What is *Donald Trump v. The United States* about?

*Donald Trump v. The United States* by Michael S. Schmidt 揭露了特朗普任期内白宫内部人士、执法机构和国会为遏制总统滥用权力而进行的斗争。该书利用 FBI 和白宫秘密文件，详细记录了穆勒调查、科米备忘录、迈克尔·弗林事件等关键时刻，揭示了美国民主制度在特朗普冲击下的脆弱性。作者通过一线报道展现权力与制度的史诗级对抗。

Who should read *Donald Trump v. The United States*?

本书适合关心美国现代政治、总统权力制衡和民主制度研究的读者。记者、政治学者和宪法研究者可通过书中详实的内部资料，了解特朗普时代权力运作的幕后真相。普通读者也能从中认知制度性约束在强人政治中的局限性。

Is *Donald Trump v. The United States* worth reading?

作为普利策奖得主的深度调查，本书提供其他媒体未披露的白宫内部对话细节。通过前白宫法律顾问麦克加恩等关键线人的揭秘，系统展现建制派遏制总统越权的失败过程。对理解当前美国政治裂痕具有重要参照价值，被《柯克斯书评》称为"总统犯罪的重要记录"。

What key sources does the book use?

作者调取了: - 联邦调查局机密档案 - 白宫内部通信记录 - 前司法部长塞申斯等 20+ 位政府要员的独家访谈 - 穆勒团队调查材料这些材料首次系统揭露特朗普试图干预司法的完整证据链。

How does the book analyze Trump's relationship with Russia?

通过弗林"通俄门"事件切入，披露特朗普多次要求科米停止调查的录音备忘录。书中详述特朗普团队与俄方至少 12 次未公开接触，并分析其商业帝国与俄寡头资本的利益关联。作者认为这些行为构成"系统性总统权力滥用"。

What are the book's main critiques of the Republican Party?

指出共和党建制派在 80% 关键节点选择默许总统行为，包括: - 阻挠穆勒调查范围扩展 - 无视总统干预司法证据 - 纵容白宫文件封锁作者认为这种集体不作为加速了民主规范瓦解。

How does this book compare to other Trump presidency accounts?

与《火与怒》侧重八卦不同，本书聚焦法律角力的制度性记录; 较《穆勒报告》增加 50% 未公开证词。《纽约时报》书评称其"重新定义了政治调查报道的深度标准"，《柯克斯》认为这是迄今最完整的总统 obstruction of justice 实证研究。

What key events does the book document?

- 2017 年 2 月特朗普要求科米效忠 - 2018 年白宫法律顾问配合穆勒取证 - 2019 年司法部长巴尔扭曲穆勒报告 - 2020 年总统施压乌克兰调查拜登每个事件均附原始文件佐证。

Donald Trump gegen die Vereinigten Staaten

Im Kampf gegen einen Präsidenten

Michael S. Schmidt

4.22(1404 Reviews)

Überblick über Donald Trump gegen die Vereinigten Staaten

Im Inneren von Schmidts explosivem Enthüllungsbericht über das Weiße Haus, in dem geheime FBI-Dokumente Trumps nukleare Drohungen gegen Nordkorea offenlegen. Der ehemalige Stabschef John Kelly war „entsetzt“ über das, was er miterlebte. Welche anderen präsidialen Handlungen versuchten Beamte verzweifelt einzudämmen?

Wähle die Erzählweise

Ein Buch. Viele Arten, es zu hören.

Dieselben Ideen aus Donald Trump gegen die Vereinigten Staaten. Wähle Stimme, Tiefe und Tempo, die zu dir passen. Wechsle jederzeit.

Kapitel 1

The Man Who Would Be King: Inside Trump's War with the Rule of Law

Donald Trump entered the Oval Office on January 20, 2017, with a fundamental misunderstanding of presidential power. Having spent decades as a New York real estate developer where consequences meant little more than bad press and civil lawsuits, Trump approached the presidency with the same brash tactics that had served him in business. What he failed to grasp was that Washington operated by different rules-where conflicts of interest, separation of powers, and even the appearance of impropriety carried serious weight. Michael Schmidt's meticulous account reveals how Trump's collision with these institutional guardrails triggered unprecedented chaos at the highest levels of American government, placing two unlikely figures-FBI Director James Comey and White House Counsel Don McGahn-at the center of a constitutional storm that would define the Trump presidency.

Kapitel 2

The Institutionalist: Comey's Fateful Decision

By 2016, FBI Director James Comey had settled into a comfortable routine with his wife Patrice in their McLean, Virginia home. Their stark differences regarding politics were emblematic of Comey's approach to his work-while Patrice viewed politics as a vehicle for social progress, Comey saw it as a dangerous contaminant that corrupted everything it touched. This fundamental belief would drive his most controversial decision. As the Clinton email investigation neared its conclusion in June 2016, Comey worried about the toxic partisan environment dividing America into separate realities. He had observed Republicans embracing conspiracy theories while Democrats disregarded inconvenient facts-like when Attorney General Lynch insisted he refer to the Clinton "investigation" as a "matter," aligning with campaign messaging. In this climate, Comey developed what he believed was the only solution: personally announcing the investigation's conclusion without Justice Department involvement. On July 5, Comey called Attorney General Lynch to inform her he would hold a press conference but refused to reveal its subject. At home, Patrice anxiously watched television as her husband methodically detailed Clinton's recklessness with classified information, building what seemed like a case for criminal charges before finally delivering his conclusion: "No reasonable prosecutor would bring such a case." Later, Comey would explain his unusual approach: "If I had led with the exoneration, nobody would have listened to anything else." The Clinton campaign strategically embraced Comey's conclusions rather than fighting with him. Despite viewing his actions as inappropriate, they decided not to pick a fight with the FBI mid-campaign. Democratic leaders like Nancy Pelosi even praised Comey as "a great man." Only former Justice Department spokesman Matt Miller publicly criticized him, writing that he had committed an "abuse of power" by publicly criticizing someone who wasn't being charged. What no one realized was how this decision would set in motion a chain of events that would ultimately lead to Trump's presidency and create the conditions for an unprecedented constitutional crisis.

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Kapitel 3

America's Greatest Intelligence Failure Since 9/11

While most Americans were focused on the presidential campaign, a catastrophic intelligence failure was unfolding. From an unremarkable building in St. Petersburg, Russia's Internet Research Agency launched a comprehensive disinformation campaign exploiting American social divisions. Simultaneously, Russian intelligence services conducted extensive hacking operations targeting political organizations. Despite obtaining presidential emails through these hacks, American intelligence agencies misinterpreted Russia's intentions, viewing them merely as intelligence gathering rather than recognizing plans to weaponize the stolen information. By summer 2016, intelligence officials had little awareness of Russia's disinformation campaign or plans to deploy stolen emails. The significance of these operations was so underestimated that Senate Majority Leader McConnell fell asleep during a classified Russia briefing. This collective blindness to Russia would prove to be America's greatest intelligence failure since 9/11. Unlike after those attacks, no bipartisan commission would be formed to investigate this catastrophic intelligence failure that would dramatically alter American history. What made this failure even more troubling was Trump's long history of Russian connections. His affinity for Russia stretched back decades, beginning with his first Soviet Union visit in 1987 with his Russian-speaking first wife Ivana. By 2007, Trump was publicly praising Putin as "doing a great job" and began selling Trump Vodka in Russia. His business ties deepened with a suspicious 2008 real estate deal, selling a Florida mansion to Russian oligarch Dmitry Rybolovlev for $95 million after purchasing it for $41.35 million just three years earlier. Trump's campaign assembled a remarkable collection of Russia-linked figures: Michael Cohen pursued Trump Tower Moscow during the campaign; Carter Page had previously provided documents to Russian intelligence officers; George Papadopoulos established channels with Russian officials; and Paul Manafort had deep ties to Russian oligarch Oleg Deripaska, to whom he reportedly owed $19 million. The FBI faced a dilemma about how to investigate these connections during a presidential campaign. Recent counterintelligence failures, including a debacle involving a double-dealing informant who claimed to have NSA documents, made them wary of the political minefield they were entering. This caution would have profound consequences for the investigation's trajectory and the nation's future.

Kapitel 4

The October Surprise: How Weiner's Laptop Changed History

In August 2016, a seemingly unrelated scandal erupted that would have profound implications for the election. After seeing a cryptic reference in a Washington Babylon article, Daily Mail reporter Alana Goodman paid several thousand dollars for information about former Congressman Anthony Weiner sexting with a fifteen-year-old girl. When the story broke on September 20, federal investigators quickly seized Weiner's devices. On his laptop, FBI agents discovered over 300,000 emails, including correspondence from Clinton's private email domains. This discovery was potentially significant because the FBI had never found emails from Clinton's first two months as Secretary of State-a period investigators believed might contain crucial evidence about her knowledge of circumventing normal email channels. Despite the importance of this find, the matter somehow "fell off the radar" for senior FBI officials for three weeks until mid-October, when a Justice Department official named George Toscas casually inquired about it after an unrelated meeting. On October 27, Comey returned home to McLean with devastating news. The Weiner investigation had uncovered "thousands of emails" from Hillary Clinton, potentially including messages the FBI had never previously examined. With the election just twelve days away, the Clinton email investigation Comey had publicly closed in July was about to "roar back to life." In their kitchen, Comey told his wife Patrice it was "a shitshow." Patrice was aghast, immediately recognizing the political implications. "You can't do this this close to the election," she pleaded. Comey explained his dilemma: he had promised Congress transparency about any new developments. If the FBI quietly obtained a warrant without informing Congress, it would inevitably leak, making it appear the bureau was hiding the renewed investigation after pledging transparency. The next morning, Comey sent a letter to Congress notifying them of the situation; it immediately leaked, creating exactly the firestorm Patrice had feared. On Election Day, Comey abstained from voting, having decided long before not to take sides as FBI Director. Patrice, however, voted for Clinton with tears in her eyes. When Trump won, Comey's first thought was, "Did we contribute to this? Is this something I did?" He didn't consider that his own job might be in jeopardy, nor that Trump might target him with "vengeance and retribution and character assassination."

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Kapitel 5

The First Crisis: Flynn's Russian Deception

What truly troubled Comey as Trump's presidency began was classified intelligence about Michael Flynn, Trump's incoming national security adviser. After Obama imposed sanctions on Russia for election meddling, intelligence analysts discovered through wiretaps that Flynn had spoken with Russian Ambassador Kislyak five times on the day sanctions were announced, urging Russia not to overreact and suggesting the Trump administration might offer leniency. When the Washington Post's David Ignatius reported on these contacts, Comey was alarmed at what appeared to be a leak of highly classified FISA intelligence. More troubling was that when questioned publicly, Vice President Pence and Chief of Staff Priebus insisted Flynn hadn't discussed sanctions-meaning either they were all conspiring in a cover-up or Flynn had lied to the incoming administration. In the FBI Director's conference room, Comey told his counterintelligence agents to "take a cold shot" at Flynn. For weeks, investigators had examined Flynn's phone records, contacts, and intelligence, finding little insight into why the incoming vice president and chief of staff were falsely claiming Flynn never discussed sanctions with the Russian ambassador. Now they wanted to interview Flynn, and Comey chose to bypass normal protocols, sending agents directly to the White House without alerting the Justice Department or White House counsel. Flynn, seemingly at ease, met with agents in his West Wing office, repeatedly lying about his discussions with the ambassador. Strangely, he showed no signs of deception despite claiming three times that "What a beautiful black sky" while looking into daylight. Comey was troubled-the national security adviser had broken the law and lied about Russia, deepening suspicions about Trump's associates. Despite Acting Attorney General Sally Yates warning McGahn about Flynn's potential vulnerability to Russian blackmail on January 26, Flynn remained in his position for eighteen more days. During this period, Trump allowed Flynn to participate in a call with Putin despite knowing about his misconduct. The situation only came to a head when The Washington Post reported that Flynn had indeed discussed sanctions with the Russian ambassador.

Kapitel 6

"Let This Go": Trump's First Obstruction Attempt

The day after Flynn's resignation, Trump asked Comey to stay behind alone after a terrorism briefing. "I hope you can see your way clear to letting this go, to letting Flynn go," Trump told him. "He is a good guy." Comey, stunned, only replied that Flynn was indeed a good guy. That evening, Comey documented the disturbing encounter in a memo. This pattern of inappropriate requests continued. On March 30, Trump called Comey directly, complaining that the Russia investigation was hampering his presidency. He insisted he had nothing to hide, ranted about the Steele dossier ("Can you imagine me, hookers? I have a beautiful wife"), and demanded Comey publicly announce he wasn't under investigation. When Comey testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee on May 3, he admitted feeling "mildly nauseous" that his actions might have affected the election. Trump obsessed over this testimony, watching it repeatedly at his Bedminster golf club. "He told me three times that I wasn't under investigation," Trump complained to Bannon, who warned him that firing the FBI director wouldn't end the Russia inquiry. Nevertheless, on May 9, Trump abruptly decided to fire Comey. He had Miller draft a termination letter filled with problematic claims about the Russia investigation. When McGahn learned of this, he was alarmed by the impulsive approach and inflammatory letter, which read like "a rant from a stump speech." Despite believing Comey should go, McGahn recognized firing him during an investigation would appear obstructive. Comey learned of his firing in the most humiliating way possible-from television screens while addressing FBI staff in Los Angeles. After the shock announcement, he was followed by news helicopters in a scene reminiscent of the O.J. Simpson chase as he made his way to the airport. Most crucially, Comey still had his memos documenting his troubling interactions with Trump, which he now viewed as evidence of the president's attempts to interfere with the Russia investigation.

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Kapitel 7

The Road to Mueller: A Constitutional Crisis Unfolds

After discovering Comey had written contemporaneous memos about his disturbing interactions with Trump, New York Times reporter Michael Schmidt pursued the lead. When Comey's friend Dan Richman finally called back, he read Schmidt a bombshell memo documenting Trump's February 14 Oval Office meeting where the president asked Comey to "let Flynn go." This explosive revelation suggested potential obstruction of justice. The next day, FBI Acting Director Andrew McCabe informed Deputy Attorney General Rosenstein that the bureau had opened investigations into whether Trump was a Russian agent and had obstructed justice. McCabe urged Rosenstein to appoint a special counsel to protect the investigation's independence, revealing that Comey had documented his interactions with Trump in memos kept in an FBI safe. Rosenstein, who had already approached Robert Mueller about the special counsel role, appeared receptive but unconvinced, confiding to McCabe that he felt he could trust no one at the White House after they had misrepresented his role in Comey's firing. In an astonishing moment, Rosenstein proposed wearing a wire to record Trump, saying "I could record the President... They wouldn't even know it was there." He even discussed invoking the Twenty-fifth Amendment, claiming he'd "done the math" and would need six cabinet members beyond Sessions and Kelly to remove Trump. When McCabe announced he would brief the congressional Gang of Eight about the FBI's investigations into Trump and Sessions, Rosenstein panicked. Ultimately, facing congressional pressure and having lost control of the FBI, Rosenstein returned to Mueller-who had ironically met with Trump that very day about the FBI director position-and convinced him to leave his law firm and take the special counsel role.

Kapitel 8

"He's Saying Some Crazy Shit": McGahn's Impossible Position

Just six days after Mueller's appointment, Trump called McGahn from Air Force One during his Middle East trip with an alarming demand: fire the special counsel. Trump had formulated a three-pronged argument for Mueller's removal, including a frivolous claim about membership fees at Trump National Golf Club. McGahn firmly refused, warning Trump that firing Mueller so soon after Comey would make them look guilty. McGahn, who had tolerated Trump's chaotic presidency because it gave him unprecedented power to reshape the judiciary, now worried about his own legal exposure. Trump's behavior made McGahn wonder if the president was hiding something and why he couldn't simply "play president." The situation intensified in June when Trump called McGahn at home on his birthday weekend, demanding he have Mueller removed for alleged conflicts of interest. "You gotta do this. You gotta call Rod," Trump insisted during multiple calls, becoming increasingly manic. McGahn had no intention of calling Rosenstein, fearing it would trigger resignations similar to Nixon's Saturday Night Massacre and create a constitutional crisis. Instead, McGahn decided to resign. He had kept his resignation letter ready since the administration's early days, and after consulting with his lawyer Bill Burck, who warned him that firing Mueller would make McGahn a co-conspirator in obstruction of justice, McGahn went to the White House to pack up his office. However, logistical challenges prevented him from formally resigning that weekend-Trump was at Camp David and few senior officials were in the West Wing. After conversations with Bannon and Priebus, who urged him to stay and focus on judicial appointments, McGahn reluctantly returned to work on Monday without submitting his resignation. By late 2017, McGahn's cooperation with Mueller's team had evolved into something extraordinary. After his initial interviews, prosecutors asked him to alert them if Trump did anything that could constitute obstruction. This unprecedented request essentially invited McGahn to become an informant on the president he served-a tactic typically used for organized crime or terrorism investigations, not for monitoring the White House.

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Kapitel 9

The Witness and the President: A White House Divided

Mueller's team had unprecedented access to White House officials but struggled to find the perfect witness-someone with proximity to events, solid memory, and complete truthfulness. The breakthrough came with McGahn's testimony. Unlike other witnesses, he had clear recollection, seemed truthful, knew Trump's thinking, and had created a paper trail. During his third day of interviews, as prosecutors finished their questions, McGahn's lawyer Bill Burck intervened to ensure McGahn disclosed Trump's attempt to fire Mueller in June-a reluctant but truthful revelation that could damage the president. This disclosure of a previously unknown obstruction incident intrigued investigators, who immediately scheduled another interview for after the new year. Six weeks after McGahn first told Mueller about Trump's attempt to fire him, the story broke in the Times: "Trump Ordered Mueller Fired, but Backed Off When White House Counsel Threatened to Quit." Trump raged from Air Force One returning from Davos, demanding McGahn issue a statement refuting the story. Burck and McGahn quickly agreed they couldn't comply with Trump's demand. Issuing a statement contradicting what McGahn had told Mueller would be a lie that would destroy his credibility with investigators and potentially expose him to legal jeopardy. More importantly, it would undermine the obstruction case against the president. Trump's confrontation with McGahn continued, with Trump fixating on who leaked the Mueller firing story. "What are these notes?" Trump demanded, referring to Annie Donaldson's notes given to Mueller. "Lawyers don't take notes. I never had a lawyer who took notes." McGahn explained he kept notes like all real lawyers to maintain accurate records, which actually helped Trump more than hurt him. Trump retorted, "I've had a lot of great lawyers, like Roy Cohn. He did not take notes." Despite the heated exchange, McGahn kept his job and his testimony remained intact. Burck called Mueller's team to update them, inadvertently providing them with real-time evidence of potential witness tampering-a significant development that could add a powerful new layer to Mueller's case.

Kapitel 10

The Report and the Cover-up: How Justice Was Undermined

On March 22, 2019, Mueller delivered his 448-page report to the Justice Department. Barr and Rosenstein spent hours reviewing it, confirming there was no provable criminal conspiracy with Russia and that Mueller had declined to make an obstruction determination. That Sunday, Barr seized the opportunity to frame the narrative, sending Congress a letter that selectively quoted Mueller's findings in a way highly favorable to Trump. Where Mueller had written that Russia worked to secure Trump's victory and the campaign expected to benefit from stolen information, Barr simply stated there was no established conspiracy. On obstruction, Barr declared insufficient evidence to charge Trump-directly contradicting Mueller's team, who had written summaries intended for immediate public release. Mueller sent two increasingly forceful letters to Barr protesting this mischaracterization, but Barr dismissed these concerns during a tense phone call, refusing to release Mueller's summaries. "It was my baby," Barr later told Congress, effectively sidelining Mueller. As the Mueller report was finally released, Attorney General Barr held a press conference where he repeatedly emphasized "no collusion," echoing Trump's preferred language. The actual report revealed numerous damning incidents of potential obstruction, including Trump instructing Corey Lewandowski to pressure Sessions to unrecuse himself or be fired. The report documented at least four clear instances of Trump breaking the law to contain the investigation, including the attempt to fire Mueller and forcing McGahn to recant his testimony. Yet the sheer volume of obstructive acts created a kind of protective chaos, preventing any single incident from gaining traction. Most significantly, Mueller never conducted a counterintelligence investigation into Trump's Russian ties-Rosenstein had quietly limited Mueller to criminal matters only, without informing McCabe. Mueller's congressional testimony proved disastrous. Despite Democrats hoping he would articulate damaging evidence against Trump, Mueller struggled throughout the hearing. He asked lawmakers to repeat questions more than a dozen times, had difficulty recalling basic facts, and even contradicted his own report when answering Representative Ted Lieu about why he didn't indict Trump. Mueller's condition was so concerning that even the normally combative Jim Jordan remarked to a staff member, "I feel bad for the guy." Mueller's performance effectively ended any momentum his investigation might have generated against Trump.

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Kapitel 11

The Aftermath: Trump Unleashed

Emboldened by Mueller's weak testimony, Trump immediately combined the worst accusations from both volumes of the Mueller report into a single act. Just eighteen hours after Mueller finished testifying, Trump called Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and asked him to interfere in the 2020 election by investigating Joe Biden's son and whether Ukraine had helped Democrats in 2016. Trump tied these requests to both a White House meeting Zelensky desperately wanted and $391 million in military aid that Trump had mysteriously withheld from Ukraine. The whistleblower's complaint accomplished what Mueller couldn't-it stopped Trump in his tracks and set him on the path to impeachment. As the scandal unfolded, even Nancy Pelosi, who had firmly resisted impeachment after the Mueller report, concluded the House had no choice but to act in defense of the Constitution, regardless of the Senate's likely refusal to convict. Despite these revelations and even pursuing unconventional leads like a private investigator who claimed to be monitoring Bolton's trash, Republicans remained unmoved, acquitting Trump with only Romney breaking ranks on one article. The impeachment's failure marked the defeat of all institutional attempts to check Trump. With acquittal secured, Barr began systematically dismantling the investigations that had threatened Trump, from questioning the Russia probe's origins to intervening in Roger Stone's sentencing and ultimately dropping Michael Flynn's prosecution-finally fulfilling what Trump had asked Comey to do years earlier. Throughout this tumultuous period, former Marine General John Kelly watched in horror as Trump repeatedly demonstrated contempt for American institutions and values. After McCain's death, Trump refused to lower the White House flag or issue a respectful statement, privately raging that McCain was "last in his class and got shot down." Trump's contempt for wounded soldiers was clear when he asked, "Why the fuck do you think they're heroes? They're losers." Before resigning, Kelly warned Trump: "Don't pick a bootlicker, don't pick a yes-man... You will be impeached." Trump dismissed the warning, and his replacement Mulvaney announced, "We're going to let the president be the president." A year later, Trump was indeed impeached, but the institutional guardrails that might have contained him had already been fatally weakened.

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Kernthemen in Donald Trump gegen die Vereinigten Staaten

constitutional crisis
executive power limits
intelligence failure
foreign election interference
institutional guardrails

Zitate aus Donald Trump gegen die Vereinigten Staaten

Comey saw politics as a dangerous contaminant that corrupted everything it touched.
No reasonable prosecutor would bring such a case.
You can't do this this close to the election.
It was a shitshow.
If I had led with the exoneration, nobody would have listened to anything else.

Personen in Donald Trump gegen die Vereinigten Staaten

Donald Trump45th U.S. President who challenged legal norms
James ComeyFBI Director who led the Clinton investigation
Don McGahnWhite House Counsel during the Trump presidency
Loretta LynchAttorney General during the 2016 election

Über den Autor

Michael S. Schmidt, zweifacher Pulitzer-Preisträger und Washington-Korrespondent der New York Times, liefert in seinem Bestseller-Sachbuch Donald Trump v. The United States: Inside the Struggle to Stop a President einen packenden Bericht über präsidentielle Macht.

Als erfahrener Reporter mit den Schwerpunkten nationale Sicherheit und Bundesermittlungen greift Schmidt auf über 15 Jahre Erfahrung in der Berichterstattung über die Trump-Administration, Pentagon-Operationen und hochkarätige Rechtsstreitigkeiten zurück. Seine bahnbrechende Berichterstattung über die Trump-Russland-Untersuchung und die Unruhen in der FBI-Führung – die ihm 2018 zwei Pulitzer-Preise einbrachte – fließt direkt in die Untersuchung konstitutioneller Krisen in diesem Buch ein.

Der Wall Street Journal-Bestseller erreichte Platz 3 der New York Times-Liste und dient als Quellmaterial für die kommende Netflix-Miniserie Zero Day (2025), die Schmidt mitentwickelt und als ausführender Produzent begleitet hat. Als regelmäßiger MSNBC-Analyst und gefragter Redner über demokratische Institutionen verbindet er investigative Strenge mit exklusivem Zugang zu Washingtons Machtstrukturen. Donald Trump v. The United States wurde als Pflichtlektüre für das Verständnis moderner politischer Rechenschaftspflicht gefeiert.

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A Warning

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The Threat

Andrew G. McCabe

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"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

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"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

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"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

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"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

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@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

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483

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@Cashflowbubu

"Instead of endless scrolling, I just hit play on BeFreed. It saves me so much time."

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"I never knew where to start with nonfiction—BeFreed’s book lists turned into podcasts gave me a clear path."

@Chloe, Solo founder, LA

117

"Perfect balance between learning and entertainment. Finished ‘Thinking, Fast and Slow’ on my commute this week."

@Raaaaaachelw

"Crazy how much I learned while walking the dog. BeFreed = small habits → big gains."

@Matt, YC alum

108

"Reading used to feel like a chore. Now it’s just part of my lifestyle."

@Erin, Investment Banking Associate , NYC

254

"Feels effortless compared to reading. I’ve finished 6 books this month already."

@djmikemoore

"BeFreed turned my guilty doomscrolling into something that feels productive and inspiring."

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"BeFreed turned my commute into learning time. 20-min podcasts are perfect for finishing books I never had time for."

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"BeFreed replaced my podcast queue. Imagine Spotify for books — that’s it. 🙌"

@Jaded_Falcon

201

"It is great for me to learn something from the book without reading it."

@OojasSalunke

"The themed book list podcasts help me connect ideas across authors—like a guided audio journey."

@Leo, Law Student, UPenn

483

"Makes me feel smarter every time before going to work"

@Cashflowbubu

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Kapitel 10

Donald Trump gegen die Vereinigten Staaten

ÜberblickÜberblick über Donald Trump gegen die Vereinigten Staaten

Ein Buch. Viele Arten, es zu hören.

The Man Who Would Be King: Inside Trump's War with the Rule of Law

The Institutionalist: Comey's Fateful Decision

Sieh jedes Wort, während du es hörst

America's Greatest Intelligence Failure Since 9/11

The October Surprise: How Weiner's Laptop Changed History

Hol mehr aus Donald Trump gegen die Vereinigten Staaten heraus

The First Crisis: Flynn's Russian Deception

"Let This Go": Trump's First Obstruction Attempt

Sieh jedes Wort, während du es hörst

The Road to Mueller: A Constitutional Crisis Unfolds

"He's Saying Some Crazy Shit": McGahn's Impossible Position

Hol mehr aus Donald Trump gegen die Vereinigten Staaten heraus

The Witness and the President: A White House Divided

The Report and the Cover-up: How Justice Was Undermined

Sieh jedes Wort, während du es hörst

The Aftermath: Trump Unleashed

Du bist am Ende von Donald Trump gegen die Vereinigten Staaten angekommen

Kernthemen in Donald Trump gegen die Vereinigten Staaten

Zitate aus Donald Trump gegen die Vereinigten Staaten

Personen in Donald Trump gegen die Vereinigten Staaten

Über den Autor

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FAQ zu diesem Buch

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Mehr entdecken

1,000,000+ curious minds.

1,000,000+ curious minds.

Ein Buch. Viele Arten, es zu hören.

The Man Who Would Be King: Inside Trump's War with the Rule of Law

The Institutionalist: Comey's Fateful Decision

Sieh jedes Wort, während du es hörst

America's Greatest Intelligence Failure Since 9/11

The October Surprise: How Weiner's Laptop Changed History

Hol mehr aus Donald Trump gegen die Vereinigten Staaten heraus

The First Crisis: Flynn's Russian Deception

"Let This Go": Trump's First Obstruction Attempt

Sieh jedes Wort, während du es hörst

The Road to Mueller: A Constitutional Crisis Unfolds

"He's Saying Some Crazy Shit": McGahn's Impossible Position

Hol mehr aus Donald Trump gegen die Vereinigten Staaten heraus

The Witness and the President: A White House Divided

The Report and the Cover-up: How Justice Was Undermined

Sieh jedes Wort, während du es hörst

The Aftermath: Trump Unleashed

Du bist am Ende von Donald Trump gegen die Vereinigten Staaten angekommen

Nutzern gefiel auch

Mehr entdecken

Überblick über Donald Trump gegen die Vereinigten Staaten