The Man Without a Face: The Unlikely Rise of Vladimir Putin

Résumé de The Man Without a Face

1. 1

   The Assassination That Signaled a New Era

   

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   When journalist Masha Gessen received a late-night call about politician Galina Starovoitova's murder in 1998, she couldn't have known this moment marked the beginning of Russia's descent into darkness. Starovoitova, an anthropologist turned democracy advocate, had been gunned down in her apartment building-a brazen killing that would become the first note in a symphony of political violence. This wasn't just another crime in a chaotic post-Soviet landscape. It was a warning shot, an early tremor before the earthquake. Within months, an obscure former KGB officer named Vladimir Putin would rise from the shadows to become Russia's most powerful leader since Stalin. His ascent would transform a country that had briefly tasted freedom back into an authoritarian state where murder, media suppression, and fear became tools of governance. Understanding Putin's rise isn't just about comprehending Russian politics-it's about witnessing how democracies die and how one man's pathology can reshape an entire nation's destiny.

2. 2

   The Making of a Predator

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   Putin's childhood in post-war Leningrad forged his worldview through violence and survival. Born in 1952 to parents traumatized by the 872-day Nazi siege, he grew up in a communal apartment where the courtyard became his proving ground-a brutal hierarchy ruled by neighborhood thugs. Despite his small size, Putin learned never to show weakness, immediately attacking anyone who insulted him. This wasn't occasional fighting-it was survival philosophy. At thirteen, Putin transformed from troublemaker into focused predator with one goal: joining the KGB. His father had served in NKVD "subversive troops" with catastrophic casualty rates. At sixteen, he walked into KGB headquarters seeking recruitment. Told to get a university degree first, he studied German and gained admission to Leningrad University-likely through KGB intervention. His KGB career proved disappointing. After years of paperwork and a posting to Dresden, Putin burned documents as the Berlin Wall fell. When protesters stormed his building and he called Moscow for help, the response devastated him: "Moscow is silent." This abandonment shaped everything that followed.

3. 3

   Democracy's Brief Window and Putin's Infiltration

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   The Leningrad Putin returned to in 1990 was unrecognizable. The 1987 "Battle of the Angleterre"-when hundreds protested a historic hotel's demolition-awakened collective action. By 1988, residents created "Hyde Park" in Mikhailov Gardens, a weekly forum for free speech. Ordinary people claiming public space for political discussion represented a revolutionary shift. Marina Salye emerged as this movement's trusted leader. A geology PhD in her fifties who'd deliberately avoided Party membership, this cigarette-smoking woman with impeccable St. Petersburg credentials could "lead a crowd up and down Nevsky, stopping traffic." When 1989 elections trounced Party functionaries, Russia seemed destined for democracy. Enter Anatoly Sobchak, a law professor whose oratorical skills quickly established him as a democratic star. Unlike sweater-wearing activists, Sobchak was ostentatious and could "mesmerize listeners while saying nothing of substance." When the city council needed a chairman, they chose him over Salye-a catastrophic decision. Putin's entry reveals how easily authoritarian systems infiltrate. He took a position at Leningrad State University as assistant chancellor for foreign relations-perfect cover as the university established international connections. When Sobchak needed someone for sensitive matters, he deliberately sought Putin precisely because he was KGB. The democrats, naively believing they could control former security personnel, welcomed the wolf into their midst.

4. Chapitre 4

   The Anatomy of Corruption

   Marina Salye's investigation exposed Putin's systematic theft as head of the Committee for Foreign Relations. He negotiated $92 million in export contracts, supposedly trading natural resources for food to feed starving Leningrad. Every contract contained deliberate legal flaws making them invalid. The commodities-oil, metals, timber-were shipped abroad, but the promised food never arrived. The scheme was elegant: create flawed contracts with trusted parties, issue export licenses, ship commodities abroad, and pocket the proceeds. When Salye presented her findings, the city council recommended dismissing and prosecuting Putin. Mayor Sobchak ignored both recommendations. In post-Soviet Russia, where Communist elites had enjoyed royal status, Sobchak saw nothing wrong with distributing city property as he pleased. By 1996, three-quarters of St. Petersburg lived below the poverty line while Sobchak hosted expensive banquets. Putin, as deputy mayor, performed traditional KGB functions-managing foreign trade and controlling information flow. When Sobchak lost the election, Putin showed rare loyalty by declining a position in the new administration. Within months, he helped his former boss escape prosecution by secretly evacuating him to Paris on a Finnish medevac plane.

   Chapitre 5

   The Accidental Dictator

   In 1999, Russia was collapsing. Boris Yeltsin, plagued by heart attacks and single-digit approval ratings, had become a liability. His inner circle-the "Family," including daughter Tatyana, chief of staff Alexander Voloshin, and oligarch Boris Berezovsky-faced selecting someone to govern the world's largest nuclear arsenal from a minuscule candidate pool. The irony stung. Russia had experienced genuine hope in the late 1980s, elected their first free leader, and got hyperinflation, corruption, and devastating inequality. Now a handful of people would choose Russia's next leader-and they knew remarkably little about him. Berezovsky claimed Putin was his protege, citing a 1990 meeting where Putin notably declined a bribe. This single act became Putin's calling card, even as evidence mounted of his systematic corruption in St. Petersburg. Then came September 1999 and the apartment bombings. Explosions terrorized Russia, killing hundreds. Without evidence, Russians blamed Chechens. The bombings justified Putin, newly named prime minister, resuming military operations in Chechnya. His harsh rhetoric-promising to "hunt down" terrorists and "rub them out in the outhouse"-signaled his iron-fist approach. His popularity soared as Berezovsky's media empire crafted Putin's image as a young, energetic reformer. On December 31, 1999, Yeltsin orchestrated his early resignation, making Putin acting president and instant incumbent. The timing-New Year's Eve, before a two-week holiday-caught opponents off-guard. At Davos weeks later, when asked "Who is Mr. Putin?", even Russian elites couldn't answer. Two days before the presidential election, NTV aired an investigation into a suspicious September incident in Ryazan. Residents had discovered sacks of apparent explosives in their apartment building. The bomb squad identified hexogen-the same explosive used in the Moscow bombings. Yet the next day, FSB head Patrushev claimed it was merely a "training exercise" with sugar. The explanation was riddled with inconsistencies, suggesting the FSB had orchestrated the very bombings that propelled Putin to power.

   Chapitre 6

   The Systematic Destruction of Freedom

   Within three months of taking office in May 2000, Putin forced two of Russia's wealthiest men-Berezovsky and Gusinsky-into exile. By year's end, all three federal television networks were under state control through a brutal formula: fabricate charges, arrest or threaten media owners, seize their assets. The August 2000 Kursk submarine disaster revealed Putin's callousness. For nine days, the navy bungled rescue efforts while turning away international help. Putin remained on vacation, eventually appearing only to dismiss foreign assistance and blame the media. In October 2002, terrorists seized a Moscow theater with nearly 800 hostages. Russian forces pumped gas into the theater before storming it-129 hostages died, many from the gas itself after being denied proper medical care. In September 2004, terrorists seized a school in Beslan. Though hostage-takers showed willingness to negotiate, Russian forces attacked with grenade launchers. In total, 312 people died-many killed by the chaotic Russian assault. On October 7, 2006-Putin's birthday-journalist Anna Politkovskaya was shot dead in her apartment building elevator. Putin's statement revealed his contempt: he emphasized Politkovskaya's "extremely insignificant" political influence while acknowledging her murder damaged his government more than her articles. Three weeks later, Alexander Litvinenko fell violently ill after directly blaming Putin for Politkovskaya's death. Hours before dying, doctors identified polonium-210 as the poison-a substance manufactured exclusively in Russia under tight federal control.

   Chapitre 7

   The Man Without a Face and Russia's Future

   When Putin's second term ended in 2008, he installed Dmitry Medvedev as ceremonial president while ruling as prime minister. By 2011, Russia ranked 154th of 178 countries on Transparency International's corruption index, with an estimated 15% of prisoners being entrepreneurs jailed by competitors who seized their businesses. On September 24, 2011, Medvedev announced Putin's return - revealing they'd arranged this years earlier. Mass protests erupted. On December 10, between 35,000 and 150,000 demonstrators gathered at Bolotnaya Square, wearing white ribbons. One banner read: "We Don't Trust You, We Trust Gauss," comparing election results to statistical norms. They chanted "New Elections!" and "Russia Without Putin!" Protests spread to ninety-nine Russian cities and consulates worldwide. This hope proved fleeting. Putin's 2012 return launched cultural warfare - anti-gay legislation, persecution of dissidents, emphasis on "traditional values." The 2014 Crimea annexation consolidated power through nationalist fervor. Putin's story chills because exhausted elites selected someone they barely knew to lead a nuclear superpower, believing he seemed controllable. Instead, they unleashed a predator who'd spent his life preparing for this moment. Russia's democratic experiment ended not with dramatic coup but quiet handover to someone who understood that real power lies in the systematic application of fear.

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