第1章
A Life Shaped by Principle and Promise
Joe Biden's memoir, "Promises to Keep," offers an intimate journey through the life of a man whose political career has been defined by personal tragedy, resilience, and an unwavering commitment to public service. Recently named one of Barack Obama's favorite political memoirs, this book resonates with readers across the political spectrum for its candid portrayal of Biden's formative experiences. From the kitchen table debates of his childhood to the halls of the Senate, Biden's story reflects America's own struggles with identity, purpose, and the meaning of public service in an increasingly complex world.
第2章
The Foundations of Character
In his grandfather's kitchen in Scranton, Pennsylvania, twelve-year-old Joe Biden received his first lesson in politics. During Sunday family gatherings after Mass at Saint Paul's, the kitchen table transformed into a forum for passionate political debates. When young Biden admitted admiring Mr. Scranton from the town's founding family, his grandfather delivered a lesson that would shape his entire career: Patrick, a local politician, would tell you to your face whether he could help you, while Scranton would smile, promise assistance, then metaphorically stab you in the back. "Men like Mr. Scranton would never do to their friends at the country club what they would do to us on the street," his grandfather explained.
This early lesson instilled in Biden a romantic notion that politics, done properly, could genuinely improve people's lives. It established his core belief that one's word must be their bond, regardless of a person's status or background. This principle of personal honor and treating everyone equally would guide his approach to public service throughout his career.
Biden's character was further shaped by overcoming a debilitating stutter that earned him the nickname "Dash" in school - not for his football speed, but because he talked like Morse code. The shame and rage he felt when classmates laughed or looked at him as though he were stupid remained vivid decades later. Yet rather than viewing this impediment as purely negative, Biden came to see it as "a godsend" that strengthened his resolve and taught him invaluable life lessons about perseverance.
His Catholic upbringing at Holy Rosary School under the Sisters of Saint Joseph provided another cornerstone of his character development. The nuns taught not just academics but decency and virtue, building up his confidence despite his small size and stutter. When one nun mocked his speech impediment, his mother fiercely confronted her, saying "If you ever speak to my son like that again, I'll come back and rip that bonnet off your head." This incident taught Biden about standing up against abuses of power - a theme that would define his political career.
From his parents, Biden absorbed fundamental values about dignity and equality. His mother's frequent reminder became a personal mantra: "Remember, Joey, you're a Biden. Nobody is better than you. You're not better than anybody else, but nobody is any better than you." His father reinforced these principles, particularly detesting those who abused power or mistreated others. One Christmas, his father quit his job at a car dealership after witnessing the owner humiliate employees by throwing silver dollars on the floor and watching them scramble for the money. Though they didn't know it that night when his parents returned early from the party, his father had walked out in silent protest, refusing to be part of such degradation.
第3章
Dreams Beyond Circumstance
Biden's journey from Scranton to Wilmington represented more than just geographic movement - it marked the beginning of his pursuit of dreams that seemed beyond his circumstances. The family's relocation when he was ten came after his father struggled to find good work in Pennsylvania. Though his mother framed it positively as a fresh start, the move to Claymont's barren "moonscape" of Brookview Apartments initially brought tears to her eyes. Yet she quickly pivoted, telling her children how beautiful their new home was - a lesson in resilience that Biden would carry throughout his life.
From his bedroom window in their modest apartment, young Biden could see Archmere, a magnificent mansion-turned-Catholic school that became his dream destination. When he played CYO football, they practiced on Archmere's grounds, fueling his determination to one day attend. Despite financial constraints, Biden worked his way into Archmere through a work-study program, joining the summer grounds crew under a supervisor named Dominic. For eight hours daily, he weeded gardens, washed windows, and painted the wrought-iron fence to earn his place.
His first day at Archmere felt like a dream realized - new clothes, notebooks, and a Parker fountain pen. The school's grandeur overwhelmed him: a marble foyer with columns, stained-glass ceiling, views to the Delaware River, and wood-paneled rooms. This environment expanded his horizons and expectations, though he initially struggled as the second smallest boy with a stutter.
Biden refused special exemptions for his speech impediment, instead working relentlessly to overcome it. He memorized passages from Yeats and Emerson, practicing in front of mirrors to control his facial muscles. By junior year, his persistence had paid off - he'd grown a foot taller, become class president, and excelled in sports as the leading scorer on their undefeated football team. At graduation, he delivered the welcome address without a single stammer - final confirmation that his stutter wouldn't hold him back.
His father, despite never quite fitting into their middle-class Mayfield neighborhood of college-educated DuPont employees, maintained an unwavering belief in education as the key to advancement. "You've got to be a college man," he constantly emphasized to his son, explaining that powerful people might take away your job, money, or pension, but "they can never take away your degree." This advice took root deeply in Biden, who would become the first in his family to attend college.
第4章
Love and Loss: The Neilia Years
Biden's life trajectory changed dramatically during spring break of his junior year at the University of Delaware. Bored after two days in Fort Lauderdale with the same drunk classmates, he impulsively accepted a friend's suggestion to fly to Nassau, Bahamas - his first time on an airplane. There, at the British Colonial Hotel's pool, he spotted Neilia Hunter, declaring to his friend, "I've got the blonde." Their connection was immediate and profound, with Biden telling her that very night, "You know we're going to get married." Her whispered response: "I think so."
With Neilia, Biden's vague aspirations crystallized into concrete plans. They mapped out their future: graduation, law school, marriage, five children (she wanted them early so they'd still be young when the children grew up), and a Tudor-style house with mature trees. He would become a trial lawyer, build his firm, then run for public office. Nobody outside his family had ever believed in him like Neilia. Seeing himself through her eyes made anything seem possible.
After graduation, Biden chose Syracuse University College of Law to be near Neilia's teaching job. With newfound focus, his previously mediocre grades improved significantly. Despite his casual approach to academics, Neilia's study strategies helped him scrape through his first year exams. Their shared vision wasn't just about holding office but using it to improve people's lives. "We can do this," she'd promise.
Their marriage and early family life embodied the optimism and ambition of young Americans in the 1960s. After their sons Beau and Robert were born, they began building toward their dreams through real estate investments. Biden purchased rental properties while finding creative housing solutions, including managing a private swimming club in exchange for rent-free living in a cottage. They eventually purchased an 85-acre farm in Elkton, Maryland, selling off 30 acres to finance renovations - all part of their vision for a Biden family compound.
When local Democratic leaders approached Biden about running for New Castle County Council, Neilia's response was characteristically supportive: "Joey, do you think you can do this?" When he said yes, she simply replied, "I think we can, too. Let's try it." With his sister Val managing the campaign, Biden won by two thousand votes in a traditionally Republican district by focusing on environmental issues and good government.
Their life accelerated beyond expectation when, in summer 1971, party elders suggested Biden run for Senate against Republican incumbent J. Caleb Boggs. Despite being thirty points behind in early polls, Biden mounted an energetic grassroots campaign with his family at its core. Neilia cooked spaghetti for Sunday strategy sessions while professors and experts helped prepare him on issues from taxes to Vietnam. His platform included voting rights, civil rights, environmental protection, pension security, healthcare, and ending the Vietnam War.
Against all odds, Biden won by 3,000 votes out of 230,000 cast. That night, Neilia and he lay awake planning their new Washington life, though he privately wondered what he'd done to deserve such fortune. By mid-December, they'd found a small colonial near Chevy Chase Circle, with Neilia's father providing the down payment. On a Sunday night, with their children asleep upstairs, they sat in their lone wing chair before the fireplace in their North Star home, experiencing a moment of perfect contentment as they anticipated their bright future together.
Just weeks later, while Biden was in Washington interviewing staff, Neilia and their three children were in a devastating car accident. Their sons Beau and Hunter survived with serious injuries, but Neilia and their daughter Naomi were killed. In an instant, Biden's world collapsed. The man who had just become the youngest elected senator in American history now faced raising two young sons alone while grappling with overwhelming grief.
第5章
Rising from Tragedy
Biden felt God had played a horrible trick on him, and his rage was overwhelming. He walked through seedy neighborhoods at night with his brother Jimmy, looking for fights. No prayer or sermon gave him comfort. Meanwhile, Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield called the hospital daily, trying to engage him in Senate business. When Biden seemed ready to abandon his Senate career before it began, Mansfield made a simple request: "Give me six months, Joe." Finally, Biden agreed. Six months.
From his first day in the Senate, Biden felt disconnected. Unlike his freshman colleagues sworn in on the Senate floor, he'd taken his oath separately at Wilmington General Hospital. When he finally arrived in Washington, he faced the challenge of his youth - elevator operators would stop him with "Senators only, young fella." His grief was so consuming that he couldn't throw himself fully into work, doing only what was necessary like "a man on an assembly line." His staff learned to read signals - if he wore Neilia's high school ring, he wouldn't be talking that day.
Senior colleagues tried to help him adjust. Averell Harriman always asked what "young people" thought. Mansfield requested weekly meetings. Hubert Humphrey visited his office unannounced, sometimes ending in tears over Biden's situation. Fritz Hollings and Tom Eagleton persistently included him in monthly suppers, with Fritz grabbing him saying "Wednesday night, Joe...no excuses...Peatsy's expecting you." These dinners became his only social commitment that first year.
Biden's only focus was his sons. His sister Val moved into their North Star home to help care for Beau, who was four and still in a body cast from the accident, and Hunter, who was three. Biden felt their fear when he left for Washington, so he returned every night on the train. Val kept them up until he arrived, and he'd lie in bed with them, hands on them, saying prayers including three Hail Marys like his grandfather had taught him. He gave them constant access - his staff put their calls through regardless of what meeting he was in, and he installed an early mobile phone in his car.
Val Biden was the family's cornerstone after Neilia died. She quit teaching to become the boys' daily caretaker - driving them, cooking, shopping, and maintaining their routines while Biden was in Washington or traveling. She knew each boy's distinct needs: Hunter was self-contained and proud, playing quietly for hours with toy soldiers, while Beau craved human contact, always asking "Can we read, Aunt Val?" Her sacrifice was particularly profound given that her own marriage was ending, yet she never mentioned her troubles to Biden, later telling him, "I was bleeding from every pore, and I was trying to shore you up."
Gradually, Biden made peace with God and himself, tiring of grief. He began to see his rage as egotism - why should God busy himself with his circumstances? As a cartoon on his desk showed: a lightning-struck man asks "Why me!?!" and God shrugs, "Why not you?" Millions had it worse. He kept moving - to work, home to tuck in his boys, on his first tentative date, and campaigning nationwide.
第6章
Finding Jill, Finding Joy
In March 1975, Biden first noticed Jill Jacobs in photographs at Wilmington airport. She was featured in New Castle County Park advertisements - a blonde, gorgeous woman who caught his attention. That same weekend, his brother Frank suggested a blind date, giving him the number of a woman who "doesn't like politics." Though initially hesitant about dating, Biden called and was stunned to find the same woman from the airport photographs at the door when he arrived for their date.
At 24 to his 32, Jill had accepted his invitation on a whim but didn't expect much in common with someone his "advanced age." Refreshingly, she showed no interest in his political life, asking nothing about Washington or famous people he'd met. Instead, they talked about family, mutual Delaware friends, books, and real life. That night, for the first time since Neilia, Biden felt absolute attraction and something like joy.
Though Jill was clear she wasn't looking for anything long-term - she was recently separated, starting her first teaching job in fall, and adamantly against dating a politician - Biden was smitten. By Tuesday, he called her from the Senate gym: "I really like you. And I'd like you not to go out with anybody else." After a pause, she agreed to try.
Jill gave Biden back his life and made him feel his family might be whole again. When he fell for Jill, the Senate became fun again, and he felt capable of seeking reelection. After introducing her to the boys, they hit it off immediately. By the holidays, she was integrated into their lives, even suggesting they get away for Thanksgiving and helping make Christmas festive. One morning, Beau and Hunter approached Biden while he was shaving: "We think we should marry Jill," they said earnestly.
After multiple proposals and Biden's ultimatum before a trip to Africa - "marry me or that's it" - Jill finally agreed. Biden offered to leave the Senate for her, but when he actually picked up the phone to tell a reporter he wouldn't run again, she stopped him, saying, "If I denied you your dream, I would not be marrying the man I fell in love with."
They married in June 1977 at the United Nations chapel in New York City, with Beau and Hunter standing with them at the altar. To them, all four were getting married. After the ceremony, they began their honeymoon together as a family, seeing Annie on Broadway before grabbing hamburgers when the boys grew tired.
Jill's transition to motherhood was nearly seamless. She became the parent who showed up at school, drove the boys to activities, and cooked their meals. Without discussion, Beau and Hunter began calling her "Mom" (Neilia would always be "Mommy"). When a magazine fact-checker later called about their "stepmom," the boys had insisted, "We don't have a stepmom." Jill embraced everything about their past, honoring Neilia's memory and maintaining the boys' relationship with her parents.
第7章
The Senate Years: Finding His Voice
As Biden settled into his Senate career with Jill's support, he found himself navigating the complex political landscape of the late 1970s and 1980s. He'd made life difficult for himself by putting intellectual consistency and personal principle above expediency. The Washington press corps pegged him as a liberal Kennedy cousin - Irish, Catholic, young - but he wasn't an ideologue. He'd run with McGovern on tax fairness, environmental protection, and ending Vietnam, which he saw as a stupid waste based on faulty premises. But he also made clear he wouldn't rubber-stamp programs that no longer worked.
Mike Mansfield gave Biden the most important advice of his career: "Find the good things in your colleagues - the things their state saw - and not focus on the bad" and "never attack another man's motive, because you don't know his motive." This approach led to unlikely relationships, even with segregationists like James Eastland, whose blessing Biden needed for a Judiciary Committee seat.
The more familiar Biden became with the Senate, the more he realized personal interaction drove everything. He learned that building relationships across differences mattered. When he needed help on crucial issues, he needed support from those who disagreed with him on 80 percent of questions. By showing respect, honoring his word, and never questioning motives, he could at least expect them to hear him out.
During the Carter presidency, Biden witnessed a profound transformation in the Republican Party. Traveling with Republican colleagues, he was stunned to hear their new strategy: deliberately create deficits to starve government programs. "You can have the deficits. Now you have to argue about raising more taxes to provide for potholes, social welfare," one told him. This mercenary approach - cutting taxes to starve programs while attacking "welfare cheats" rather than welfare itself - resonated with voters but eroded institutional respect and congressional civility.
By 1980, Democrats were in trouble. Everything Carter touched seemed to fail - the energy crisis, recession, inflation, Iran hostage crisis. Even his comprehensive energy policy was undermined by his "malaise speech" about America's crisis of confidence, cementing his image as a naysayer. Though Biden campaigned hard for him twice, he warned Carter about his moralizing: "You thump that Bible one more time, and you're going to lose me, too."
第8章
Presidential Ambitions and Personal Crisis
Despite stories about Biden's lifelong presidential ambitions, the idea still seemed far-fetched to him even after ten years in the Senate. He had done little of the groundwork required for a presidential run - no collecting contacts at college speeches, no cultivating relationships with editorial boards or fundraisers. He simply didn't spend his career in pursuit of the Oval Office.
Political strategists first approached Biden about running in 1980, then returned in 1984, led by Pat Caddell. His polls showed Walter Mondale couldn't beat Reagan, and voters wanted a fresh face who could harness the power of the baby boom generation. At the New Jersey Democratic convention in September 1983, Biden's speech brought 1,500 delegates to their feet when he called for sublimating narrow agendas to greater public good. Despite the enthusiastic reception, Biden ultimately declined to run in 1984, realizing he wasn't ready - he couldn't visualize himself running the federal government.
After Reagan won reelection in 1984, Biden reconsidered running in 1988. With no incumbent or Democratic heir apparent, and formidable Mario Cuomo unlikely to run, he felt he measured up against likely candidates like Gary Hart and Richard Gephardt. At 42, after a decade on Foreign Relations and Intelligence committees, he understood America's place in the world in ways few politicians did.
Biden announced his candidacy on June 9, 1987, though fewer than one in five voters recognized his name. His first major opportunity would be a nationally televised PBS debate on July 1st. However, his plans were derailed when Supreme Court Justice Lewis Powell resigned, creating a crisis for Biden as Senate Judiciary Committee chairman. Powell had been the crucial swing vote on abortion, affirmative action, and church-state separation, and his resignation gave President Reagan the opportunity to fulfill his conservative social agenda through the Court with nominee Robert Bork.
Biden sacrificed crucial campaign time to prepare thoroughly for the Bork hearings, cutting blocks from his presidential campaign schedule despite his advisors' concerns about losing ground to Dukakis and Gephardt in Iowa. Just days before the hearings, disaster struck - Maureen Dowd published a front-page New York Times story accusing Biden of plagiarizing Neil Kinnock's speech without attribution. The Dukakis campaign had circulated comparison videos to media outlets. More allegations followed about unattributed quotes from Bobby Kennedy and Hubert Humphrey.
Despite the plagiarism controversy, Biden gaveled the Bork hearings to order in the Russell Senate Caucus Room. He framed the nomination as more than just about Bork himself but about America's constitutional journey. In questioning, Biden focused on Bork's willingness to overturn precedent and his criticism of the Griswold case establishing a right to privacy. When Biden asked if Bork could find any constitutional protection for married couples against government intrusion into their bedrooms, Bork admitted he had "never engaged in that exercise." The New York Times noted Biden's "sweeping invocations of human rights" were easier for viewers to grasp than Bork's technical legal arguments.
In the midst of the hearings, as the plagiarism controversy intensified, Biden called a family meeting to discuss options. After consulting with his family, particularly his sons who reminded him that "the only thing that's important is your honor," Biden announced his withdrawal from the presidential race. The next morning, surrounded by reporters and cameras, he stated: "I have concluded that I will stop being a candidate for president of the United States." Walking to resume the Bork hearings, Jill grabbed his arm and locked eyes with him: "You have to win this thing!"
Biden channeled his energy into the Bork hearings, which concluded with the nominee winning just five of the fourteen senators on the panel. The full Senate rejected Bork's nomination 58-42. Weeks later, Reagan invited Biden to the White House to discuss future nominees, eventually introducing him to Anthony Kennedy, who sailed through confirmation where Bork had failed.
第9章
Health Crisis and Renewal
After the Bork hearings, Biden struggled with persistent physical problems - headaches and a neck injury. On February 9, 1988, while giving a foreign policy speech at the University of Rochester, he felt sharp pain in his neck and something like lightning flashing in his head, waking up on the floor hours later. Doctors discovered he had an aneurysm leaking blood below the base of his brain, requiring delicate surgery with significant risk of brain damage.
Before surgery, Biden spoke with his sons alone in what might be their final conversation. He told Beau and Hunter how proud he was of them and asked them to take care of their mother and sister. He joked that his tombstone should read "son, brother, husband, father...athlete." In that moment that mattered most, he had been the kind of man he wanted to be.
After successful surgery, Biden faced a long recovery with partial facial paralysis. By August 1988, he finally felt like himself again, making his first public appearance at the Sussex County Jamboree where he told supporters, "The good news is that I can do anything I did before. The bad news is that I can't do anything better."
第10章
Fighting for Justice: The Violence Against Women Act
In 1990, Bureau of Justice statistics showed an alarming trend: while violent crimes against men were decreasing, those against women were rising. Biden's investigation revealed disturbing cultural attitudes - a Rhode Island survey showed 25% of middle-school boys and 20% of girls believed a man had the right to force sex after spending $10 on a date.
Despite compelling testimony in hearings, Senate attendance was sparse. Biden faced resistance from women's groups who distrusted him on abortion issues and worried VAWA would distract from their priorities. Even Jill initially resisted, telling him "We don't need protection."
Biden's legislation attacked deficiencies in protecting women's rights across institutions. Most importantly, Title III recognized violence against women as a civil rights violation - a hate crime - allowing women to seek damages in federal court. This elevation to "civil right" status would make violence against women non-negotiable in American consciousness.
Chief Justice Rehnquist tried to gut the bill in 1991, arguing it would burden federal courts with "domestic relations disputes." Biden testified forcefully before the House Judiciary Committee, pointing out the hypocrisy: "We have provisions making it a federal crime if you move across a state line with falsely made dentures... if you rustle a cow. If we can take care of cows, maybe the vaulted chambers of the Supreme Court could understand it may make sense to worry about women."
By late 1992, Biden's staff compiled accounts from shelter workers and crisis counselors into a report called "Violence Against Women: A Week in the Life of America." They documented at least 21,000 weekly crimes against women, with women six times more likely than men to be victims of intimate violence. The twenty-page timeline of horrific incidents represented just a fraction of the actual violence. America had three times more animal shelters than women's shelters.
When the crime bill finally passed in 1994, it included the fully-funded Violence Against Women Act with the civil rights provisions Biden had fought so hard to preserve.
第11章
Foreign Policy Leadership: Bosnia and Beyond
Biden's interest in Yugoslavia began with a persistent Croatian Catholic monk who came to his office with stories of Serbs desecrating a shrine in Medjugorje. As chair of the European Affairs Subcommittee, he started hearings on Yugoslavia's deterioration. By 1991, Slobodan Milosevic had seized power and was stirring Serbian nationalism. When Bosnia voted for independence in 1992, Milosevic and Radovan Karadzic launched a campaign of ethnic cleansing against Muslims and Croats.
The atrocities were horrific - torture, mass rape, concentration camps, and systematic murder. By August 1992, all this was known to the Bush administration, but they called it "a European problem" and "a civil war." Secretary of State James Baker said, "We don't have a dog in that fight."
Biden believed America needed to lead when no European country would act against the slaughter. On the Senate floor, he advocated for "lift and strike" - lifting the UN weapons embargo so Bosnia could defend itself, and authorizing NATO airstrikes against Serb artillery. He called Milosevic what he was: a war criminal and mass murderer.
In April 1993, Biden traveled to Europe to see the situation firsthand. After visiting a refugee camp in Tuzla, Bosnia, he witnessed the human toll of the conflict. When he finally met Milosevic at his presidential palace, he refused to shake his hand and called him "a damn war criminal who should be tried as one." Milosevic didn't even flinch.
Only after the Serbs overran another safe area two weeks later did NATO finally begin serious air strikes. By November 1995, the Dayton Peace Agreement was in place, but 200,000 Bosnians had been killed and 2 million displaced. When Milosevic later began ethnic cleansing in Kosovo in 1999, Biden introduced a Senate resolution authorizing President Clinton to use any means necessary to stop him. With Clinton's resolve, NATO bombing finally forced Milosevic to back down after seventy-eight days.
第12章
America After 9/11: New Challenges
On September 11, 2001, Biden was on his regular morning train to Washington when news broke about planes hitting the World Trade Center. Despite evacuation orders, he initially tried entering the Capitol, believing the government should remain visibly functioning. When ABC News interviewed him, he emphasized the need for calm, perspective, and methodical analysis rather than jumping to conclusions.
In the aftermath of 9/11, Biden witnessed Americans' remarkable resilience - people lining up to donate blood in New York City streets while our leaders were temporarily absent. For the first time in NATO's fifty-year history, European allies invoked Article 5, declaring an attack on one as an attack on all. Biden saw this moment as a chance to overcome the Cheney-Rumsfeld unilateralism, recognizing terrorism required international solutions.
In January 2002, Biden traveled to Afghanistan against Pentagon resistance. At Kabul, he found a devastated city - not from American bombing but from decades of conflict. Streets were lined with rubble and blown-out buildings. At a refugee complex housing 20,000 people, Afghans refused to return to their villages, explaining "They're still out there, the Taliban." The fighters had simply changed their turbans and melted into the population, waiting for Americans to leave.
Returning to Washington, Biden publicly praised Afghanistan's early success while emphasizing urgent needs: more U.S. troops, expanded international security forces, infrastructure investment, and immediate cash for Karzai's government. However, the administration was already shifting focus to Iraq, squandering the opportunity in Afghanistan.
As the Bush administration built their case that Saddam Hussein was an imminent threat, Biden convened Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearings to examine the situation objectively. Expert witnesses delivered sobering testimony: Saddam wasn't an imminent threat (5-10 years from nuclear capability), we couldn't count on the coalition support we had in Afghanistan, and the aftermath would be extraordinarily challenging. Most disturbingly, experts cautioned that rather than reducing terrorism, invasion might actually increase it.
Throughout his career, Biden has been guided by the principle of opposing abuses of power - something instilled by his Catholic upbringing and parents. From civil rights to crime legislation, from opposing Nixon's abuses to fighting redlining by banks, this thread has connected his entire career. As he reflected in a Georgetown speech about how his faith informed his politics, standing against power abuses had always animated his politics and shaped his promises to keep.
