第 1 章
America's National Security and the Threat from Within
When the FBI Counterintelligence Division leadership gathered in early 2017, just after Trump's inauguration, they faced an unprecedented question that no one had ever imagined asking: should they open a counterintelligence investigation into the President of the United States himself? On a whiteboard labeled "DJT" were names like Manafort, Papadopoulos, Flynn, and Page-all Trump associates with troubling Russian connections. This wasn't partisan politics; it was about whether the president posed a national security threat. Peter Strzok's "Compromised" has become a cultural touchstone in understanding the Trump presidency through a counterintelligence lens. Endorsed by intelligence veterans like James Clapper and featured on bestseller lists nationwide, the book offers an insider's perspective on how the FBI's elite counterintelligence division came to investigate a sitting president. As Americans continue to grapple with questions about foreign influence in our democracy, Strzok's account provides crucial context from someone who spent his career defending America against foreign threats-only to discover the most significant threat might be coming from within the Oval Office itself.
第 2 章
From Tehran to Counterintelligence: A Patriot's Journey
December 1978, Tehran: Eight-year-old Peter Strzok chased floating scraps of paper as his father burned sensitive documents in a 55-gallon drum. A mysterious man watched from beyond their walled compound as Iran descended into revolution. This early experience with geopolitical upheaval would shape Strzok's understanding of both America's role in the world and the power of silent observation-a skill he would later employ as an FBI counterintelligence agent.
After fleeing Iran just before the shah's departure, Strzok followed his father's path into military service through ROTC, eventually serving with the 101st Airborne Division. This experience deepened his commitment to constitutional principles and civilian control of the military. Though raised in a Republican household, he came to vote based on which candidate he believed would best protect national security, regardless of party.
The 1995 Oklahoma City bombing inspired Strzok to join the FBI, where he quickly fell in love with counterintelligence work. Tracking Russian and Chinese threats became his specialty, with his career spanning the transformation from traditional spy craft to combating sophisticated disinformation campaigns targeting American democracy.
Throughout his twenty-two-year FBI career, Strzok served under six presidential administrations, developing unique insight into how foreign powers manipulate Americans to serve their interests. This expertise would eventually place him at the center of two of the most politically charged investigations in FBI history-and ultimately lead to his controversial firing after personal text messages criticizing Trump became public.
What's striking about Strzok's account isn't just his professional journey, but how deeply his commitment to American ideals was forged through his global experiences. Having witnessed disenfranchisement abroad, he understood voting as democracy's core. Having seen anti-American fervor firsthand, he recognized the complexity of international relations. These experiences shaped a worldview where complexity doesn't erase absolutes-where clear right and wrong still exist, especially when it comes to defending America's democratic institutions.
第 3 章
Ghost Stories: Inside the Hunt for Russian Spies
From the driver's seat of a white Dodge Intrepid, Strzok watched a Cambridge bank with four FBI colleagues. After midnight, they entered through the back door to access a safety deposit box belonging to "Don Heathfield" and "Tracey Lee Ann Foley"-a seemingly ordinary Canadian couple living in Cambridge. What they found inside would confirm these individuals were actually elite Russian "illegals"-deep-cover spies living under false identities.
The discovery of 35mm negatives in the box provided the breakthrough. Along one uncut negative border was printed "TACMA"-which in Cyrillic transliterates to "TASMA," one of the oldest Soviet film companies. Despite years of careful training, these Russian spies had left evidence of their true homeland in a bank vault just miles from where America was born.
This operation was part of "Ghost Stories," a decade-long FBI investigation that would eventually lead to the arrest of an entire network of Russian sleeper agents. These weren't rogue operators but highly valued agents of one of the most professional intelligence services in the world. Their identities were constructed through "dead doubles"-the KGB's Directorate S would find Canadian children who died young in the 1960s, gathering extensive local details to build convincing backstories. The paired agents, often married, would assume these identities and slowly infiltrate the United States, pledging lifelong service to Russia.
The surveillance operation required uncomfortable but necessary intrusions-all legally authorized and guided by the FBI principle of using the "least intrusive method" possible. Strzok and his partner Carl would monitor weekly shortwave radio communications with Moscow, track movements, examine trash, and eventually break into apartments with specialized "Flaps and Seals" teams that meticulously preserved every detail.
By early 2010, FBI headquarters decided it was time to arrest the network. On June 27, Strzok participated in arresting "Andrey" and "Elena" during their son's 20th birthday celebration. Within two weeks, they and other illegals were exchanged in Vienna for four Russians who had allegedly worked for the West. Years later in 2018, one of those exchanged Russians, Sergei Skripal, was poisoned with Novichok nerve agent in England-a chilling message from Putin about the consequences of betrayal.
The Ghost Stories case exemplifies the FBI's core national security work-just one chapter in the century-old geopolitical struggle between America and Russia. This murky counterintelligence work rarely ends with clear conclusions, and agents must sometimes accept that wrongdoers may escape punishment-a bitter reality Strzok wouldn't fully appreciate until later in his career.
第 4 章
From 9/11 to Digital Disinformation: America's Evolving Threats
On a late summer morning in 2001, Strzok was driving colleagues through Boston's rush-hour traffic when one received a page: "A plane just hit one of the World Trade Center buildings." Minutes later, they were headed back to Logan Airport, from which that plane-and another-had departed with hijackers aboard. September 11 changed everything-from America's national psyche to how the FBI conducted counterintelligence.
The attacks exposed critical flaws in America's intelligence system-legal barriers between agencies, "the Wall" separating criminal and national security work, outdated technology, and bureaucratic conflicts. Congress responded with unprecedented speed, passing the USA PATRIOT Act which enhanced information flow between agencies and streamlined processes. These new authorities were desperately needed, though few appreciated how digital technologies would transform counterintelligence threats beyond terrorism.
This transformation became evident in June 2013 when Edward Snowden, an NSA contractor, fled to Hong Kong with thousands of stolen classified documents revealing surveillance programs. Modern technology allowed Snowden to take vastly more data than earlier leakers like Daniel Ellsberg. Snowden's actions connected to organizations like WikiLeaks, which had gained prominence in 2010 by publishing leaked diplomatic cables and war reports. WikiLeaks and its founder Julian Assange moved into Russia's orbit just as Moscow was strengthening its position against the U.S.
Strzok's first exposure to Russian disinformation came through Lawrence Martin-Bittman, a Boston University journalism professor who had been a Czech intelligence officer trained by the KGB in "active measures"-influence operations ranging from disinformation to violence. As deputy commander of Czech disinformation operations, he once planted Nazi documents in a Czech lake to discredit West Germany. When they met, Martin-Bittman showed Strzok how Russia was manipulating media coverage of the Chechen conflict.
Strzok underestimated the significance of what he was shown, failing to see how digital technology would transform Russian disinformation from planted newspaper stories into viral social media campaigns that could reach millions instantly. Unlike traditional propaganda that required press intermediaries, modern active measures thrive on uncertainty and doubt, spreading through networks of willing believers. This approach would prove devastatingly effective during events like the 2012 Benghazi attack, which became fodder for conspiracy theories and bitter division within the United States.
While America was consumed by partisan battles over Benghazi, sinister developments unfolded elsewhere. Donald Trump held the 2013 Miss Universe Pageant in Moscow and discussed building Trump Tower Moscow. Meanwhile, two Russian women from the Internet Research Agency-a Russian troll farm funded by Putin ally Yevgeny Prigozhin-entered the U.S. in June 2014. Their three-week, nine-state road trip gathered intelligence on American social divisions, which they would exploit through sophisticated social media manipulation campaigns-the digital equivalent of planted Nazi documents, but vastly more powerful.
第 5 章
The Clinton Email Investigation: Inside "Midyear Exam"
In August 2015, Strzok was summoned to FBI headquarters and reassigned to lead the investigation into Hillary Clinton's handling of classified emails-codename "Midyear Exam." The team secured "the Bubble"-an octagonal room with glass walls in the Strategic Information and Operations Center-and followed three investigative tracks: locating all Clinton's emails across multiple servers and devices; determining which emails contained classified information and why; and investigating whether unauthorized parties had accessed any classified material.
As the team dug deeper, two things became clear: classified information had been mishandled, but they weren't finding evidence that met DOJ's traditional threshold for criminal charges. Most classified information "spills" are handled administratively, not criminally, and prosecutors historically only pursue cases involving deliberate disclosure to unauthorized parties or egregious behavior. The classified information in Clinton's emails appeared in the context of legitimate work, making criminal intent difficult to prove.
By early 2016, the Midyear team had reached a conclusion: they couldn't establish sufficient proof to bring criminal charges against Clinton. Most mishandled information was merely confidential (lowest classification level), and often "up-classified" after the fact. They found no evidence Clinton deliberately destroyed work emails, and multiple copies from government sources corroborated what her team had provided. A PRN employee did delete emails after a congressional subpoena, but this wasn't part of a Clinton conspiracy-he'd forgotten to delete non-work emails earlier as instructed, and panicked in an "oh shit" moment.
As they prepared to interview Clinton herself, their timeline was derailed by the discovery of two previously unmentioned "sort laptops" used to separate work from personal emails. When Clinton's attorneys stonewalled access to these laptops, claiming various legal privileges, the investigation stretched months longer than anticipated.
Clinton's interview, while crucial to their investigation, was unlikely to change their conclusions after months of thorough work. The 3.5-hour interview was professional but anticlimactic. Clinton was intelligent and well-prepared, though some answers troubled Strzok-like claiming not to recognize "(C)" portion markings for classified information.
FBI Director James Comey's unprecedented decision to make a public statement without DOJ approval troubled Strzok. While the FBI had occasionally commented on high-profile cases, they'd never done so without DOJ approval on a case with no prosecution. The political pressure was immense-Attorney General Lynch had asked Comey to call it a "matter" rather than an "investigation," and President Obama had commented that Clinton's emails posed no national security problem. Then came the June 27 tarmac meeting between Bill Clinton and Attorney General Lynch, creating the unshakable impression of attempted influence.
With hindsight, Strzok now believes Comey's public statement was the wrong choice-they couldn't have predicted they'd reopen the investigation just before the election, or that Comey's speech would set a precedent that would later haunt them and ultimately help Clinton's opponent.
第 6 章
Crossfire Hurricane: Russia's Election Attack and the FBI Response
On July 27, 2016, Donald Trump made an astounding public appeal: "Russia, if you're listening, I hope you're able to find the 30,000 emails that are missing." Within five hours, the Russians launched a new cyberattack on Clinton's personal office server. Unit 26165 of the GRU-the same military intelligence unit that had attacked the DNC-sent spearphishing emails to 15 Clinton campaign accounts.
The next day, the FBI received intelligence that Trump campaign adviser George Papadopoulos had told Australian diplomat Alexander Downer that Russians had damaging information on Clinton and Obama and had offered to help the Trump campaign by coordinating its release. This predated public knowledge of the Democratic email theft, suggesting Papadopoulos had advance knowledge of Russia's operations.
This intelligence dramatically changed their understanding of Russian intentions-not just cyber theft, but direct engagement with a presidential campaign. FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe ordered the Counterintelligence Division to open an investigation immediately, emphasizing their work should be measured in hours and days, not weeks. They implemented extreme secrecy protocols, creating a tightly controlled "bigot list" of those with access to the case.
The secrecy was crucial to protect innocent parties, including Trump himself, who might have been an unwitting bystander to Papadopoulos's activities. Their approach was to build a matrix of known elements and identify the universe of individuals who could fit that matrix. Four candidates emerged: Papadopoulos himself; Carter Page, who had previous contact with Russian intelligence officers; campaign chairman Paul Manafort, with his extensive Russian and Ukrainian connections; and Michael Flynn, who had engaged with Russian officials including GRU leadership and sat beside Putin at an RT dinner.
Strzok flew to Europe with a colleague to interview foreign officials who had reported the Papadopoulos information. The interviews confirmed the accuracy of the intelligence and revealed brave allies taking risks against a common enemy. Unknown to them, at that same moment across the Atlantic, Manafort and Gates were delivering detailed campaign polling data to Konstantin Kilimnik, a Ukrainian with Russian intelligence links.
The investigation was guided by one unwavering principle: this was about Russia, not the Trump campaign. They sought to identify who had received Moscow's offer of assistance and who else knew about it. Despite the pressure to move quickly, they exercised extreme caution, never leaking information that could have damaged Trump's candidacy.
As days passed, their understanding of the campaign's Russian contacts expanded, though they couldn't have imagined that three of their four initial subjects would eventually be convicted of federal felonies, including lying about Russian contacts. What they knew in summer 2016 was troubling, but they had barely scratched the surface.
第 7 章
The Laptop: How Clinton's Emails Resurfaced
While managing the Russia investigation in fall 2016, Strzok suddenly faced the resurrection of the Clinton email investigation. On September 28, the FBI's New York field office reported discovering hundreds of thousands of emails on Anthony Weiner's laptop that might relate to the Midyear investigation. Though they initially didn't think this would yield significant new evidence, the presence of the att.blackberry.net domain-used during Clinton's first months at State-raised the possibility of recovering crucial missing emails.
Bureaucratic miscommunication caused weeks of delay as each team thought someone else was following up on the laptop. Meanwhile, the Crossfire Hurricane investigation accelerated with their team meeting Christopher Steele in Europe and finalizing the FISA application for Carter Page. October 7 brought a collision of political events: the release of the Access Hollywood tape, WikiLeaks' dump of Podesta emails, and the government's statement confirming Russian responsibility for the DNC hack.
When the laptop issue resurfaced in an October 25 meeting, they quickly organized a conference call and determined they needed a search warrant immediately, despite the election being just two weeks away. That night, Trump adviser Rudy Giuliani ominously hinted on Fox News about "some pretty big surprises" coming in the next few days, making Strzok suspect he knew about the laptop development.
After deciding to reopen Midyear and notify Congress, they worked through the weekend on the search warrant. By Saturday, November 5, they had narrowed down the relevant emails to about 3,000 and were on track to complete the review before Election Day. Strzok, along with colleagues Derek and Mary, personally reviewed all 3,000 emails, dividing them among themselves. Working late into the night, they called out each email's details to analysts who checked if they already had them in their possession. By early Sunday morning, they confirmed there was nothing new that would change their understanding of the case.
Going into Election Day, they knew Putin aimed to undermine public confidence in America's electoral process. They worried Russia might tamper with voter rolls in swing states or release damaging material they were holding in reserve. In retrospect, they were unprepared for Russia's election attack despite understanding how Russian state power had evolved. Looking back, Strzok believes both Comey's announcements about the Clinton investigation and Russia's multipronged attack likely changed the election outcome, though small margins in key states make it impossible to be certain.
第 8 章
From Election to Investigation: The Flynn Connection
The morning after Trump's victory, Strzok arrived at his office mentally and physically exhausted. What had been difficult enough as a campaign investigation now took on exponential urgency-people they suspected of Russian connections would soon have access to America's deepest secrets. Within weeks, Trump's team would begin receiving classified briefings, potentially including subjects of their investigation, which could devastate their work.
After the election, the Obama White House ordered the FBI, CIA, and NSA to conduct a comprehensive Intelligence Community Assessment (ICA) of Russia's election attacks. This effort was kept strictly separate from Crossfire Hurricane and ongoing counterintelligence investigations. They deliberately excluded information about Americans under investigation from the ICA to maintain operational security and protect individuals' reputations.
As 2016 ended, they were preparing to close Flynn's case when unexpected intelligence emerged. After Obama imposed sanctions on Russia for election interference, Flynn secretly spoke with Russian ambassador Kislyak, asking Russia not to retaliate. Putin's uncharacteristically restrained response puzzled experts until they discovered Flynn's intervention. This potentially violated the Logan Act and undermined the sitting administration's foreign policy.
Flynn's actions created serious counterintelligence concerns-he now appeared indebted to Russia, whose complicity he needed to keep his request secret. If Trump was connected to Flynn's request, he too might be vulnerable to Russian blackmail.
On January 6, Comey met with Trump to present the Intelligence Community Assessment on Russian election interference. After the main briefing, Trump dismissed everyone else to meet with Comey alone. Comey recounted telling Trump about the Steele reporting, including the Moscow Ritz-Carlton allegations. Trump's response was telling-rather than expressing outrage at the accusation, he asked what year it allegedly occurred and stated "There were no prostitutes," adding he "didn't need to go there." To Strzok, this response seemed suspicious-innocent people typically react with anger and flat denial to false accusations, not by nitpicking details.
The day after Flynn resigned on February 13, Trump asked Comey to stay behind after a counterterrorism briefing in the Oval Office. Alone with the FBI Director, Trump said, "I hope you can see your way clear to letting this go, to letting Flynn go. He is a good guy. I hope you can let this go." This was part of a pattern where Trump pressured Comey to interfere with their investigation and sought an oath of loyalty.
第 9 章
The Special Counsel and Personal Downfall
The evening of May 9, Strzok learned that Comey had been fired. The pattern was alarming: puzzling loyalties to Putin, Sessions misleading Congress about Russia contacts, and now decapitating the agency investigating these connections. The next morning, headquarters was somber despite White House claims of "countless members of the FBI" not supporting Comey-a claim Strzok knew was false.
After Comey's firing, they feared White House interference with their Russia investigation. According to the Washington Post, Trump told Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov and Ambassador Kislyak he wasn't concerned about Russian election interference because the U.S. did similar meddling elsewhere-essentially absolving Russia while giving them a green light to continue. The White House immediately restricted the internal memorandum of this meeting from National Security Council personnel.
By early June, the Special Counsel's Office was established with Robert Mueller at its head. Working with colleagues, Strzok sketched the optimal FBI structure to support the special counsel's work. They recognized that tracing money-even more than proving contacts with Russia-would likely be the most critical investigative effort. They built a team with cross-section expertise in counterintelligence and criminal investigation, supported by analysts specializing in Russian intelligence services and oligarchs, and crucially, forensic accountants to follow complex financial trails.
In late July 2017, they executed a search warrant on Paul Manafort's Alexandria condo at dawn and arrested George Papadopoulos as he returned to the U.S. from Munich. That same day, Strzok received a message from a DOJ inspector general investigator wanting to discuss text messages he had sent during the Clinton email investigation for potential political bias-the beginning of what would become a personal storm.
In early August, Mueller called Strzok to his office for a difficult conversation. Speaking softly, he explained that after discussing Strzok's text messages with Inspector General Horowitz, Strzok needed to leave the Special Counsel's Office and return to the FBI. Though devastating, Strzok understood the decision-Mueller couldn't afford distractions from politically motivated attacks.
In early December 2017, the FBI's Office of Public Affairs informed Strzok that the New York Times was asking about his text messages. The leak likely came from someone at the political level-either DOJ leadership or the White House-who saw his texts as a partisan weapon against the investigations surrounding Trump. By week's end, both the Times and Washington Post published stories about his removal from Mueller's team.
The fallout was immediate and devastating. Photographers staked out his house, forcing his family into hiding. Threats poured in-random callers ranting about deep-state plots, Twitter messages threatening violence, and anonymous surveillance warnings. On Sunday morning, December 3, Strzok woke to discover Trump had begun tweeting about him-the first of hundreds of presidential attacks that continue to this day.
第 10 章
Legacy of Truth in an Era of Disinformation
After months of Inspector General interviews, Strzok believed the IG's report would confirm that the Clinton investigation had been thorough and unbiased. Initially, the IG's draft report did confirm this, finding no evidence of bias in their investigative decisions. But weeks later, everything changed. After the report had been sent to DOJ (and likely the White House), Horowitz claimed newly recovered texts had caused him to reconsider his conclusions, particularly one where Strzok had written "We will stop it" regarding Trump's election.
This text triggered Horowitz to make a fateful edit to his report, now stating he couldn't eliminate the possibility that bias played a role in the delay between discovering Clinton emails on Weiner's laptop and obtaining a search warrant. This rushed judgment ignored facts: the delay resulted from miscommunication among multiple people, and Crossfire was justifiably prioritized as the more urgent investigation.
When the IG released his revised report on June 14, Trump predictably gloated. By that afternoon, Strzok received notice he was proposed for termination and placed on administrative leave-an unusually accelerated process for the typically slow FBI disciplinary system.
After testifying before Congress in both closed and open sessions, where he passionately defended the FBI and explained that Russian interference in our elections was the real threat, Strzok was finally terminated on August 10, 2018, ending his 25-year FBI career. On his last day at FBI headquarters, he packed copier-paper boxes with 22 years of memories-photographs, awards, investigation souvenirs, and reminders of both his real family and his FBI family.
The DOJ inspector general ultimately concluded there was "no documentary or testimonial evidence that political bias or improper motivation influenced the decisions" in their investigation, confirming what Strzok knew all along: his personal beliefs never influenced his work.
Strzok's account ends with a warning: the Russians haven't gone away-they're coming at American elections with a vengeance, likely with new tactics: altering voter rolls, tampering with voting results, spreading false stories, and releasing kompromat. The investigations revealed Trump's willingness to further Russia's interests for personal gain, subverting everything America stands for.
Standing in his basement among the boxed remnants of his FBI career, Strzok recalled a senior agent named Charlie who once cautioned his idealism: "With enough power, they can find ways to make the injustice legal." But he knew these boxes wouldn't remain in storage forever-his service might have been interrupted, but there was still work to be done in defense of American democracy.
