What is *Every Nation for Itself: Winners and Losers in a G-Zero World* about?

Ian Bremmer’s *Every Nation for Itself* analyzes the rise of a "G-Zero" world—a global power vacuum where no single nation or alliance sets the international agenda. It explores how this leadership void impacts economics, conflict, climate policy, and resource security, while identifying which countries and regions will thrive or struggle in this decentralized era. The book also outlines potential future scenarios, including a fragmented "world of regions".

Who should read *Every Nation for Itself*?

This book is essential for policymakers, business leaders, and readers interested in geopolitics and global trends. It appeals to those analyzing power shifts post-American hegemony, including implications for trade, security, and international cooperation. Academics studying realist international relations theory will find Bremmer’s US-centric perspective on global stewardship particularly engaging.

What is the "G-Zero" concept in Bremmer’s book?

The "G-Zero" describes a world without dominant global leadership, marked by declining US influence and no clear successor to stabilize international systems. Bremmer argues this vacuum leads to geopolitical instability, protectionist policies, and unaddressed challenges like climate change. The concept has become a benchmark for analyzing modern multilateral failures.

How does Bremmer define "winners" and "losers" in a G-Zero world?

"Winners" are nations adaptable to decentralized power, like resource-rich states (e.g., Canada) and technocratic economies (e.g., Germany). "Losers" rely on outdated alliances or lack strategic autonomy, such as countries dependent on US security guarantees or authoritarian regimes facing internal dissent. Emerging markets face heightened risks without global coordination.

What future scenarios does Bremmer predict for a G-Zero world?

Bremmer outlines four scenarios: a US-China condominium, competitive multipolarity, regional blocs, and a chaotic "G-Subzero" breakdown. He deems a fragmented "world of regions" most likely, with competing alliances in Asia, Europe, and the Americas. A dystopian "G-Subzero" scenario warns of power devolving to gangs or militants in unstable states.

What is Bremmer’s critique of US foreign policy in the book?

Bremmer urges the US to reinvest in globalization, fiscal responsibility, and institutions like the Trans-Pacific Partnership to regain influence. He argues passivity risks ceding ground to China and eroding the post-WWII liberal order. However, critics note his analysis romanticizes America’s historical benevolence.

How does *Every Nation for Itself* relate to Bremmer’s other works?

This book expands on Bremmer’s expertise in geopolitical risk, complementing *Us vs. Them* (populism) and *The Power of Crisis* (global threats). It introduces his widely cited "G-Zero" framework, later referenced in his analyses of AI, climate crises, and US-China rivalry.

What are key criticisms of the book?

Critics highlight Bremmer’s US-centric view of global governance and overly optimistic faith in international institutions. Some argue he underestimates non-state actors’ roles in shaping global trends. However, the core "G-Zero" thesis remains influential in policy circles.

Résumé de Chaque nation pour soi

Gagnants et perdants dans un monde G-Zéro

Ian Bremmer

3.58(575 Reviews)

Vue d’ensemble du Résumé de Chaque nation pour soi

Dans un monde sans leadership mondial, qui gagne ? Le concept de « G-Zero » d'Ian Bremmer révèle pourquoi aucune nation ne peut résoudre seule les défis d'aujourd'hui. Approuvée par le PDG de Coca-Cola comme une « lecture obligatoire », cette analyse fascinante a transformé la façon dont Fareed Zakaria et les dirigeants mondiaux perçoivent la coopération internationale.

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Chapitre 1

A World Without Leaders: The Rise of the G-Zero Era

What happens when the world's most powerful nations refuse to lead? In 2011, at a Napa Valley dinner, I witnessed Paul Martin-creator of the G20-reveal a startling truth: the forum wasn't about global governance but about securing Canada's position in a changing world. "It's like exchanging a first-class seat on a sinking ship for a secure spot on a bigger boat," he confessed. This image perfectly captures our current global predicament-twenty nations at a poker table, each guarding their chips, watching others, waiting to play their hand. This isn't global order. It's every nation for itself. Ian Bremmer's "Every Nation for Itself" has become required reading in diplomatic circles and boardrooms alike. When released, The Economist called it "a shrewd analysis" while The Wall Street Journal praised its "provocative thesis." The book's influence extends beyond policy circles-even celebrities like Angelina Jolie, known for her humanitarian work, referenced its insights when discussing global refugee crises. Its warnings about a rudderless world have proven remarkably prescient as we've witnessed escalating trade wars, climate inaction, and pandemic response failures in recent years.

Chapitre 2

The Power Vacuum: Understanding the G-Zero World

For the first time in seven decades, we live without effective global leadership. The G-Zero represents a dangerous power vacuum where no country or group of countries can drive an international agenda or provide global public goods. This isn't about American decline or China's rise-it's about a fundamental shift where established powers lack the muscle to impose solutions while emerging powers reject collective action requiring sacrifice. The vacuum is particularly evident in areas like climate change, international security, and global economic coordination. The 2009 Copenhagen climate summit perfectly illustrates this reality. As world leaders gathered for closed-door negotiations (secretly recorded and later obtained by Der Spiegel), China's premier remained at his hotel, distancing himself from proceedings. The summit collapsed not because any single country sabotaged it, but because there wasn't enough common ground among established and emerging powers to reach a deal requiring sacrifice from all sides. No country had sufficient leverage to impose a solution. Similar dynamics played out during the Syrian crisis, the North Korean nuclear standoff, and global trade negotiations. This exemplifies the G-Zero dilemma: many countries can prevent action, but none has the power to remake the status quo. It's like a bus without a driver-everyone has an opinion about the destination, but nobody wants to take responsibility for getting there. The European Union struggles with internal cohesion, Japan faces demographic decline, and emerging powers like India and Brazil prioritize domestic development over global leadership. America, once the undisputed global leader, now faces unsustainable debt accumulation decades in the making. Entitlement programs consume 40% of the federal budget, with baby boomers beginning to collect benefits in unprecedented numbers. The U.S. borrows $4 billion daily, half from China, whose officials increasingly express concerns about American debt security. Without a Soviet-style threat to rally public support for global engagement, Americans have turned inward, more concerned with jobs, homes, and healthcare than exporting values abroad. The implications of this leadership vacuum are far-reaching. International institutions like the UN, World Bank, and IMF, designed for a different era, struggle to address contemporary challenges. Regional powers increasingly assert themselves in their spheres of influence, leading to competing visions of global order. The lack of coordinated leadership becomes particularly problematic during global crises, from pandemic response to financial market stability. Climate change initiatives falter without strong international backing, while cybersecurity threats grow in the absence of agreed-upon global standards. Traditional alliances are also evolving in the G-Zero world. NATO's role is being questioned, while new groupings like BRICS seek greater influence. Meanwhile, non-state actors - from multinational corporations to terrorist groups - exploit the leadership vacuum to advance their agendas. The result is a more unpredictable, volatile international system where crisis management becomes increasingly challenging and cooperative solutions more elusive.

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Chapitre 3

The Reluctant Powers: Why No One Will Step Up

The leadership vacuum in global governance won't be filled anytime soon. A potential G3 alliance of America, Europe, and Japan faces formidable barriers: increasingly complex global challenges require meaningful cooperation from emerging powers like China and India, while Europeans and Americans continue to disagree on fundamental issues ranging from NATO responsibilities and defense spending to economic revival strategies and climate change policies. European policymakers face years, if not decades, of bitter bargaining to restore Eurozone confidence. The monetary union created fundamental tensions between fiscally conservative countries like Germany that must fund bailouts and peripheral nations like Greece, Spain, and Portugal that have lived beyond their means. As Warren Buffett astutely explained, "Seventeen countries that joined the European monetary union gave up the right to print their own money... They gave each other their credit cards and said let's all go out. And some behaved better than others." This structural flaw in the Eurozone's architecture has led to recurring crises and deepening north-south divisions. Germany exemplifies this tension. Despite emerging from the financial crisis with one of the world's healthiest economies, boasting strong exports and low unemployment, Berlin must now bankroll massive Eurozone bailouts while insisting on directing reform processes in bailed-out countries. This creates inevitable resentment as austerity measures bite deeply into social services, pension systems, and living standards across Southern Europe. The resulting social unrest, from strikes in Greece to protests in Spain, has fueled populist movements and anti-EU sentiment. Emerging powers won't fill the leadership vacuum either, despite their growing economic clout. Their domestic challenges are too demanding-economic development, urbanization, and political stability take precedence over assuming global responsibilities. China, despite its remarkable growth and increasing global influence, remains focused primarily inward. Premier Wen Jiabao acknowledged this reality when he stated, "China is still in the primary stage of socialism and remains a developing country." With per capita GDP ranking 94th globally, China faces enormous internal challenges: it must rebalance productivity from coastal cities to central provinces, reform unsustainable energy consumption patterns, address severe environmental degradation, and create a comprehensive nationwide social safety net for 1.34 billion people-all while managing rising worker expectations and responding to thousands of annual protests over corruption, pollution, and land rights. India similarly faces massive domestic hurdles, from widespread poverty and infrastructure deficits to educational challenges and bureaucratic inefficiencies. Brazil struggles with inequality and economic volatility, while Russia grapples with demographic decline and overdependence on natural resources. These internal priorities make it unlikely that any emerging power will step forward to shoulder global leadership responsibilities in the near term.

Chapitre 4

The Institutional Failure: When Global Governance Breaks Down

Global institutions have struggled to fill the widening leadership void in international governance. The G7's long-standing dominance effectively ended with the 2008 financial crisis, which dramatically accelerated the transition toward including emerging powers in a more representative G20 framework. While Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh optimistically declared "The G20 has come to stay as the single most important forum to address the financial and economic issues of the world," the reality has proven far more complex and challenging. The G20's track record demonstrates that it only achieves significant progress when all member states feel simultaneously threatened by the same acute problem. Even during the height of the global financial crisis, when coordination was most crucial, G20 summits typically produced little beyond harmonious rhetoric and modest practical results. The fundamental challenge lies in achieving meaningful consensus among twenty nations with vastly divergent political systems, economic priorities, and strategic interests - a task that one diplomat memorably described as being "like herding cats... together with animals that don't like cats." Traditional multinational institutions like the IMF and World Bank remain firmly Western-dominated despite superficial reforms giving emerging powers marginally more voting rights. This became starkly apparent when Dominique Strauss-Kahn resigned as IMF director in 2011. Despite vocal objections from emerging powers, Christine Lagarde became the eleventh consecutive European to lead the organization, highlighting the persistence of old power structures. The appointment process revealed deep tensions between established and rising powers over representation in global financial governance. The BRICS nations (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) exemplify the challenges of emerging power coordination. While they share broad aspirations for greater international influence and often critique Western dominance, they have fundamental differences in their economic models, political systems, and regional rivalries that complicate unified action. China and India maintain territorial disputes, Russia's aggressive foreign policy alienates potential partners, and Brazil's economic interests often conflict with China's industrial dominance. These internal contradictions have limited BRICS' effectiveness as a counterweight to traditional Western institutions. The resulting governance gap has real consequences: delayed responses to global crises, ineffective coordination on transnational challenges like climate change and pandemic response, and increasing resort to unilateral or small-group actions outside formal institutional frameworks. Without effective reform of global governance structures to reflect current power realities while maintaining operational effectiveness, this institutional failure seems likely to persist and potentially worsen.

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Chapitre 5

Conflict Zones: The New Battlegrounds

With America's diminishing role as global policeman - driven by both financial constraints and domestic political pressures - regional conflicts are intensifying across multiple theaters. Rising powers are increasingly assertive in their spheres of influence, leading to complex power dynamics previously held in check by Western intervention. The most significant conflicts have shifted from traditional military confrontations to economic warfare, where governments weaponize critical resources including oil, gas, rare earth metals, and agricultural commodities as instruments of foreign policy leverage. The Middle East represents a primary flashpoint as the U.S. reduces its regional footprint. This creates a dangerous power vacuum that multiple regional actors are rushing to fill. Saudi Arabia seeks to maintain Sunni dominance while containing Iran's influence; Turkey pursues neo-Ottoman ambitions across the region; and Iran works to expand its Shiite sphere of influence from Iraq to Yemen. These competing agendas, combined with ongoing sectarian tensions and resource disputes, create a volatile mix that threatens regional stability. Asia presents perhaps the most concerning long-term conflict risk, with multiple overlapping security challenges. These include North Korea's nuclear program, India-Pakistan tensions, disputed territories in the South and East China Seas, and Taiwan's status. The region hosts several nuclear powers, rapidly modernizing militaries, and historical grievances that remain unresolved. Unlike post-war Europe, which developed robust institutions like the EU and NATO to manage conflicts, Asia lacks effective multilateral mechanisms for dispute resolution. ASEAN, while important, lacks the authority and capability to address major security challenges. China's rising economic and military power fundamentally challenges the post-WWII security architecture built around U.S. alliances. Asian nations increasingly find themselves caught between Chinese economic gravity and American security guarantees, forcing difficult choices about alignment. Beijing's Belt and Road Initiative creates new dependencies, while questions about Washington's long-term commitment to the region create strategic uncertainty. This makes Asia the premier arena for great power competition in the coming decades. Cyberspace has emerged as the most underappreciated domain for conflict in the G-Zero world. The lack of international protocols and coordinated leadership leaves both state and non-state actors vulnerable to increasingly sophisticated cyber threats. Multinational companies face state-sponsored industrial espionage, critical infrastructure remains exposed to sabotage, and intellectual property theft has become routine. Western companies operating in authoritarian states face particular risks, as demonstrated by attacks on Google, Microsoft, and others aimed at acquiring advanced technologies and sensitive data. The asymmetric nature of cyber warfare, where offensive capabilities significantly outpace defensive measures, creates a particularly destabilizing dynamic. Without effective deterrence mechanisms or international cooperation frameworks, institutions and nations pursue individual cyber security at the expense of collective solutions. This digital manifestation of "every nation for itself" mentality fragments cyber defense efforts and increases systemic vulnerabilities. State-sponsored cyber operations increasingly target financial systems, utilities, and other critical infrastructure, while the attribution of attacks remains challenging, further complicating response options.

Chapitre 6

Resource Wars: The Fight for Survival

Water scarcity presents perhaps the most dangerous resource challenge, with only 0.007 percent of Earth's water available for human use. This microscopic fraction must support 7.9 billion people, leading prominent experts like former UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali to warn that "wars of the next century will be about water." With 263 water basins shared between multiple countries and only sixteen nations agreeing to the UN convention on water sharing, conflict looms. The Jordan River basin, shared by Israel, Palestine, and Jordan, already exemplifies these tensions, with water access becoming a critical point of contention in peace negotiations. The most concerning potential conflict zones are in Asia and Africa. China, the world's "unrivaled hydro-hegemon," controls more cross-border freshwater than any nation and has built more than 87,000 dams, more than all other countries combined. The Three Gorges Dam alone has dramatically altered water flows to downstream nations. This dominance threatens supplies to India, Bangladesh, and Southeast Asian nations, particularly along the Mekong River where Vietnamese rice production has already suffered. In Africa, the Nile basin's 370 million inhabitants face increasing competition for water, with Egypt's historical water rights now challenged by upstream nations like Ethiopia. The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam project has escalated tensions to the point where military threats have been exchanged. Food security represents another critical G-Zero challenge, with coordinated solutions increasingly unlikely despite growing threats. Biofuels development exacerbates this problem by diverting crops from food production - corn-based ethanol alone consumes 40% of the US corn crop. Grain price fluctuations hit developing countries hardest, where people spend over half their income on food. The 2008 food crisis, when rice prices tripled in six months, demonstrated the devastating impact of such volatility. Rather than cooperating on solutions, nations engage in "food protectionism"-restricting exports during shortages and erecting import barriers. Countries like China and Saudi Arabia buy foreign farmland, particularly in Africa, triggering local unrest as food grown locally gets exported. China alone has acquired rights to millions of hectares in Congo and Zambia. Russia's grain export ban following a 2010 drought caused deadly riots in Mozambique, where bread prices rose 30% overnight. The failed Doha Round of WTO talks reflects the unwillingness of major powers to create level playing fields for agriculture, with developed nations refusing to reduce agricultural subsidies while demanding market access from developing countries. This deadlock in global governance leaves vulnerable populations increasingly exposed to food insecurity and price shocks.

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Chapitre 7

The Adaptable Winners: Who Thrives in the G-Zero

Certain regional powers find new opportunities in a world without enforceable international rules. These "pivot states" maintain productive relationships with multiple powers while avoiding excessive dependence on any single partner. Indonesia exemplifies the Asian pivot state with its well-diversified economy benefiting from natural resources, a skilled workforce, growing middle class, strong education system, expanding manufacturing, and tourism. With over half its population under thirty, Indonesia avoids the aging population challenges facing Europe, China, and Japan. Its trade ties remain well-balanced among China, the U.S., Japan, and Singapore. Vietnam pivots effectively by receiving development aid from Japan, arms from Russia, machinery from China, and export markets from the U.S. Its economic reforms have delivered 7.5% average GDP growth over twenty years, reducing poverty from 58% to 14.5%. Even tiny Singapore demonstrates that size doesn't limit geopolitical options. Sitting at the Strait of Malacca (through which one-third of world seaborne traffic passes), Singapore has become the world's fourth-leading financial center by marrying Eastern culture with Western business practices. Its strategic position makes it valuable to China, India, Indonesia, and the U.S. Multinational companies that understand the changing landscape and demonstrate agility will succeed most. As Darwin noted, survival favors not the strongest or smartest, but those most adaptable to change. Some companies exploit arbitrage opportunities to minimize tax and regulatory burdens. When German taxpayers funded Ireland's bank rescue, German lawmakers demanded Ireland raise its corporate tax rates. However, Ireland recognized that higher taxes would drive multinationals elsewhere. Other adapters transform state-backed rivals into partners by offering unique expertise or technology. Oil multinationals now focus less on exploration and more on providing services to state-owned companies. BP partnered with China National Petroleum Corporation in Iraq, while ExxonMobil joined with Russia's Rosneft to develop Arctic oilfields-Rosneft gains deep-sea drilling expertise while ExxonMobil accesses untapped resources.

Chapitre 8

The Vulnerable Losers: Who Suffers Most

Countries most dependent on U.S. strength and willingness to protect allies face heightened risks in the G-Zero world. Japan must navigate centuries-old tensions with China while uncertain about America's future commitment to defending Japanese interests. Taiwan shares similar concerns. Israel finds itself increasingly isolated as Arab leaders-both surviving autocrats and newly elected politicians-build street credibility by criticizing Israel's treatment of Palestinians. The combination of a lower U.S. profile in the Middle East and competition between Gulf monarchs and Iran creates unprecedented isolation for Israel. Unlike pivot states that can balance relationships with multiple powers, "shadow states" remain tightly bound to a single dominant neighbor. Mexico exemplifies this category-its economy and standard of living are inextricably linked to the United States, with its largest sources of foreign currency (oil sales, tourism, and remittances) all heavily dependent on the American market. Ukraine offers another example, caught between Russia and Europe. Despite public desire for stronger European ties, Ukraine's government must protect traditional Russian relationships. With 17% of its population identifying as ethnic Russians and critical dependence on Russian energy supplies, Ukraine faces significant constraints. Russia has demonstrated willingness to use natural gas as a foreign policy weapon, cutting supplies in 2009 during pricing disputes. International institutions built to serve those who once dominated the global system but unable to reform quickly enough are clear losers in the G-Zero world. NATO exemplifies this problem-created to "keep the Russians out, the Americans in, and the Germans down," it now exists in a world where Russians no longer threaten the West, America is less crucial for European security, and Germany leads Europe.

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Chapitre 9

The Uncertain Future: What Comes Next?

The G-Zero cannot last forever. Like a vacuum, it will eventually be filled by a new international order, likely triggered by some form of crisis. While we don't know if this transition period will last five years or fifteen, it serves as an incubator for potential catastrophes-from financial meltdowns to pandemics, nuclear crises, or climate disasters. A G2 scenario would emerge if crises push the United States and China into partnership as the world's dominant powers. For this to work, China would need to develop sustainable economic balance by shifting from export dependence to domestic consumption, while the U.S. would need economic recovery strong enough to support foreign policy investments and move beyond partisan paralysis. However, a G2 remains unlikely because China rejects this role, the countries have fundamentally different systems, and economic rebalancing would create tensions in both societies. Many potential crises could drive them apart rather than together, and other powers like Europe, Japan, India, and Brazil will likely maintain their growing influence. A U.S.-China conflict scenario could emerge through various triggers: Chinese belief that America lacks resources to fight in Asia, cyberattacks misattributed to either side, or trade disputes spiraling out of control. Unlike the U.S.-Soviet Cold War, however, today's U.S.-Chinese relations rest on economic interdependence-"mutually assured economic destruction"-making it difficult for either to damage the other without self-harm. The most likely post-G-Zero scenario is a world without global leadership, where powers rise to address only local and regional issues. America remains the sole global military power, but regional heavyweights increasingly ignore multinational institutions. This regionalization manifests differently across the globe. Russia can maintain influence across former Soviet territories if oil prices remain high. Asia will be the most volatile region, with China, India, and Japan unlikely to coexist harmoniously, while mid-sized powers resist falling completely into any single orbit.

Chapitre 10

America's Choice: Adapting to the New Reality

Despite widespread pessimism about American decline, the United States retains fundamental strengths that could enable renewed leadership in a post-G-Zero world. Though Washington must adopt cost-sensitive foreign policies and address serious domestic challenges in education, infrastructure, and political cooperation, America's foundation remains solid. The U.S. will continue investing more in hard power than any rival, making it a sought-after security partner. American soft power-including English language dominance, cultural appeal, and free-market capitalism-remains unmatched globally. Democratic institutions continue inspiring those living under authoritarian regimes, which remain fundamentally brittle despite appearances of stability. America must learn from G-Zero winners and losers to rebuild effectively. Winners accept reality, adapt to changing circumstances, and leverage core strengths, while losers resist change and live beyond their means. U.S. policymakers must abandon vanity, allowing for local solutions to local problems rather than imposing American models. They must acknowledge that deficits matter, compromise is essential, and even superpowers must live within their means. Free trade agreements represent America's most cost-effective foreign policy tool for both economic reinvigoration and international influence. This is particularly crucial in Asia, where China has aggressively pursued trade deals like the landmark China-ASEAN agreement that created the world's third-largest free trade area. While America's share of Asian trade fell from 35% in 1990 to just 18% in 2008, China has signed seventeen trade agreements, thirteen in Asia alone. Trade remains the arena where America performs best-the free flow of ideas, information, people, goods and services plays to American strengths in innovation, branding and entrepreneurship. Washington must accept the G-Zero's limitations, rebuild strength internally, maintain engagement where vital interests exist, and seek cost-effective ways to sustain international demand for American leadership. The G-Zero world isn't inherently good or bad-it's simply reality. Those who recognize this fundamental shift in global politics and adapt accordingly will thrive, while those clinging to outdated models of international cooperation will find themselves increasingly frustrated and marginalized. In a world where no one is driving the bus, the wisest strategy might be learning to navigate the journey on your own terms.

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Thèmes clés du Résumé de Chaque nation pour soi

global leadership vacuum
geopolitical power shifts
international cooperation failure
emerging market influence
global governance crisis

Meilleures citations du Résumé de Chaque nation pour soi

It's every nation for itself.
This isn't global order.
They gave each other their credit cards and said let's all go out.

Personnages du Résumé de Chaque nation pour soi

Ian BremmerAuthor and political scientist who defined G-Zero
Paul MartinFormer Canadian Prime Minister and G20 creator

À propos de l'auteur

Ian Bremmer, auteur de Chaque nation pour soi (Every Nation for Itself), est un politologue et stratège géopolitique de premier plan, renommé pour son décryptage des dynamiques de pouvoir mondiales. Auteur à succès et fondateur d'Eurasia Group, le principal cabinet de conseil en risques politiques au monde, Bremmer explore dans cet ouvrage les thèmes des relations internationales, des alliances changeantes et des défis d'un monde multipolaire. Son expertise s'appuie sur des décennies de conseil auprès des dirigeants du Fortune 500 et des gouvernements, ainsi que sur ses fonctions académiques à l'Université Columbia et à Stanford, où il a obtenu son doctorat.

Les analyses de Bremmer sont relayées par son rôle d'éditeur associé pour les affaires mondiales au magazine Time et par sa série sur PBS, GZERO World, où il analyse les crises géopolitiques. Ses autres ouvrages notables, notamment The Power of Crisis et Us vs. Them: The Failure of Globalism, consolident sa réputation pour l'anticipation des tendances mondiales. Voix de confiance dans les médias, il intervient régulièrement sur CNN, Fox News et MSNBC.

Chaque nation pour soi développe le concept novateur de « G-Zéro » de Bremmer, qui décrit un monde sans leadership mondial dominant. Traduits dans plus de 20 langues, ses livres ont façonné les discussions politiques dans plus de 90 pays grâce au réseau international d'experts d'Eurasia Group.

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BeFreed rassemble une communauté mondiale d'esprits curieux

4.7

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BeFreed Community

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

@Moemenn

"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

@Pitiful

4.5K

"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

@SofiaP

"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

Decouvrez comment BeFreed est discute sur le web

Commencez votre parcours d'apprentissage, maintenant

Chapitre 5

Résumé de Chaque nation pour soi

Vue d’ensemble du Résumé de Chaque nation pour soi

Explorez le Résumé de Chaque nation pour soi selon différents styles d’apprentissage

A World Without Leaders: The Rise of the G-Zero Era

The Power Vacuum: Understanding the G-Zero World

Voyez chaque mot au fil de l'écoute

The Reluctant Powers: Why No One Will Step Up

The Institutional Failure: When Global Governance Breaks Down

Profitez davantage du Résumé de Chaque nation pour soi

Conflict Zones: The New Battlegrounds

Resource Wars: The Fight for Survival

Voyez chaque mot au fil de l'écoute

The Adaptable Winners: Who Thrives in the G-Zero

The Vulnerable Losers: Who Suffers Most

Profitez davantage du Résumé de Chaque nation pour soi

The Uncertain Future: What Comes Next?

America's Choice: Adapting to the New Reality

Vous êtes arrivé au bout du Résumé de Chaque nation pour soi

Thèmes clés du Résumé de Chaque nation pour soi

Meilleures citations du Résumé de Chaque nation pour soi

Personnages du Résumé de Chaque nation pour soi

À propos de l'auteur

Telecharger le resume de Chaque nation pour soi

Les utilisateurs ont aussi aimé

Questions fréquentes sur le Résumé de Chaque nation pour soi

What is Every Nation for Itself: Winners and Losers in a G-Zero World about?

Who should read Every Nation for Itself?

What is the "G-Zero" concept in Bremmer’s book?

How does Bremmer define "winners" and "losers" in a G-Zero world?

Découvrir plus

BeFreed rassemble une communauté mondiale d'esprits curieux

BeFreed rassemble une communauté mondiale d'esprits curieux

Explorez le Résumé de Chaque nation pour soi selon différents styles d’apprentissage

A World Without Leaders: The Rise of the G-Zero Era

The Power Vacuum: Understanding the G-Zero World

Voyez chaque mot au fil de l'écoute

The Reluctant Powers: Why No One Will Step Up

The Institutional Failure: When Global Governance Breaks Down

Profitez davantage du Résumé de Chaque nation pour soi

Conflict Zones: The New Battlegrounds

Resource Wars: The Fight for Survival

Voyez chaque mot au fil de l'écoute

The Adaptable Winners: Who Thrives in the G-Zero

The Vulnerable Losers: Who Suffers Most

Profitez davantage du Résumé de Chaque nation pour soi

The Uncertain Future: What Comes Next?

America's Choice: Adapting to the New Reality

Vous êtes arrivé au bout du Résumé de Chaque nation pour soi

Les utilisateurs ont aussi aimé

Découvrir plus