicans to embrace ending conscription as official policy. By 1973, the transition to an all-volunteer military was complete - a dramatic example of how Friedman's once-radical ideas could reshape major institutions when political conditions aligned with sound economic analysis.

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第 7 章

The Great Inflation and Monetarism's Rise

The 1970s brought Friedman's ideas to the forefront as America faced an inflation crisis. When Richard Nixon took office in 1969, inflation was accelerating toward 5% due to Vietnam War spending and Federal Reserve policies under William McChesney Martin. Nixon appointed Friedman's mentor Arthur Burns as Federal Reserve chairman, initially delighting Friedman who expected Burns to implement monetarist policies. However, Burns shocked Friedman by endorsing wage-price controls to fight inflation-a policy both had long opposed. In an anguished midnight letter, Friedman expressed feeling "betrayed" by Burns's reversal. The relationship turned cold as Burns rejected Friedman's theory that inflation was primarily a monetary phenomenon, instead believing inflation could be isolated and controlled through wage-price policies. By summer 1971, Nixon was determined to change economic course despite his free market rhetoric. Treasury Secretary John Connally devised the New Economic Plan (NEP), which included tax cuts, a wage-price freeze, and most dramatically, ending dollar convertibility to gold-effectively closing "the gold window" and dismantling the Bretton Woods international monetary system. Friedman immediately criticized the freeze in Newsweek, predicting "more inflationary pressure, not less" and warning Nixon had "a tiger by the tail." When Nixon invited Friedman to the White House to smooth things over, Friedman reportedly responded: "I don't blame George, Mr. President, I blame you." Despite opposing domestic price controls, Friedman saw opportunity in the international monetary crisis. He had long advocated floating exchange rates-letting currency values be determined by market forces rather than fixed rates-and now worked through his friend George Shultz to shape policy. Though the Smithsonian Agreement temporarily restored fixed exchange rates, Bretton Woods was effectively dead, with gold convertibility permanently eliminated. As inflation worsened under Burns's Fed chairmanship, reaching 11 percent by 1974, Friedman's warnings proved prescient. A new group of Fed critics emerged-the Shadow Open Market Committee (SOMC), founded by Anna Schwartz, Allan Meltzer, and other monetarists to publicly criticize Burns's "poorly conceived" policies. Monetarism expanded beyond just Friedman and Schwartz, becoming a distinct school with new journals, conferences, and publications.

第 8 章

Six Days in Santiago: Friedman's Controversial Legacy

Friedman's 1975 visit to Chile marked a pivotal moment in his career and sparked intense debate about the relationship between economic and political freedom. The six-day trip occurred during the second year of General Augusto Pinochet's military dictatorship, which had violently overthrown Salvador Allende's democratically elected socialist government in a bloody coup. The economic situation was dire - while inflation had declined from its catastrophic Allende-era peak of 600 percent, prices were still spiraling upward at over 300 percent annually, devastating Chilean households and businesses. A group of economists dubbed the "Chicago Boys" - Chilean students who had completed graduate studies at the University of Chicago under Friedman and his colleagues - had gained influence with Pinochet and convinced him to experiment with radical free-market reforms, leading them to invite their former mentor for consultation. The meeting between Friedman and Pinochet proved consequential. During their private discussion, Friedman observed that the general seemed "sympathetically attracted" to the idea of shock treatment for the economy but was "clearly distressed" about the potential for increased unemployment. Friedman employed vivid metaphors to make his case, comparing economic reform to "cutting a dog's tail" - arguing it was better to make swift, decisive changes rather than prolonging the pain through gradual adjustments. His persuasive presentation appeared successful; within a month, Chile announced a comprehensive National Recovery Program that closely followed Friedman's recommendations for rapid privatization, deregulation, and monetary tightening. Throughout his visit, Friedman maintained a studied clinical detachment about Chile's political situation, despite the omnipresent military presence with soldiers carrying "small machine guns slung over bodies" on street corners. He compartmentalized Pinochet from the regime's brutal repression, noting somewhat dismissively that torture was "standard procedure" among South American intelligence agencies. At a dinner hosted by the French embassy, Friedman encountered vocal regime critics, including a Lutheran bishop who provided detailed accounts of human rights violations, disappearances, and torture. However, this single evening of exposure to the dark reality of Pinochet's Chile could not overcome the sanitized version presented during his week of policy briefings with government officials and economists. Friedman seemingly failed to grasp how his meeting with Pinochet would be perceived internationally. While he took some precautions - declining honorary degrees to avoid appearing to endorse the government and reportedly telling Pinochet that economic liberalization would eventually necessitate political freedom - his actions often suggested otherwise. His "Fragility of Freedom" lecture in Santiago focused primarily on criticizing Allende's socialist policies rather than addressing Pinochet's authoritarian brutality. The Chile experience gradually forced Friedman to evolve his thinking about the relationship between economic and political liberty. While Chile's economy eventually showed impressive results with lower inflation and sustained GDP growth around 10%, the persistent protests and international criticism led him to more explicitly acknowledge the connection between economic and political freedom. At a 1981 Mont Pelerin Society meeting held in Chile, Friedman publicly rejected the increasingly popular notion that only authoritarian governments could successfully implement free-market reforms. In a subsequent Newsweek column, he significantly revised his earlier position, arguing that while economic freedom remained essential for prosperity, political freedom was "a necessary condition for the long-term maintenance of economic freedom." This shift marked an important evolution in his thinking about the interplay between markets and democracy.

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第 9 章

The Volcker Shock and Friedman's Legacy

Paul Volcker's appointment as Federal Reserve chairman in 1979 marked a turning point in American monetary policy. Facing inflation approaching 11 percent, Volcker announced a dramatic shift: "We will talk about growth in the aggregates as the fundamental objective of the economy." This meant focusing on controlling the quantity of money rather than interest rates-essentially adopting Friedman's long-recommended approach. Despite Volcker's monetarist turn, Friedman remained skeptical. His doubts were soon validated as the Fed struggled to control monetary aggregates, which fluctuated wildly. Meanwhile, interest rates soared past 12 percent before reaching a shocking 22 percent by 1981. These elevated rates rippled through the entire credit system, affecting home, car, and business loans and eventually triggering a severe recession with unemployment approaching 10 percent nationally. The Fed lost its traditional anonymity as public anger mounted. Home builders mailed lumber chunks to the Fed while bankrupt auto dealers sent car keys. Volcker faced hostile activists at speeches and protesters outside Fed headquarters. Monetary policy had moved to the center of national economic, political, and social life-proving Friedman's arguments about money's importance and the Fed's power. By October 1982, with inflation tamed at 5 percent, Volcker formally announced the Fed would return to focusing on interest rates. Friedman declared Volcker's experiment a failure, warning of imminent inflation resurgence. But his predictions proved wrong-Volcker had permanently defeated inflation, which would remain subdued for the next forty years. Though monetarism as a technical approach had faded, its core principles-that money matters, central banks control inflation, and rules beat fine-tuning-had become conventional wisdom. The world increasingly reflected Friedman's vision: free-flowing capital, lower taxes, educational vouchers, volunteer military forces, Chicago-influenced antitrust policy, and monetary rather than fiscal approaches to growth. In his later years, Friedman refined his thinking on freedom, identifying three distinct types: "economic freedom; social or civil freedom; and political freedom." While acknowledging that political freedom could be sacrificed without endangering the other two (as in Hong Kong and Singapore), he maintained that ultimately political freedom required economic freedom to maintain "some independent source of authority" beyond the state. Friedman's ideas proved persuasive because they matched experience, offered new solutions to old problems, and successfully predicted outcomes. His enduring contributions include volunteer armed forces, educational vouchers, floating exchange rates, monetary interpretation of the Great Depression, consumption function, universal basic income, and monetarism. Whatever social and political order emerges next will not be a clean break with the past but will incorporate elements of Friedman's thinking, which has deeply shaped our current moment.

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《米尔顿·弗里德曼传》核心主题

monetary policy history
chicago school economics
free market ideology
quantity theory of money
keynesianism vs monetarism

《米尔顿·弗里德曼传》经典语录

the state could do only harm.
neo-liberalism - presenting it as a new faith to offer.
formal models of imaginary worlds, not generalizations about the real world.
a devil figure.

《米尔顿·弗里德曼传》主要人物

Milton FriedmanNobel-winning economist and subject of the book
Rose DirectorEconomist and Milton Friedman's wife
Anna Jacobson SchwartzEconomist and Friedman's research collaborator
Aaron DirectorChicago economist and brother of Rose Director
Henry SimonsChicago School economist and Friedman's colleague

关于作者

斯坦福大学历史系副教授、胡佛研究所研究员珍妮弗·伯恩斯（Jennifer Burns）是备受赞誉的《米尔顿·弗里德曼：最后的保守主义者》（Milton Friedman: The Last Conservative）一书的作者。这部里程碑式的传记探讨了这位经济学家对现代保守主义和全球经济政策的变革性影响。

作为 20 世纪美国思想史的顶尖专家，伯恩斯将严谨的学术研究与通俗易懂的叙事相结合，追溯了弗里德曼从学术思想家到政策制定者的演变过程。

她的前作《市场女神：安·兰德与美国右翼》（Goddess of the Market: Ayn Rand and the American Right）被誉为兰德最权威的传记，确立了她在自由意志主义思想和保守主义运动研究领域的权威地位。伯恩斯的分析曾出现在《乔恩·斯图尔特每日秀》（The Daily Show with Jon Stewart）和《科尔伯特报告》（The Colbert Report）中，她还共同发起了胡佛研究所政治经济学研讨会等项目。

《米尔顿·弗里德曼：最后的保守主义者》综合了数十年的档案研究，提供了对弗里德曼持久遗产的首次全面研究。该书因其对自由市场意识形态与政治权力交汇点的细致刻画而广受赞誉。

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"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

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"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

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"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

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483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

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开启你的学习之旅，就是现在

第 8 章

米尔顿·弗里德曼传

概述《米尔顿·弗里德曼传》概述

一本书，多种聆听方式。

The Economist Who Changed the World

From Immigrant Roots to Economic Revolution

边听边看，每个词都清晰呈现

Challenging Keynesian Orthodoxy

The Free Market Intellectual Movement

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Hidden Figures: The Women Behind Monetarism

Conscience of a Conservative

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The Great Inflation and Monetarism's Rise

Six Days in Santiago: Friedman's Controversial Legacy

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The Volcker Shock and Friedman's Legacy

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《米尔顿·弗里德曼传》核心主题

《米尔顿·弗里德曼传》经典语录

《米尔顿·弗里德曼传》主要人物

关于作者

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关于本书的常见问题

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发现更多

1,000,000+ curious minds.

1,000,000+ curious minds.

一本书，多种聆听方式。

The Economist Who Changed the World

From Immigrant Roots to Economic Revolution

边听边看，每个词都清晰呈现

Challenging Keynesian Orthodoxy

The Free Market Intellectual Movement

从 《米尔顿·弗里德曼传》中收获更多

Hidden Figures: The Women Behind Monetarism

Conscience of a Conservative

边听边看，每个词都清晰呈现

The Great Inflation and Monetarism's Rise

Six Days in Santiago: Friedman's Controversial Legacy

从 《米尔顿·弗里德曼传》中收获更多

The Volcker Shock and Friedman's Legacy

你已读完 《米尔顿·弗里德曼传》

用户还喜欢

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《米尔顿·弗里德曼传》概述

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